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Virginia Utilities Seek Unbridled Rate Adjustments for Unproven Small Modular Nuclear Reactors in Two New Bills – Inside Climate News

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Virginia Utilities Seek Unbridled Rate Adjustments for Unproven Small Modular Nuclear Reactors in Two New Bills – Inside Climate News


Dominion Energy and Appalachian Power, Virginia’s two primary utilities, may soon be able to extract hundreds of millions of dollars from customers to cover the costs of building small nuclear facilities, an unproven form of emissions-free energy generation.

Senate Bill 454, introduced by Sen. Dave Marsden, a Democrat representing Springfield, authorizes Dominion and Appalachian Power to apply for rate adjustments for costs along the project timeline regardless of whether the companies bring the projects to fruition. House Bill 1491, introduced in Virginia’s House by Rep. Israel O’Quinn, a Republican representing  Bristol, is effectively the same piece of legislation, except it applies to a narrower set of costs and only to Appalachian Power. 

On Tuesday, both bills passed floor votes in their respective chambers.

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Small Modular Reactors, or SMRs in industry parlance, use energy from a controlled nuclear reaction to power turbines that generate electricity. Despite the prevalence of nuclear fission technology—the U.S.’s first commercial nuclear power plant went online in 1957—no company has successfully built an SMR in the U.S. 

SMRs could play a role in decarbonizing the nation’s grid even as energy demand is “rapidly expanding,” said Dan O’Brien, a senior modeling analyst at Energy Innovation, an energy and environmental policy organization. O’Brien said one-third of Virginia’s energy already comes from larger nuclear reactors, and there would be benefits to replacing those units with SMRs. “The fact that they’re smaller and have lower resource demand makes them more applicable to a wider range of applications on and off the grid,” he said.

But O’Brian emphasized that SMRs are a “future-facing” technology, and building one in Virginia would require “a long turnaround.” For that reason, it’s important that Virginia taxpayers and consumers “aren’t bearing the brunt of a project that eventually faces the huge delays we’ve seen with bigger nuclear projects across the country,” he said.

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SMRs have been criticized for producing radioactive waste—for which there is no suitable storage solution—its ballooning costs and experimental design.

Dominion did not respond to questions about whether it would support legislation that guaranteed reimbursement for ratepayers if an SMR never came online, nor did Marsden or O’Quinn. Dominion was a top donor to each official’s election campaigns. 

Appalachian Power said it does not comment on pending legislation. 

Under the proposed bills, Dominion and Appalachian Power would have the ability to petition the State Corporation Commission “at any time” to cover the cost of building an SMR—including before the company has broken ground on the proposed facility. Neither bill guarantees ratepayers their money back should either company fail to bring an SMR online.

Allowing Dominion and Appalachian Power to recover costs before they have begun the construction process could leave Virginia ratepayers on the hook for “likely hundreds of millions of dollars,” said Josephus Allmond, a staff attorney at the Southern Environmental Law Center. 

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That cost could total in the billions under SB454, he said. That bill expressly includes the cost of the federal permitting and licensing process in the utilities’ available rate recovery costs, which “adds an enormous amount” that Virginians would be on the hook for, Allmond said. “We don’t really know what that combined licensing cost is for SMRs, because no one’s ever gotten one.” 

If SB454 passed as it is currently written, Allmond estimated that ratepayers could pay billions to Dominion or Appalachian Power as the companies explored the feasibility of SMRs. 

Under SB454, the State Corporate Commission would have the ability to impose a deadline on Dominion or Appalachian Power by which the utilities must either connect an SMR to the Commonwealth’s grid, or sell the site and return the proceeds of the rate hike back to customers. But the bill makes an exception to the proceeds return for any SMRs being constructed “at a previously existing nuclear site.” 

Dominion has three nuclear facilities in Virginia, and could elect to build an SMR at any one of those sites. “If the utility were to do that,” said Allmond, “and it wasn’t able to bring the SMR into operation, then [Virginians] rates would have gone up for the previous several years for a site that’ll never deliver an electron to the grid.”

Peter Anderson, director of energy policy in Virginia for the nonprofit Appalachian Voices, who has been tracking these bills closely, said that HB1491, which grants rate adjustments for SMRs only to Appalachian Power and has a more limited set of acceptable rate recoveries, raises its fair share of red flags, too. 

