Business
How California Pistachio Farmers Profit From Iran War and Viral Dubai Chocolate Trends
Land area devoted to pistachio growing
Twenty years ago, California farmers bet big on the pistachio. The little green nut was considered niche in the United States, but it was a staple in Iran and the surrounding region.
That gamble has paid off. Demand for pistachios is high as wellness trends draw people to high-fiber, protein-rich foods. They are also a key ingredient of Dubai chocolate, the incredibly popular chocolate bar filled with pistachio cream and kataifi, or shredded phyllo.
Pistachio orchards cover more than 600,000 acres in California, up from 100,000 in 2001. The San Joaquin Valley of California has near-perfect conditions for pistachios, a mix of hot, dry summers and cold, wet winters. The United States is now the world’s largest producer and exporter of pistachios. Iran is second.
Yet more than a month into the war with Iran, ship traffic through the Strait of Hormuz is at historically low levels, which has stymied exports from the region.
The potential removal of a major player in the market is good news for farmers in California, who are likely to get higher prices for their pistachios.
“With this war, it’s going to limit what Iran is able to do, able to ship, to customers in Europe and China,” said Adam Orandi, who farms 1,600 acres of pistachio orchards in the San Joaquin Valley. His father imported saplings from Iran in the 1970s.
For hundreds of years, Iran dominated the market. Pistachios first found their way to California in the 1930s when an American botanist, William E. Whitehouse, brought the nuts back from Iran. Yet only one variety flourished, which was named the “Kerman.”
Pistachio orchards expanded in the 1970s in California, but Iran continued to control the global market until the Iranian hostage crisis of 1979, when students stormed the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and took dozens of Americans hostage.
Various trade embargoes against Iran were imposed and lifted in the following years, but a 241 percent tariff that was put in place in 1986 essentially ended Iran’s reign in the pistachio market in the United States.
Since 2011, the United States has consistently surpassed Iran as the largest exporter of pistachios. Iran has continued to lose market share.
The U.S. leads Iran in pistachio exports
“Production in Iran has been very erratic,” said David Magaña, who analyzes the fresh produce and tree nut industry at Rabobank. “Fifteen years ago, Iran accounted for 40 to 50 percent of global pistachio exports. More recently, Iran’s share has been more like 20 percent.”
The wholesale price of in-shell pistachios — what large manufacturers or retailers pay — has climbed 20 percent in the last 18 months to $4.57 a pound, according to Expana, a market data provider for the agriculture and food industries. In stores, consumers are paying significantly more.
The market is divided into two products: in-shell pistachios, which are sold whole and often roasted, and pistachio “kernels,” the seeds that are used in food production. The explosion of interest in pistachios as an ingredient in desserts and other foods has sharply increased demand for the kernels.
“For years, pistachios were a one-trick pony. They were a salty snack,” Mr. Orandi said. Just a few years ago, he added, he “couldn’t give the kernels away.”
In recent years, California growers have devoted more acreage to pistachios, and the state produced a record 1.6 billion pounds last year. American Pistachio Growers, a trade association, projected that California trees will bear more than two billion pounds of pistachios by 2031.
Pistachio imports have shot up worldwide
But there is one thing standing between the farmers and those projections: California’s water regulations, which people in the industry said may restrict the ability of some orchards to expand.
Pistachios, like other tree nuts, require large amounts of water. The amount needed by an acre of pistachio trees for an optimal crop yield depends on a number of factors, including soil salinity and the age of the trees.
On average, one acre of pistachios consumes over one million gallons of water in a year — slightly less than almonds and walnuts, according to estimates from University of California Agriculture and Natural Resources. For areas in California prone to droughts, the pistachio boom could add stress to the state’s already thin water resources.
The vast majority of pistachios in California — in addition to other nuts and crops — grow in areas classified as of “extremely high” water stress as defined by the World Resources Institute, an environmental research firm. Compared to two decades ago, the amount of water used annually for pistachios in these areas is now tens of billions more gallons than before.
