North Carolina
12 Super Tuesday primaries to watch in Texas and North Carolina
Next week, 15 states (plus American Samoa!) are holding primary elections on Super Tuesday, the busiest day in the primary calendar in presidential election years. But president, schmesident — the real primary action is further down the ballot! Races for the Senate, House and governor are all heating up and worth a look.
We’ll start our three-part Super Tuesday preview today in the South, with a few (OK, 12) notable races in North Carolina and Texas. Tomorrow, we’ll tackle Alabama and California, then we’ll turn to the presidential primary early next week. So without further ado, here are the most exciting and contested primary races in the Lone Star and Tar Heel states.
North Carolina
Races to watch: Governor; 1st, 6th, 8th, 10th and 13th congressional districts
Polls close: 7:30 p.m. Eastern
The biggest race in the Tar Heel State on Tuesday — for governor — is not particularly competitive. Both the Democratic and the Republican primaries have a clear front-runner. For the GOP, it’s Lt. Gov. Mark Robinson, an Army veteran and devout Christian who has a Trumpian habit of speaking candidly — often veering into offensive or bigoted language, which has landed him in hot water. The frontrunner for the Democrats is Attorney General Josh Stein, who has raised more funds than any candidate on either side.
This race is still worth keeping an eye on, though, because it will be competitive come November. Despite its Republican lean on the presidential level, North Carolina has had a Democratic governor for seven years, serving as a counterweight (or foil, depending on your point of view) to the state legislature’s Republican majority (which became a supermajority in both chambers last year).
The primaries get spicier in races for the U.S. House, after the state’s congressional map was completely redrawn this year to give Republicans an advantage. As a result, North Carolina’s 1st Congressional District — a huge, mostly rural district that spans 22 counties and includes a high proportion of Black residents — is set to be the state’s only competitive congressional race this fall. This district hasn’t elected a Republican since 1883, but the new maps redrew the 1st District in such a way to make it a toss-up.
The GOP primary has two candidates. Sandy Smith, a MAGA fixture in local politics, has run for office twice before and was endorsed by former President Donald Trump when she ran (unsuccessfully) for this seat in 2022. She’s a bit of a firebrand who said she was in Washington, D.C., during the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, and she drew headlines in the midterms when her ex-husband accused her of domestic violence.
The other candidate is retired U.S. Army Colonel Laurie Buckhout, a wealthy businesswoman and recent transplant to the state who has spent more than $1 million of her own money boosting her campaign. The establishment-backed Congressional Leadership Fund is supporting Buckhout, likely due to fears about Smith’s weaknesses as a more extreme candidate. Incumbent Democratic Rep. Don Davis, meanwhile, is probably hoping to face Smith in the fall.
North Carolina’s 6th District, which surrounds Greensboro, is currently represented by Democratic Rep. Kathy Manning — but she isn’t seeking reelection, and no Democrats are running to replace her after the district became much redder under the new maps. Instead, six Republicans are duking it out to be on the ballot in November in a battle among different factions of the GOP.
Former Green Beret Christian Castelli may have some residual name recognition after running as the Republican nominee for this seat in 2022. Former Rep. Mark Walker, a pastor, is hoping to reclaim the district he represented (under different boundaries) from 2015 to 2021 and has been endorsed by CPAC. Bo Hines, a former wide receiver for North Carolina State University, is running for Congress again after a failed bid for the Raleigh-area 13th District in 2022. Hines has the endorsement of the conservative Club for Growth. Trump, meanwhile, is backing Addison McDowell, a lobbyist who previously worked for Sen. Ted Budd. Plastic surgeon Mary Ann Contogiannis and High Point Mayor Jay Wagner are also running in this packed race.
The GOP primary to replace Republican Rep. Dan Bishop (who is running for state attorney general) in the deep-red 8th District outside Charlotte has also attracted six candidates. However, two have emerged as the likely frontrunners. State Rep. John Bradford, who has poured $1.3 million of his own money into his campaign, is squaring off against Baptist minister Mark Harris.
Bradford had been running for state treasurer but jumped into the congressional race at the end of last year. Harris, meanwhile, is seeking redemption after his 2018 congressional win was thrown out due to allegations that a consultant for his campaign committed absentee-ballot fraud. Harris was never criminally charged and now says he was the true victim.
Rep. Patrick McHenry (the bowtie-bedecked congressman who, you may remember, served as speaker pro tempore when the House was without a leader this past October) likewise announced at the end of last year that he would not seek reelection, opening up his solidly red 10th District. While five candidates are running for the GOP nomination, two names in particular are drawing the most attention.