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“The fundamental problem is the same in both bills: The customer would not be made whole,” he said, if Appalachian Power failed to connect an SMR to Virginia’s grid. 

Part of Anderson’s work at Appalachian Voices is to ensure Appalachians are not left out of the nation’s transition to a clean energy economy and involves analyzing the region’s shift to renewable energy. He said he was perplexed by the apparent fixation of Dominion and Appalachian Power on building SMRs.

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For Dominion “to be focused on a speculative, zero-carbon technology that has never been deployed before, rather than focusing our resources on overcoming the existing issues with bringing more wind and solar and battery storage online,” which are more economically viable, “is to gamble with their ratepayers money,” he said. 

Recent research by scientists at Stanford University and the University of British Columbia has shown some SMR designs generate more nuclear waste than larger facilities, exacerbating waste-storage issues. It is unclear which design Dominion or Appalachian Power would pursue should either bill become law.

Both bills received bipartisan support Tuesday. SB454 passed the Senate in a 19-18 vote, with three Democrats not voting. In the House, HB1419 passes in a 74-24 vote.

Each bill now heads to the opposite chamber’s Labor and Commerce Committee for review. Should either bill advance from those committees, a final vote could be held as early as the end of this month.  

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Virginia civil rights leaders decry ‘misinformation’ in redistricting fight

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Virginia civil rights leaders decry ‘misinformation’ in redistricting fight


Civil rights leaders in Virginia on Wednesday denounced a political campaign opposing the state’s April 21 redistricting referendum, accusing it of spreading misinformation and exploiting civil rights imagery to sway voters.At a news conference at Maggie L. Walker Memorial Plaza in Richmond, leaders with the NAACP Virginia State Conference sharply criticized mailers distributed by the Justice for Democracy PAC, a group opposing the referendum that has drawn scrutiny for its messaging and funding.“On this April Fool’s Day, don’t be fooled into voting ‘no,’” Gaylene Kanoyton, political action chair of the NAACP Virginia State Conference said.



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Con artists stole jewelry worn by women in Northern Virginia. Police are asking for help finding them – WTOP News

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Con artists stole jewelry worn by women in Northern Virginia. Police are asking for help finding them – WTOP News


Several people used sleight of hand to steal jewelry worn by women in Northern Virginia, and police in Fairfax County are asking for the public’s help to find the suspects.

Several people used sleight of hand to steal jewelry worn by women in Northern Virginia, and police in Fairfax County are asking for the public’s help in finding the suspects.

The robberies began at 1:30 p.m. on March 20 and followed a similar pattern. According to police, suspects described as women in SUVs would approach other women in parking lots, start conversations and offer them jewelry.

As the suspects placed costume jewelry on the women, they would use sleight of hand to remove the women’s real jewelry, driving off before the victims knew what happened, police said.

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After reviewing surveillance footage and identifying one of the vehicles involved, Fairfax County police issued a nationwide bulletin for a white 2026 Toyota Highlander registered out of state. The next day, Delaware State Police stopped the Highlander as it was entering a shopping center in New Castle.

Troopers in Delaware detained and identified those inside the Toyota, including Cristina Milhaela Paun, 21, of Baltimore. She was then let go.

Detectives in Fairfax County said they have since identified Paun as a suspect in two of the March 20 thefts and obtained warrants for felony pickpocketing and robbery. She is wanted, and police are asking the public for information regarding her whereabouts.

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The exact times and locations of each theft are listed below:

  • 1:30 p.m., 6900 block of Hechinger Drive in Springfield (white SUV, Paun identified as a suspect)
  • 1:30 p.m., 13900 block of Metrotech Drive in Chantilly (black SUV)
  • 3:30 p.m., 12900 block of Wood Crescent Circle near Herndon (white SUV, Paun identified as a suspect)
  • 3:55 p.m., 6800 block of Commerce Street in Franconia (black SUV, two suspects, described as a 50-year-old woman with red hair and gold teeth and a 25-year-old woman wearing a headscarf). Video of this incident can be seen below.

Detectives are asking anyone with information about Paun’s location or about any of these, or similar incidents to call the Reston Police Station at 703-478-0904. Anonymous tips can also be submitted at 1-866-411-8477 and online.

