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Why we can’t fall for arguments against speed cameras – Virginia Mercury

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Why we can’t fall for arguments against speed cameras – Virginia Mercury


Decades-long experience with speed cameras shows they can reduce deaths and serious injuries by 20-25% and more. Arguments lodged against speed cameras are easily refuted or at least insubstantial when weighed against their life-saving benefits. 

People are dying on our highways in dramatically increasing numbers. Speeding is one of the most significant causes of these deaths. Across the U.S., pedestrian deaths are up 77% over the last decade. Urban areas are hit the hardest: Although they contain just 15% of the nation’s roads, they account for 67% of pedestrian deaths. According to local records, Hampton Roads pedestrian deaths are up 38% over the last decade. In 2022, pedestrian deaths were up 50% over 2021 in Northern Virginia. They increased nearly 77% in Richmond, 2010 to 2021.

Speed kills. The likelihood of death grows rapidly with vehicle speed. A vehicle going 42 mph has a nearly fivefold higher probability of killing a pedestrian it hits than if it were going 25 mph. It’s quite common for vehicles to be traveling 42 mph in 25 mph urban/residential areas. I have captured and documented this in the past, having tracked and documented over four million vehicle traversals on residential streets in Charlottesville with an open source validated speed tracking system I developed. I have presented my findings in testimony to Virginia’s legislature three different times.

More Virginia communities add speed cameras at school crossing zones — and that’s a good thing

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I have analyzed how traffic calming approaches – narrow lanes, bump outs, chicanes and all the rest,with the possible exception of speed bumps – don’t work. Comprehensive enforcement by police officers could work but is unrealistic. Virginia localities face persistent staffing shortages on police forces, and tight budgets. Police traffic stops have declined considerably across the U.S. and become more dangerous, putting both officers and drivers at risk.

Speed cameras can address these issues, and more. They allow police forces to spend more time on other issues and they reduce risk associated with traffic stops for all. They are race/gender/wealth agnostic. They are much less costly than the traffic calming efforts which don’t work anyway. They can make pedestrians and bicyclists feel much safer. Parents might actually let their kids walk to school again.

A handful of arguments come out whenever speed cameras are proposed. Let’s explore these.

“Speed cameras aren’t reliable.” Yes, they are, exceedingly so. The Washington Post has reported that speed camera tickets are the most reliable kind issued in D.C. Over 98% of speed camera tickets hold up in court. Of the small percentage of people who challenge their speed camera tickets, more than 80% lose their appeal, according to the Post. Speed cameras are routinely tested and calibrated to ensure accuracy.

“Speed cameras violate privacy.” Actually, they violate privacy less than an officer on a motorcycle with a radar gun who ultimately stops you if you’re speeding. If you are not speeding as you drive by a speed camera, no data about you is collected. If you are speeding, only your speed, license plate number and an image of your vehicle are collected. Enabling legislation can mandate a short retention period of that data. By contrast, think about driving by all those Ring doorbell cameras in your neighborhood, or about all the data manufacturers are collecting every time you drive a new car. (One car company makes you grant permission for them to collect and use for marketing purposes information including your religious affiliation, sex and gender.) And, there is no law that says anyone has a reasonable expectation of privacy related to the operation of their vehicle on public roads.

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“Communities deploy speed cameras to make money.” Perhaps some do, but most are just trying to keep speeders from killing their citizens. And the legislature can place strings on how the money is spent if they so choose. Finally, if you’re not speeding, you’re not contributing to the community’s coffers, so just what is the complaint really?

“Due process suffers.” No, it doesn’t. Virginia’s current speed camera laws for work and school zones require that a human review every camera-based speeding violation for accuracy before a ticket is issued. And recipients of a ticket can appeal. Contrast this with the innocent owner burden in Virginia’s asset forfeiture laws!

“Speed cameras are unfair to the poor.” All fines weigh more heavily on the poor. Whether the fine is for a ticket issued by a speed camera or by an officer is immaterial. If the concern is that fines are regressive, allowances can be built into the fining structure. If the argument is that the poor will get more tickets per capita, that seems like an offensive assumption.

“I got a ticket and wasn’t driving.” Current Virginia speed camera law allows you to file an affidavit saying who was.