State Rep. Grey Mills has represented the region in the General Assembly twice (2009-2013 and 2021-present). He’s taken a hardline stance on immigration in part to attack and differentiate himself from frontrunner Pat Harrigan. Harrigan, a gun manufacturer, was the Republican nominee in the then-more Democratic 14th District in 2022. At that time, he promoted his belief in a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants and compared deportation to tactics used in Nazi Germany, a comment that Mills and others have resurfaced to try to paint Harrigan as soft on immigration.
Finally, the 13th District is yet another district where the sitting member of Congress opted not to seek reelection; first-term Democratic Rep. Wiley Nickel opted not to run again after redistricting made his seat virtually unwinnable for a Democrat. The GOP primary for this seat has attracted no fewer than 14 candidates (just one Democrat is running). Among the most prominent candidates are Fred Von Canon, a businessman who has made two prior runs for Congress; Kelly Daughtry, an attorney who came in third in the Republican primary in 2022; Brad Knott, a former federal prosecutor; and DeVan Barbour, a local businessman who came in second in that 2022 primary. This race looks like a jump ball and may even go to a May 14 runoff if none of the candidates can clear 30 percent of the vote.
Texas
Races to watch: Senate; 7th, 12th, 18th, 26th and 32nd congressional districts
Polls close: 8 p.m. Eastern in most of the state, 9 p.m. Eastern in the western tip
Among the most interesting races to watch this year is for the Senate in Texas. Democrats are hoping to unseat Sen. Ted Cruz in the Lone Star State this fall, which will be a challenge, but not necessarily out of reach in the still-Republican-leaning state (you may recall former Rep. Beto O’Rouke came within 3 percentage points of Cruz back in 2018). As such, the Democratic primary for Senate has attracted a lot of attention — and cash.
Nine candidates are running, two of whom are noteworthy. The front-runner is Rep. Colin Allred, a former NFL player and civil rights attorney who has represented the Dallas area since 2019. Allred has raised the most funds (to the tune of $21 million) and attracted donations from party influencers like Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg’s husband. And he has a track record of flipping Republican seats: When first elected to Congress, Allred ousted an 11-term incumbent by 7 points.
Also gaining steam is state Sen. Roland Gutierrez, who gained prominence for his passionate response to the Uvalde school shooting in 2022, which happened in his district. Gutierrez has spent more than a year pushing his fellow lawmakers to do more to respond to the shooting, such as investigating the lack of police response and banning assault weapons. He too has a long career in office, having served in the state House for 13 years before being elected to the state Senate, and also has won in historically red areas. While Allred is lapping Gutierrez in polling, with such a crowded field, there is a chance the primary could go to a May 28 runoff before we know for sure who will be challenging Cruz come November.
Texas has plenty of House primaries of interest too. In the 7th Congressional District, Democratic Rep. Lizzie Fletcher may have expected to cruise to reelection after her Houston-area district, which originally was more of a swing seat, became safely Democratic after redistricting. But Fletcher, who is a member of the centrist New Democrat Coalition, is facing a challenger from the left who is hoping the bluer district would prefer a more progressive candidate.
That candidate, Pervez Agwan, had been gaining steam, raising more than $1 million without any self-contributions or PAC donations and attracting endorsements from the local Democratic Socialists of America and Sunrise chapters. But his campaign may have been irreparably derailed by sexual harassment allegations against both Agwan and senior campaign staff and the arrest of his organizing director. A recent poll from the University of Houston showed Fletcher defeating Agwan by 67 points.
To the north in Fort Worth, 81-year-old Republican Rep. Kay Granger will be retiring at the end of this year after nearly three decades in Congress, touching off a scramble to replace her in the solidly Republican 12th District. Five Republicans are vying for the nomination, but the two front-runners epitomize the familiar battle for the future of the GOP: the results-focused conservatism of the old guard versus the firebrand populism of MAGA.
In another era, state Rep. Craig Goldman would have been the natural successor to Granger. Goldman has represented the area in the state House since 2013, where he is the Republican Caucus chair and has a reliably conservative voting record. He has the endorsement of Republican heavyweights like Gov. Greg Abbott and former Gov. Rick Perry. He was also among the majority of state House Republicans who voted to impeach Trump-aligned state Attorney General Ken Paxton on accusations of abusing the power of his office to help a friend and donor. That has drawn the ire of Paxton, who has endorsed Goldman’s biggest competitor: local business owner John O’Shea. O’Shea takes a distinctly more Trumpian tack, saying he’d consider joining the far-right House Freedom Caucus if elected and making statements about the country being on a path to “full-blown cultural neo-Marxism.”