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© 2026 WTOP. All Rights Reserved. This website is not intended for users located within the European Economic Area.

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Virginia’s largest county becomes a verb as ‘Don’t Fairfax Me’ signs pop up in rural areas

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Virginia’s largest county becomes a verb as ‘Don’t Fairfax Me’ signs pop up in rural areas


When early voting on the proposed redistricting amendment began, the General Assembly was still in session, so one pretty March day Del. Joe McNamara walked outside the State Capitol and recorded a short video to post on social media in which he urged a “no” vote. 

“This amendment will not only take power away from the local people,” the Roanoke County Republican said. “It will consolidate power in Northern Virginia.”

An image circulated by Del. Wren Williams, R-Patrick County.

McNamara was being mild. 

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Del. Wren Williams, a fellow Republican from Patrick County, posted a social media message about what he called “Fairfaxphobia,” which he described as “A distrust or fear that political power concentrated in Fairfax County is dominating decisions for the entire Commonwealth and imposing policies on communities that they cannot afford.”

That, too, was mild compared with the video being circulated by the Freedom Caucus Fund, an offshoot of the conservative caucus in the U.S. House of Representatives. “Fairfax is a Sanctuary County with Virginia’s most insane Trans, Sex Ed and DEI policies,” the video says. “And if you don’t vote, they’ll control FIVE Virginia Congress Seats. Stop them.” The audio plays over images of protesters holding signs that say “Love Trans Kids” and, just for good measure, the proposed redistricting map is displayed in rainbow colors. 

A screenshot from the Freedom Caucus Fund ad.

Then there are the signs now appearing up and down the Shenandoah Valley that proclaim: “Don’t Fairfax Me.” The most prominent one is on a barn beside Interstate 81 just south of Harrisonburg where 29,000 or more drivers see it every day. 

The name of Virginia’s most populous county is now being invoked as a verb in rural Virginia to argue against the proposed redistricting amendment.

One of the signs in Southwest Virginia. Courtesy of Mark Obenshain.

We’re accustomed to candidates badmouthing one another or parties doing the same. Here’s a case where one of the main arguments employed by the “no” side, at least in certain rural parts of the state, is to run against a different part of the state. Even parts of Southwest Virginia where the redistricting map would leave voters in a Republican district, eight billboards have appeared urging: “Vote No” to a “Northern Virginia Power Grab.” They’re paid for by “Friends of Dr. Todd Pillion,” the Republican state senator who represents the region.

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It’s hard enough to explain to the casual voter the multiyear process by which constitutional amendments are passed in Virginia, and perhaps even harder to explain redistricting even in more normal times. But invoking the specter of consolidating “power in Northern Virginia” might be a pretty powerful trigger for some conservative rural voters who are predisposed to see Northern Virginia as the reason why there’s a Democratic majority in the legislature passing bills they don’t like.

By that measure, “Don’t Fairfax Me” might be the clearest, punchiest campaign slogan that Virginia has seen since Jim Gilmore was swept into the governor’s office in 1997 on a platform of “No Car Tax!” We’ll see April 21 how effective it is.

The factual basis for “Don’t Fairfax Me” and the general campaign against Fairfax County and Northern Virginia as the villain in this political drama is political math. Northern Virginia is the state’s largest metro area; it’s also reliably Democratic. Right now Northern Virginia has three of the state’s 11 congressional districts, while a fourth contains part of Northern Virginia. For Democrats to maximize their power under redistricting (and conversely minimize Republican power), they needed to stretch those Northern Virginia districts into the Republican strongholds of the Shenandoah Valley and the Piedmont — to essentially “bury” those Republicans into districts dominated by Northern Virginia.

That’s why the proposed map has such elongated districts snaking out of Northern Virginia. 

Virginia’s current congressional districts, approved in late 2021. Courtesy of Twotwofourtysix.
This is the proposed map, as amended. Courtesy of Legislative Information Services.
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From three districts wholly based in Northern Virginia and a fourth partially in Northern Virginia, we would now have five districts partially in Northern Virginia. Both Fairfax and Prince William County would be split among five different districts. In four of those (the 1st, 8th, 10th and 11th), Fairfax County would be the biggest locality, although those vote shares range from 24.4% in the 1st to 49.94% in the 11th. In the fifth, the proposed 8th District, Fairfax would be the third-biggest locality, at 12.9%, with Alexandria and Prince William County being the top two.