Speed cameras only cost you if you speed, rich or poor. In the balance, decades of experience across the globe shows the technology has a profound beneficial effect on vehicle-related deaths and serious injuries. These benefits far outweigh any of the arguments lodged against them, and justify support for proposed legislation – like House Bill 20 – that would expand speed camera usage in Virginia. 

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Virginia’s voided special election cost $11.6 million

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Virginia’s voided special election cost .6 million


We now know how much it cost Virginia to hold an election that didn’t count: $11.6 million.

Of that, the state will pick up $4.99 million, leaving localities to pay the balance of $6.6 million for the April 21 special election on redistricting that the Virginia Supreme Court later ruled was placed on the ballot unconstitutionally.

The numbers come from the Department of Elections, after Cardinal News filed a Virginia Freedom of Information Act request to find out the cost of the election.

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I contacted localities small, medium and large and none said they’d have a particular problem paying their share. All said they’d already budgeted for primary elections that they expected in June. With the push to redraw Virginia’s congressional lines, those June primaries were bumped to August, putting them in a new fiscal year, so the money set aside for the June primaries was used to cover the special election on a proposed constitutional amendment to allow redistricting.

Election costs

Total cost of April 21 special election: $11,636,147

What state will pay for: $4,999,738

What localities must cover: $6,636,147

Source: Virginia Department of Elections

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The issue some localities face now is that the Aug. 4 primary becomes an unexpected expense, although all said they’d figure out a way to pay for it. “We always budget for extra elections, so I think we will have money to cover this,” said Buckingham County administrator Karl Carter by email. It cost $44,373 to run the special election in his county. Of that, the state will pay $9,019, leaving the county to cover $35,353. (Each locality submits its expenses and the state calculates a reimbursement rate based on that.)

Other local government officials had similar things to say. The cost of running elections — paying for poll workers is one of the main expenses — depends largely on how big a locality is. Elections cost more in bigger localities, but they also have bigger budgets.

In Virginia Beach, the election cost $750,533. The state will pay $265,509, leaving the city to cover $465,023. City spokesperson Ali Weatherton-Shook said the city would save enough money through unfilled vacancies to cover unexpected election expenses.

In Chesterfield County, the election cost $619,970. The state will pay $223,356, leaving the county to cover $396,613. “Chesterfield tries to plan ahead for these growing demands,” said county spokesperson Stephen Bays. “In the county’s FY2027 budget, we added $630,000 to the Registrar’s budget to help fill the gap to cover the increasing costs of elections.”  

The most expensive locality was, not surprisingly, the state’s biggest: Fairfax County. It cost $1,545,781 to hold the election there. The state will pay $655,424, leaving the county to cover $910,356. “We allocated additional funds out of carryover to address not only the special election on the amendment but a number of special elections due to both elected officials winning other seats and elected officials that went into the administration,” said county supervisor Pat Herrity, a Republican.

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The closest I came to finding a locality that felt pinched by the election cost was Dickenson County. “Unfortunately, moving the primary to August added a third election to our FY-27 budget, which was already very tight,” said Dickenson County administrator Larry Barton by email. (The other two are the fall general election and presumed primaries next June for the 2027 local and legislative elections.) It cost $39,748 to run the special election in Dickenson. Of that, the state will cover $7,802, leaving Dickenson to pay $31,946.

While officials in other localities, though, said they’d have no problem paying the expense, they also pointed out the obvious: Money is finite. “Any time you spend money it competes with critical services and/or increases the tax burden on our residents,” said Herrity, the Fairfax County supervisor.

And some said they’d welcome additional state funding. “Like many localities, Chesterfield would welcome additional state funding for special elections,” said Bays, the county spokesperson. “When state funding falls short, local dollars must fill the gap, leaving fewer resources for other priorities.”

The new state budget that the General Assembly just approved does include an additional $680,000 to help with the cost of three proposed constitutional amendments that will be on the November ballot, in addition to congressional elections and, in some places, local elections.

Since I’m writing this as an opinion column, I will go ahead and inject my opinion here: The Virginia Supreme Court could have avoided this. The court declined to rule on legal challenges to the special election before the vote, citing a 1912 court ruling involving a similar challenge to an upcoming constitutional amendment. In that case, the court held that it should only rule after the vote, on the grounds that passing a constitutional amendment is akin to passing a law — and just as a court won’t intervene until after the governor signs a bill, it shouldn’t intervene until after voters approve a constitutional amendment.