Over in the 18th District, which loops around Houston, Democratic Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee is facing a serious challenge from former Houston City Councillor Amanda Edwards. The 74-year-old Jackson Lee has represented the district since 1995 and may have easily won a 16th consecutive term were it not for an ill-fated run for Houston mayor last year. While Jackson Lee was dedicating time, money and energy to her mayoral campaign, her up-and-coming challenger (who once interned for Jackson Lee) was busy building her congressional campaign, and the veteran congresswoman has had to play catch up. A recent University of Houston poll put Edwards well within striking range of Jackson Lee.
In the Republican race to fill the 26th District to replace retiring Rep. Michael Burgess, two far-right candidates are leading a slate of 11. One is Brandon Gill, the 30-year-old son-in-law of Dinesh D’Souza, the far-right commentator who proliferated conspiracy theories that the 2020 election was stolen with his deeply inaccurate film, “2000 Mules,” which Gill heavily promoted on his website. The other is Southlake Mayor John Huffman, who has his own history with election misinformation. Southlake has gained national attention over the years for issues of bullying and racism within its school system. This deep red district is a Republican stronghold, so whoever wins the primary is all but guaranteed to replace Burgess in Congress (though, when asked about the race, Burgess told the Texas Tribune, “No one can replace me!”).
As Allred makes his play for the Senate, his Dallas-area 32nd District is up for grabs, and it’s a crowded Democratic field. In total, 10 candidates are running, though two in particular seem to be leading the pack: state Rep. Julie Johnson and trauma surgeon Brian Williams. Johnson is well known in the area both for her time in the state House and as a local Democratic organizer and activist. Johnson, who’s gay, is a member of the LGBTQ+ caucus and has worked to block anti-LGBTQ+ legislation in the state. If elected to Congress, she’d be the first openly LGBTQ+ representative elected in a Southern state. Williams, meanwhile, is a former health policy advisor to Sen. Chris Murphy and worked on the 2022 federal gun safety legislation, the Bipartisan Safer Communities Act. Both candidates have strong political bona fides and progressive platforms that will likely appeal to the diverse, blue district. But with so many candidates, this is yet another primary that just might go to a runoff.
North Carolina
Building for tomorrow’s storms: North Carolina updates flood strategy
North Carolina is beginning to plan for floods that have not happened yet.
State officials this year advanced the next phase of the state’s Flood Resiliency Blueprint, incorporating updated modeling that factors in heavier rainfall, future development and sea-level rise — a shift away from relying solely on historic data and FEMA’s regulatory maps.
“We can make decisions and plan for that future, not just the exposure to flooding that we see now,” said Stuart Brown, who manages the Flood Resiliency Blueprint for the North Carolina Department of Environmental Quality.
For a state that has endured record-breaking rainfall from Hurricane Helene in the mountains to Tropical Storm Chantal in the Triangle, the move reflects a growing recognition: past standards no longer capture present risk.
Beyond outdated flood lines
Multiple North Carolina studies have found that between 43% and 60% of flood damage occurs outside FEMA’s regulatory flood zones. Those maps shape insurance requirements and local zoning decisions, yet they are largely based on historical rainfall data.
“A lot of the regulatory floodplains really haven’t kept up with what we know is happening,” said Elizabeth Losos, executive in residence at Duke University’s Nicholas Institute for Energy, Environment and Sustainability.
Climate data show rainfall intensity in the Triangle has increased by about 21% since 1970. Warmer air holds more moisture, fueling heavier downpours that overwhelm drainage systems designed for a different climate.
“Fixing what we know is flooding right now is good,” Losos said. “It’s better than nothing, but it’s definitely not enough.”
Brown said the blueprint incorporates projections for future precipitation and development — a critical factor in one of the fastest-growing states in the country.
“Development can be an issue for flooding in two categories,” Brown said. “One is when that development is occurring in areas that are flood prone. The other is when that development is done in ways that don’t account for the additional stormwater that will be produced.”
Thousands of projects, limited dollars
Unlike states that rely on massive levee systems, North Carolina’s flood risk is scattered across river basins, coastal plains and rapidly developing suburbs. Brown said resilience here will require thousands of localized projects.
“We were asked by the General Assembly to provide specific, actionable projects,” Brown said. “We want to know what specific geography and what specific action is proposed.”
That planning push comes as federal support for flood research and mitigation is shrinking.