Difference in water use in pistachio-growing regions between 2007 and 2025
Still, there may be benefits to pistachios emerging as a major nut crop of the state, according to Josué Medellín-Azuara, a water resources researcher and professor of environmental engineering at University of California, Merced. They are more tolerant to drought and water salinity compared to walnuts and almonds, and they are consistently a high value crop, he said.
The profitability of these water-intensive crops creates a paradox for the farmers planting them, said Rich Pauloo, a hydrologist. “They consume more water, but you get more money per drop of water.”
Business
Behind Powell’s High-Stakes Decision to Stay at the Fed
Over the past year, Jerome H. Powell has frequently said that the Federal Reserve faced “no risk-free paths” as it confronted a series of economic shocks that simultaneously lifted inflation while denting growth.
The same could be said for his momentous decision to stay on at the Fed as a governor after his term as Fed chair ends May 15.
In choosing to stay, Mr. Powell used the one tool of leverage he had left to push back on an administration that has aggressively attacked the central bank for its refusal to bend to the president’s demands for lower interest rates. Unless another Fed governor departs, President Trump will not have another vacancy to fill until Mr. Powell’s term ends in January 2028, stymieing the president’s plans to get more of his supporters on the powerful board of governors.
The move, which Mr. Powell announced on Wednesday at his final news conference after eight years as chair, drew an immediate rebuke from the administration. Mr. Trump quipped that Mr. Powell was staying because “he can’t get a job anywhere else — nobody wants him.” Scott Bessent, the Treasury secretary, called Mr. Powell’s decision a “violation of all Federal Reserve norms.”
On Thursday, Mr. Trump seemed to soften his approach, saying during remarks at the White House that he did not care if Mr. Powell stayed on and only was concerned about getting his Mr. Warsh into the top job.
The question now is whether Mr. Powell’s continued presence will further inflame tensions between the administration and the central bank, leading to even more intense attacks that will keep the institution on the defensive. Weeks before Mr. Powell announced his decision, Mr. Trump threatened to fire him if he did not resign after his term as chair ended.
“This could still go sideways, and if it does, some people will point to Powell staying as a provocation,” said Claudia Sahm, a former forecaster at the Fed who is now the chief economist at New Century Advisors. “Stay or go, there are risks on either side of this.”
Mr. Powell made clear on Wednesday that he wanted nothing more than to leave the Fed. Yet he said he had “no choice” but to stay and guard against further encroachments on the institution where he has served for nearly 14 years, first as a governor and then as chair. The last time a chair whose term had expired stayed on as a governor was in 1948.
“I’m literally staying because of the actions that have been taken,” Mr. Powell said when asked about whether his decision would be viewed as a political act. “I have long planned to be retiring.”
The decision had nothing to do with Kevin M. Warsh, Mr. Trump’s pick to replace him as chair, Mr. Powell stressed on Wednesday.
He said he took Mr. Warsh at his word that he would stand up to political pressure from the president. Mr. Powell also vowed to keep a “low profile as a governor,” despite retaining a vote on decisions around rates and other policies.
William Dudley, who previously was the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, said he expected Mr. Powell to stay relatively quiet and embrace a “one man, one vote” approach.
Mr. Powell spent much of his news conference explaining that his decision to stay rested on a belief that the central bank’s independence was fundamentally “at risk” amid a litany of legal threats that were far from over.
“These legal actions by the administration are unprecedented in our 113-year history, and there are ongoing threats of additional such actions,” he said. “I worry that these attacks are battering the institution and putting at risk the thing that really matters to the public, which is the ability to conduct monetary policy without taking into consideration political factors.”
Top of mind for Mr. Powell is a criminal investigation that the Justice Department began against the Fed regarding renovations to its headquarters in Washington and whether he lied to Congress about the plans. Federal prosecutors dropped the inquiry on Friday, but maintained that they could reopen it at any point. Jeanine Pirro, the U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, said on Thursday that there was “no question” the Justice Department would appeal a federal judge’s recent ruling that quashed subpoenas issued to the central bank. For now, the Fed’s inspector general is looking into the renovation, an inquest that Mr. Powell requested in July.