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I’m not a legal scholar, but that seems sound reasoning except for one thing: When the Supreme Court let the disputed 1912 amendment vote go forward, it was part of an election that was going to happen anyway, the 1912 presidential election — so there was no additional expense incurred. In this case, the only reason the special election was happening — and so there was expense involved. The court’s adherence to that 1912 precedent cost Virginia $11,636,147.

Of course, some might also say that Virginia Democrats cost the taxpayers that amount by skirting the rules involved in placing an amendment on the ballot, although there was legal dispute over those rules. You’ll recall that the constitutional question turned on when an election legally begins. The constitution says that the legislature must pass an amendment twice, with an election in between. Democrats contended that passing the amendment the first time in a special session in late October satisfied that requirement, because it was ahead of the November general election. The court later ruled that, legally speaking, the election really began when early voting started in September, so Democrats had misread the legal calendar. Democrats could say that Republicans are ultimately to blame, because it was President Donald Trump and Texas Republicans who started the push to redraw congressional lines to “find” more Republican districts so Democratic-controlled states such as Virginia had no choice but to respond in kind to balance things out.

Whoever you choose to blame, we can now put a dollar figure to that attempt — 11.6 million of them.

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MEOC Organization hosts annual summer picnic for Southwest Virginia seniors

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MEOC Organization hosts annual summer picnic for Southwest Virginia seniors


About 100 seniors from across Southwest Virginia spent the day enjoying food, games and fellowship at the Mountain Empire Older Citizens Organization’s annual summer picnic.

The event was held at Bullitt Park in Big Stone Gap and brought together seniors from seven congregate senior sites across several Southwest Virginia counties.

Attendees enjoyed a cookout, played yard games, tried their luck at bingo and caught up with friends.

Organizers said events like the annual picnic give seniors a chance to enjoy activities they may not otherwise have the opportunity to experience.

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“It’s exactly what the program is designed for,” MEOC Nutrition Director Kristen Rutherford said. “To add nutrition and education but also promote socialization and prevent loneliness for seniors. A big part of seniors’ lives is that they’re isolated a lot of times. I love it, especially the games that they’re playing. I love that because they’re getting exercise.”

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Organizers said the summer picnic is one of two major events they host each year, along with a Christmas celebration.



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Virginia reports 10 cases of cyclosporiasis

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Virginia reports 10 cases of cyclosporiasis


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Cyclosporiasis has been causing illness throughout the United States. As of July 7, the Virginia Department of Health is reporting 10 cases of Cyclosporiasis but is not currently investigating any local outbreaks, according to a press release from state health officials.

Cyclosporiasis is an infection of the intestine caused by a parasite called Cyclospora. 

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Anyone can get cyclosporiasis.  It is more common in people who travel to tropical areas, but the infection can occur in many different countries. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control has received reports of 145 cases of cyclosporiasis acquired in the United States of people who became sick from May 1 through June 16.

The majority of cases and outbreaks are reported during the spring and summer months, although infections can occur year-round.  Most outbreaks of cyclosporiasis have been linked to imported fresh produce.  

Cyclosporiasis is not spread directly from person-to-person. Infected people pass Cyclospora in their feces, but this form of the parasite cannot make people sick. The parasite needs time in the environment to change into a form that can make people ill.  This form of the parasite then can infect someone by entering the body through the mouth, typically by eating or drinking something that is contaminated with Cyclospora.   

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Cyclospora infects the intestines and usually causes watery diarrhea. Other symptoms can include loss of appetite, weight loss, bloating, increased gas, stomach cramps, nausea, vomiting, muscle aches, low-grade fever, and fatigue.  Symptoms usually appear within one week after exposure and if not treated, the illness can last from a few days to a month, or longer.  

How to prevent cyclosporiasis

  • Wash all fruits and vegetables thoroughly under running water before eating, cutting, or cooking.  
  • Wash hands carefully with soap and water before and after food preparation and after using the bathroom or changing diapers.  
  • Travelers, especially to tropical areas, should avoid eating raw or undercooked foods or drinking untreated water.  

If you have symptoms of cyclosporiasis, contact your healthcare provider.   

People who have diarrhea should rest and drink plenty of fluids. Specific antibiotics are sometimes prescribed.   

Staunton News Leader reporter Monique Calello covers healthcare in the Shenandoah Valley and in Virginia. Connect with her at mcalello@newsleader.com.

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