The Trump administration has proposed a roughly 30% cut to NOAA’s 2026 budget, targeting climate research and ocean services that provide the rainfall and coastal data states use to model flood risk. At FEMA, the administration has cut staff by more than 6%, reduced funding for local hazard mitigation projects and added new approval layers for grants.
For North Carolina, that means fewer dollars for buyouts, drainage upgrades and flood control projects — and less federal data to guide long-term planning — just as the state is trying to build a more forward-looking flood strategy.
Brown said North Carolina is trying to “leverage the limited dollars that we have in the state with any federal sources that are available” and embed resilience into routine investments in transportation, water treatment and conservation.
“Funding is always going to be an issue,” Brown said.
The policy gap
Researchers have long argued that resilience investments save money. Studies show every $1 spent on mitigation can yield $4 to $13 in avoided losses.
“The problem is that the policies don’t align the people who pay the cost with the people who get the benefit,” Losos said.
A developer may not directly benefit from downstream flood reduction. A town may shoulder upfront infrastructure costs while insurers, neighboring communities or future taxpayers capture part of the savings.
Without policy changes that align costs and benefits, resilience can remain politically and financially difficult.
“In the most severe cases, there are some communities that will have to eventually abandon if they don’t begin to think about how they can adapt to these conditions,” Losos said.
North Carolina now has updated tools to better measure future flood risk. Whether the state can secure stable federal support — and align its own policies with the risks ahead — will determine how effectively communities prepare for the next storm rather than recover from the last one.
North Carolina
North Carolina primary could mean Roy Cooper vs Michael Whatley in pivotal fall Senate race
RALEIGH, N.C. — North Carolina’s primary will be the official starting gun for one of the country’s most closely watched U.S. Senate campaigns, likely pitting former Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper against former Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Whatley.
Each candidate is the most high-profile contender for their party’s nomination, which should be sealed on Tuesday. Scores of other races also are on the ballot, including for the U.S. House, state legislature and judicial seats.
North Carolina, a traditional battleground where Democrats have been able to hold the governor’s seat even as voters helped send President Donald Trump to the White House, is one of three states kicking off this year’s midterm elections, along with Texas and Arkansas. Tuesday’s slate of primaries comes against the backdrop of the U.S. and Israel attack on Iran.
The war, which began over the weekend, has killed at least six U.S. service members, spiraled into a regional confrontation as Iran retaliated and sent oil and natural gas prices soaring. The president, who campaigned on an isolationist “America First” agenda and went to war without authorization from Congress, faces mounting questions over its rationale and an exit strategy.
North Carolina’s election this year could be crucial for determining which party controls the U.S. Senate, where Republicans currently have the majority. The seat is open because Sen. Thom Tillis decided to retire after clashing with President Donald Trump. Political experts say a typhoon of outside money could make the race the most expensive Senate campaigns in U.S. history, perhaps reaching $1 billion.
Many Democrats see Cooper, who served two terms as governor and has been successful in state politics for decades, as the party’s best shot at victory. Democrats need to pick up four seats to take back control of the Senate, and they view the most likely path as winning in North Carolina, Maine, Alaska and Ohio.
Cooper faces five lesser-known rivals on Tuesday. Other Republicans on the Senate ballot include Navy officer Don Brown and Michele Morrow, who was the party’s nominee for state schools chief in 2024.
Republican U.S. Senate candidate Michael Whatley, arrives to an early voting site to cast his vote on Thursday, Feb. 12, 2026, in Gastonia, N.C. Credit: AP/Erik Verduzco
Cooper formally entered the race weeks after Tillis announced last summer he wouldn’t seek a third term, as did Whatley, who was buoyed by Trump’s backing when the president’s daughter-in-law Lara Trump declined to enter. The two candidates have been campaigning for months against each other with little focus on intraparty opposition.
Whatley promises to keep pushing Trump’s agenda if elected, one that he says has cut taxes and spending and restored U.S. military might.
“It’s very important for us to have a conservative champion and for President Trump to have an ally in the Senate,” he said while voting early in Gastonia. “We’re going to be fighting for every family and every community in North Carolina.”
Some primary voters say Congress needs Democratic control as a counterweight to Trump and what they consider disastrous policies.
President Donald Trump listens as Michael Whatley speaks to soldiers and their families at Fort Bragg, N.C., Friday, Feb. 13, 2026. Credit: AP/Matt Rourke
“I think we need to send a message. And I think the more Democrats that show up, and the more independents that show up for this midterm election, and the more seats we can take from the Republicans, the more he might get the message,” said Lisa Frucht, 67, said as she cast a ballot for Cooper at an early voting site north of Raleigh.