“You’ve got billions of dollars in cost overruns on a very small project,” she said, adding that prosecutors would await the “decision” by the Fed’s internal watchdog and “based upon that decision we will then decide what we are going to do.”
Mr. Powell has long stipulated that he would not leave the Fed until the Justice Department’s investigation was “well and truly over, with finality and transparency.” But a mounting concern is whether Mr. Trump will now use the allegations leveled in the investigation to try to fire Mr. Powell, having already accused him of “incompetence” and questioned whether he committed fraud.
“There’s definitely a cost-benefit analysis one would think Powell engaged in, and the cost of staying is that it greatly increases the likelihood that there will be a for-cause removal case against him involving the renovations, which would be a novel litigation,” said Lev Menand, an associate professor at Columbia Law School.
A president can remove a Fed official only for cause, which legal experts interpret to mean gross misconduct or a dereliction of duty. The issue is being debated by the Supreme Court after the president’s attempt to fire Lisa D. Cook, a governor, in August.
Joseph Gagnon, a former senior member of the Fed staff who is now at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, said it was crucial for Ms. Cook to win that case. “If they let Trump fire governors at will, then there’s no more independent monetary policy,” he said.
If Mr. Trump or the Justice Department pursues any additional legal actions, “being on the inside is always better than being on the outside,” Scott Alvarez, who previously served as the Fed’s general counsel, said of Mr. Powell’s decision to stay.
Graham Steele, a longtime financial regulation lawyer and a former Treasury Department official, noted that there would be “strategic” advantages in doing so, such as “physical proximity, access to information and the institutional halo effect that come from being a sitting governor.”
For the time being, Mr. Powell’s continued presence at an institution that has gone through so much tumult in the past year and is now on the cusp of a major leadership transition is “symbolically really important,” said Jon Faust, a fellow at the Center for Financial Economics at Johns Hopkins University and a former senior adviser to the outgoing chair.
What perhaps will matter even more is when Mr. Powell decides to leave, Ms. Sahm said.
“It will mean so much when he says, ‘I’m ready to retire,’ because that will be a sign from someone who cares deeply about the institution that it’s going to be OK.”
— Tony Romm contributed reporting.
Business
Commentary: Resurrecting a discredited theory on COVID’s origin, DOJ indicts an ex-Fauci aide over old emails
David Morens tried to keep a scientific discussion under wraps. Trump’s anti-science attacks explain why
According to Department of Justice officials including FBI Director Kash Patel, the indictment of David M. Morens for using his personal email account on official business is all about protecting the sanctity of government communications and upholding the federal Freedom of Information Act.
“Circumventing records protocols with the intention of avoiding transparency is something that will not be tolerated by this FBI,” Patel said in the announcement of Morens’ indictment Tuesday.
Many news reports of the indictment, which was unsealed Monday in Maryland federal court, took the DOJ at its word. That’s an error. In reality, the indictment has nothing to do with government email rules.
Scientists rely on open communication and collaboration…. So everybody’s connected, and that’s what’s exploited in these conspiracy stories. It’s made to look nefarious.
— Zoologist Peter Daszak
Rather, it’s a transparent effort to revive the largely discredited hypothesis that COVID-19 originated in a Chinese laboratory through experiments there that were funded by the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, headed at the time by Anthony Fauci. (Timothy Belevetz, a lawyer for Morens, declined to comment on the indictment.)
A few points about this.
First, there has never been and still isn’t any evidence that COVID originated in a Chinese lab, much less that Fauci, a revered epidemiologist, was complicit in the pandemic. The overwhelming weight of scientific opinion in the epidemiological and virological communities is that the virus reached humans via naturally infected wildlife, a process known as zoonosis.