Got question about redistricting?

If the answer’s not on our Voter Guide, let us know and we’ll see if we can get it answered.

At present, there’s just one member of the U.S. House from Fairfax County: James Walkinshaw in the 11th. The other Northern Virginia members are from Prince William County (Eugene Vindman in the 7th), Alexandria (Don Beyer in the 8th) and Loudoun County (Suhas Subramanyam in the 10th). In practice, that likely wouldn’t change much in the short term, given the power of incumbency. In theory, though, we could wind up with five House members from the same county, albeit one with a population north of 1 million. Or, conversely, we could wind up with none.

In any case, Fairfax is now a verb, and a pejorative one in the context in which it’s being used. How do people in Fairfax feel about some of their fellow Virginians using their locality’s name in such a way? I didn’t have time to interview all 1.1 million residents of Fairfax County, but I did make contact with two people who have been entrusted with the power to speak for some of them.

One of those is Jeff McKay, the chairman of the county board of supervisors and, yes, a Democrat. Here’s what he sent me: 

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Jeff McKay, chairman of Fairfax County Board of Supervisors. Courtesy of Fairfax County.

“As your reporting has noted, Fairfax County and Northern Virginia play a significant role in funding the rest of the state, from roads and schools to law enforcement. We are a major economic engine for the commonwealth, and it is unclear why that would be seen as a negative, especially for those statewide beneficiaries. Politics can unfortunately rely on pitting one part of the state against another, an old trick that does a disservice to Virginians. This is a distraction meant to make voters think this is about an in-state rivalry and to divert attention from the harmful policies of the Trump Administration. I understand why some would want to distract from that record. This is not about one part of the state versus another. It is about whether Virginians believe the Trump Administration needs to be checked and whether its policies have damaged Virginia’s economy, from sky-high gas prices and tariffs, to impacts on federal workers and contractors, to threats to the rule of law. Virginia families have been hit hard, and that issue is far more important than pitting parts of the state against each other. The stakes are simply too high at this moment in our country’s history for that to decide this vote.”

You can feel however you wish to feel about redistricting, but McKay is undeniably correct on one point: The most rural (and therefore the most Republican) parts of Virginia are financially dependent on Fairfax County and, more broadly, all of Northern Virginia. 

The go-to example: school funding. Rural schools (and also some non-rural schools) get most of their funding from the state (in some places, north of 60%). Where does the state get that money? The single biggest source of tax revenue is Northern Virginia; it accounts for about 42% of the state’s general fund tax revenue. According to the state Department of Taxation, Fairfax County residents account for 22.9% of the income taxes paid in Virginia. In second place, Loudoun County, with 8.1%. If money talked (and sometimes it does), Fairfax County would have the loudest say in how Virginia spends that money. 

Of course, that’s not exactly what those putting up “Don’t Fairfax Me” are talking about, but it is a useful reminder of how the state’s economy works. Rural Virginia wants Fairfax’s money, just not its politics.

Pat Herrity, the only Republican on the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors. Courtesy of Herrity.

On the other side of the spectrum is Fairfax’s lone Republican supervisor, Pat Herrity, who briefly sought the GOP nomination for lieutenant governor last year until he was sidelined by heart-related health issues. During a phone call, he told me he’s now recovered (thanks to two new aortas) and is back to playing hockey in a local adult league, which is not something most heart patients do. 

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After we dispensed with those pleasantries, we got down to business. Fairfax as a verb? “It’s the life I live every day,” he told me. “If I were in rural Virginia, I wouldn’t want a bunch of Fairfax or Northern Virginia Democrats controlling my congressional representation or being my congressional representative. I think it’s bad from a tax standpoint, bad from a regulatory standpoint, bad from a public safety standpoint, bad from an affordability standpoint — a lot of bads.” He then proceeded to list lots of policy disagreements he had with the Democrats on the Fairfax board. 

Likewise, the chair of the Fairfax County Republicans had no problem with anyone who wants to run against Fairfax County to defeat the redistricting amendment. “Totally fair,” Katie Gorka said. “I feel people have every right to be upset. I don’t have bad feelings about it. I know people love to hate us.” 

We’ll find out April 21 just how much.

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