Republican voter Gary Grimes, who chose Whatley, said Democratic control of Congress could lead to more impeachment efforts against Trump that ultimately won’t succeed.
“It’ll be a repeat of what they did to Trump in the first term,” said Grimes, 71, “And they can’t see anything except getting Trump, at any cost.”
A Democrat hasn’t won a Senate race in North Carolina since 2008. Meanwhile, Cooper, 68, hasn’t lost a North Carolina election going back to first running for the state House in the mid-1980s, leading to 16 years as attorney general and eight as governor through 2024.
Whatley, 57, previously worked in President George W. Bush’s administration, for then-North Carolina Sen. Elizabeth Dole and as an energy lobbyist.
Cooper and his allies have centered campaign attacks on Whatley’s allegiance to the president and Trump policies, saying he backs higher tariffs and Medicaid spending reductions and must take blame for slow Hurricane Helene recovery aid.
Voting recently in Raleigh, Cooper said he wants to “make sure that I’m a strong, independent senator who can work with this president when I can, stand up to him when I need to and recognize that people are struggling right now.”
Whatley, Trump and other Republicans have blistered Cooper on criminal justice matters, accusing him of promoting soft-on-crime policies while governor. They’ve repeatedly highlighted last August’s fatal stabbing of Ukrainian refugee Iryna Zarutska on a Charlotte light-rail train. Trump identified Zarutska’s mother in attendance at last week’s State of the Union address.
Cooper told reporters recently that his career is about “prosecuting violent criminals and keeping thousands of them behind bars.”
Tuesday’s election also includes primary elections in all but one of North Carolina’s U.S. House districts. They include a five-candidate GOP primary in the northeastern 1st Congressional District, which is currently represented by Democratic Rep. Don Davis, who faced no primary opposition.
The Republican-controlled General Assembly created last fall a more right-leaning 1st District to join Trump’s multistate redistricting campaign ahead of the 2026 elections to retain the House. Davis won in 2024 by less than 2 percentage points.
North Carolina
Report: Asheville gas prices rise, more increases expected amid war in Middle East
ASHEVILLE, N.C. (WLOS) — Drivers in Asheville are paying slightly more at the pump this week, even as prices remain below where they were a year ago. Amid a rapidly escalating war in the Middle East, however, fuel prices are expected to rise even further.
Average gasoline prices in Asheville have risen 2.1 cents per gallon in the last week and are averaging $2.70 per gallon on Monday, March 2, according to GasBuddy’s survey of 259 stations in Asheville. Prices in Asheville are 2.3 cents per gallon higher than a month ago and stand 10 cents per gallon lower than a year ago, per the GasBuddy report.
Neighboring areas also saw increases, according to new data. Spartanburg is averaging $2.66 per gallon, up 9.3 cents per gallon from last week’s $2.57 per gallon. Greenville is averaging $2.65 per gallon, up 8.9 cents per gallon from last week’s $2.57 per gallon.
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According to GasBuddy, gasoline prices nationwide have risen for four straight weeks.
Across the country, the national average price of gasoline has risen 5.6 cents per gallon in the last week to $2.94 per gallon on Monday. The national average is up 7.8 cents per gallon from a month ago and is 10.1 cents per gallon lower than a year ago, according to GasBuddy data.
Diesel prices also moved higher. The national average price of diesel increased 5.4 cents compared to a week ago and stands at $3.740 per gallon.
“Looking ahead, markets will now begin reacting to this weekend’s U.S.–Iran attacks, which have elevated geopolitical risk premiums even in the absence of immediate supply disruption,” Patrick De Haan, head of petroleum analysis at GasBuddy, said via a press release. “In the week ahead, gasoline prices are likely to face heightened upward pressure as seasonal trends continue and markets navigate this evolving geopolitical landscape, with the national average poised to reach the $3-per-gallon mark for the first time this year.”
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In Asheville, GasBuddy price reports showed the cheapest station was priced at $2.47 per gallon. Meanwhile, the most expensive station was priced at $3.09 per gallon, a difference of 62.0 cents per gallon.
GasBuddy also provided a look at gas prices in Asheville on March 2 in the past five years:
- March 2, 2025: $2.80/g (U.S. Average: $3.04/g)
- March 2, 2024: $3.08/g (U.S. Average: $3.34/g)
- March 2, 2023: $3.14/g (U.S. Average: $3.35/g)
- March 2, 2022: $3.56/g (U.S. Average: $3.69/g)
- March 2, 2021: $2.56/g (U.S. Average: $2.74/g)
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