Nor is that only a consensus among virologists and epidemiologists: In a declassified 2023 assessment, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, which oversees all the government’s intelligence services including the FBI, exploded the most common claims made for a lab leak.
As for the Trump White House’s ostensible devotion to “transparency,” New York University’s litigation tracker finds that the roster of pending lawsuits in federal courts coast to coast from nonprofit organizations, state agencies and individuals complaining that the administration has ignored or slow-walked FOIA requests now numbers an astonishing 110.
News about the Morens indictment was drowned out over the last few days by administration attacks on other Trump targets, such as a new indictment of former FBI Director James Comey over a photo of sea shells that the DOJ argues, absurdly, was a subtle call for Trump’s assassination; and an effort by the Federal Communications Commission to terminate ABC’s broadcast licenses, amid late-night show host Jimmy Kimmel’s criticism of Trump.
As I’ve written before, however, the Trumpian attacks on science may have more lasting and profound effects than those cases on public health and the U.S. economy. The anti-science campaign doesn’t merely undermine public confidence in expert judgments; it also poses a generational threat to public health and to America’s economic stature in the world discouraging promising students from entering important research fields.
Those are the long-term consequences; in the short run, Trump’s anti-science campaign has cost U.S. taxpayers a mint. According to the “Bethesda Declaration,” an open letter to National Institutes of Health Director Jay Bhattacharya published in June 2025 and signed by some 500 NIH employees, the agency had terminated 2,100 research grants totaling $9.5 billion since Trump’s inauguration.
The terminations “throw away years of hard work and millions of dollars,” the declaration observed: “Ending a $5 million research study when it is 80% complete does not save $1 million, it wastes $4 million.”
Between the lines, the Morens indictment looks like a proxy salvo in the GOP attack on Fauci, who has been a target of Republicans and the far right since the pandemic.
Charging Fauci directly may be a tough lift, because President Biden, aware of Trump’s inclination to punish his perceived adversaries, preemptively pardoned him for any supposed offenses stemming from his service at NIAID and as a pandemic-era advisor to the Trump White House.
Morens served as a senior advisor to Fauci (who is identified in the indictment as “Senior NIAID Official 1”) from 2006 through Fauci’s retirement in December 2022. Among other counts, he’s charged with conspiracy and “destruction, alteration, or falsification” of government documents. The maximum prison term for the five counts in the indictment comes to 51 years. Morens is 78.
The indictment stems from the earliest days of the pandemic in the first months of 2020, when scientists were trying to get their arms around the novel coronavirus and delve into its features and origins.
Morens corresponded with scientists researching the question. Among them was zoologist Peter Daszak, the president of EcoHealth Alliance, a nonprofit that managed government grants concerned with potential global pandemic threats. He and his organization sounded an early alarm that COVID-19 represented a serious public health threat.
Daszak, 60, is identified in the indictment as “co-conspirator 1” and EcoHealth as “Company #1”; Gerald Keusch, 87, a retired expert in infectious diseases at Boston University who participated in some of the email exchanges and was an outspoken defender of Daszak and EcoHealth, appears in the document as “co-conspirator 2.” Neither he nor Daszak is accused of any crimes in the indictment.
At an early stage, Morens asked his correspondents to communicate through his personal email address so their exchanges wouldn’t be subject to freedom of information requests. This is illegal, but almost never prosecuted.
Still, Morens’ concern was understandable, since FOIA requests had been weaponized by conservatives mining academic correspondences to undermine research into global warming and harass researchers. Morens was pilloried for his email practices during a House Oversight Committee hearing two years ago, and apologized.
“Scientists rely on open communication and collaboration, so you’re constantly emailing everybody,” Daszak told me. “So everybody’s connected, and that’s what’s exploited in these conspiracy stories. It’s made to look nefarious. It’s preying on the openness of science and shutting that down.” I couldn’t reach Keusch for comment.
Some of Morens’ efforts were aimed at restoring a $3.4-million NIAID grant to EcoHealth to fund research into the origins of pathogens in the wild. Trump had ordered the grant canceled in April 2020, a few days after a Fox News reporter told him it had all gone to the Wuhan (China) Institute of Virology, which was a target of lab-leak advocates. (In fact, only about $600,000 had gone to the lab, one of eight foreign and domestic sub-grantees.)
Biden restored the grant after an internal NIH investigation deemed the politically inspired cancellation “improper,” but by then three precious years of research had been lost. It was later canceled again. EcoHealth has shut down completely.
Several emails cited in the indictment referred to government reports that were public and remained so. Some were private exchanges bemoaning the conservative slander that, as Daszak put it, a “powerful cabal of scientists from within NIH helped draft anti lab-leak narrative.” In others, Daszak alerted Morens that batches of EcoHealth emails had been “FOIAed.”
As for the indictment’s assertion that Morens had destroyed government documents, it doesn’t specify any official reports that were concealed or destroyed; the reference may be to Morens’ own emails, which he deleted from his personal account.
Other emails were jocular personal exchanges between colleagues and friends. One exchange concerned a gift of two bottles of inexpensive wine Daszak sent Morens, implying that this was a bribe aimed at persuading Morens to obtain the grant for EcoHealth or to try to get it reinstated. In fact, the grant had been given a high grade by an independent panel charged with selecting grant recipients; neither Morens nor Fauci was personally involved in the process.
The debate over COVID’s origin isn’t an academic exercise. Protecting humanity from the next pandemic, and the ones after that, depends on gaining an accurate understanding of how pathogens originate and reach human communities. Obsessing over a factually unsupported and politically inspired accusation that a Chinese lab foisted COVID-19 on the world will distract from the hard work of addressing the more likely scenario, say by better policing of the illicit trade in infection-prone wildlife species.
Punishing scientists for exploring politically unpalatable research won’t help. “This is the reward for our warning the world that these viruses were coming,” Daszak says of the campaign to discredit EcoHealth. “These were good grants for very important work, and that’s all gone now.”
Business
Crop Undercount Raises Questions About Reliability of U.S.D.A. Data
The Agriculture Department projected last July that farmers would harvest 86.8 million acres of corn in autumn. The projection was repeatedly revised upward until, in January, the department found 1.3 million more acres of corn — an area larger than Delaware — and concluded that the final amount harvested was 91.3 million acres.
“It was a miss. No other way to call it,” said Seth Meyer, who served as the department’s chief economist until leaving in December.
The 5 percent undercount may seem small, but it was the department’s worst projection in recent memory. It came as the Trump administration was cutting staff at the Agriculture Department and as President Trump’s trade war raised prices for equipment and hurt exports.
Some people in agriculture have become increasingly worried about the reliability of department data. That skepticism could lead to a breakdown of the historically close relationship between the department and farmers it serves, they said.
“U.S.D.A. always had a great relationship with its farmers,” said Mr. Meyer, who now leads the Food and Agricultural Policy Research Institute at the University of Missouri. “That seems to have weakened.”
The Agriculture Department publishes thousands of reports annually on everything from county-level sorghum planting to China’s hardwood market. But its estimates of crop size are some of the most closely read reports. Traders use information from the reports to immediately buy and sell commodities, affecting the prices that farmers receive for their crops. Farmers use the information to make decisions about how and when to try to sell their crop for the most money.
Department officials haven’t offered an official explanation for the miss, but many outside it point to staffing cuts and lower survey response rates.
The Agriculture Department lost 23,000 employees in 2025, as Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency slashed jobs across the federal government. The National Agricultural Statistics Service, which produces crop reports, was one of the hardest-hit divisions; it lost 34 percent of its staff, going to about 500 employees from around 800.
The corn miss prompted Farm Journal, an agricultural publication, to ask respondents to its monthly survey whether they remained confident in department data. Most of the farmers, ranchers and economists polled responded “no.”
“People trade the reports whether the reports are true or not,” said Shay Foulk, who farms 1,500 acres and runs a seed business near Peoria, Ill. Since farmers are trading in commodity markets against sophisticated managed funds and trading algorithms, he said, “the farmer just feels they are at a disadvantage if those numbers are inaccurate.”
For years, the department has struggled with fewer farmers returning its surveys, one of the key data sources for crop production reports. The response rate for recent surveys was around 40 percent, according to the department, down from around 60 percent a decade ago.
“When farmers lose trust in the agency, they don’t want to participate as much, and so there is a direct line between low staff and low participation and incorrect data,” said Senator Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, the ranking Democrat on the Senate Agriculture Committee, in an interview.
In March, Democrats on the Agriculture Committee wrote a letter to Scott Hutchins, the under secretary for research, education and economics at the Agriculture Department, concerned about the reliability of the department’s data. They also said the department’s proposed relocation of employees from Washington to hubs around the country “threatens to worsen the loss of key institutional knowledge and staff capacity.”
Mr. Hutchins, who was appointed by Mr. Trump last year, said in an interview that farmers still trusted the agency but had “well-founded frustrations” with the corn misestimate.
Asked whether losing employees had anything to do with the miss, he said, “Absolutely, unequivocally no.” Mr. Hutchins added that the department’s ability to develop new efficiencies had been “enhanced tremendously” by the departures, and that it was using more remote sensing abilities and artificial intelligence to collect data.
“I don’t understand what all of the additional staff might’ve been doing for us to still produce the same outcome with the current staff that we have,” he said.
Mr. Hutchins did say he was worried about the department’s entering a data doom loop if response rates continued to fall. “It is kind of a self-fulfilling prophecy,” he said. “The fewer surveys we have, the larger the standard error we will have in estimates.”
The corn miss was a major topic of conversation last week at the semiannual Agriculture Department data users’ meeting, held at the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City. It is normally a low-key event attended by departmental economists, academics, agricultural company representatives and others, where heads of different divisions preview new data products and answer esoteric methodology questions. But this time, there was a heavy focus on heightening transparency and increasing survey response rates.
Lance Honig, the acting director of the department’s statistics division, suggested that 2025 was an anomaly. Because of the large amount of corn planted and record yields, the normal statistical models were off.
“I would suggest that the 2025 crop season was a bit different than anything we had seen in, oh, I don’t know, what would that be — 80, 90 years,” Mr. Honig said.
The Agriculture Department recently put out a request for information for commentary and ideas about its data products. It is also planning to increase the number of farmers surveyed for its acreage reports, pending approval from the Office of Management and Budget for the higher cost to send out more surveys.
One meeting attendee, Bill Lapp, a food industry consultant, suggested that surveys be made mandatory for those receiving money from the government’s bailout package for farmers. “For $12 billion, can’t you get them to fill out a damn postcard a couple of times a year?” he asked in a question-and-answer session.
Farmers have a deep and direct relationship with the federal government, which sustains much of their business. Farmers participate in crop insurance and conservation programs, apply for grants and receive disaster assistance and ad hoc payments. The Agriculture Department projects that government payments will account for 29 percent of farm income this year.
These programs run on data obtained from farmers. They must certify the number of acres they plant with the Farm Service Agency in order to participate in income support programs. To get crop insurance, farmers must give their financial information to the Risk Management Agency. So when they are also mailed surveys asking detailed questions about their crops, some farmers get annoyed, because they believe the department has, or should have, the data.
Mr. Foulk, the Illinois farmer, said farmers were in part disgruntled with the federal government because of their declining influence. On tariffs, biofuels policy and the farm bill, farmers haven’t gotten what they wanted lately.
“We had the privilege of having this outsized voice, and now we’re not as loud,” he said.
Farmers are unlikely to stop participating in Agriculture Department programs that directly benefit them, no matter how they feel, said Mr. Meyer, the former agency economist. But their very viability is underpinned by data and analysis.
“Supporting data collection has historically and continues to support the things that directly impact them,” he said.
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