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What’s next for Georgia: How UGA SEC title game status affects Bulldogs’ CFP path

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What’s next for Georgia: How UGA SEC title game status affects Bulldogs’ CFP path


ATLANTA — Georgia football put stubborn Georgia Tech rival behind it with a 16-9 win and now waits to learn its postseason path.

“Get some recovery, do some recruiting” UGA coach Kirby Smart said on Friday, asked about his weekend plans, “see what happens.”

The No. 4-ranked Bulldogs (11-1) need for Texas to beat Texas A&M in the teams’ 7:30 p.m. game in Austin or for Auburn to upset Alabama at 7:30 p.m. on at Jordan-Hare Stadium to play in the SEC championship next Saturday.

Smart, who has led UGA teams to appearances in seven of the past eight SEC title games — winning three of them, including last year’s — has made it clear he wants to hang another league banner

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This, even though ESPN projected UGA to have a 77 percent chance of keeping a top-four seed even without playing in the SEC title game — which would mean a first-round bye.

“I’m an SEC enthusiast, (and) I look at it as what do you do to win the SEC,” Smart said on 92.9 The Game last week. “It’s one of the top moments of your career, of your year.”

Georgia earned a first-round bye last season after winning the league title game before losing to Notre Dame, 23-10 in the Sugar Bowl College Football Playoff quarterfinal.

The difference this year would be one less game and an extra week of rest, but Smart shrugged off that concept.

“I’d never agree it’s better (not to play in the SEC title game),” Smart said. “What about the experience you get from playing in that game? The pressure, the anxiety, yeah, banged up, sure, but there’s recovery time in there.”

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Texas A&M is a 2.5-point favorite over Texas, and Alabama is a 5.5-point favorite over Auburn.

Here are Georgia’s CFP scenarios as of the end of UGA’s game on Friday evening:

Georgia CFP Scenario One

Georgia doesn’t play in SEC title game

Georgia could get a bye or host a first-round CFP game on Dec. 19 or Dec. 20 if it doesn’t play in the SEC title game, depending on if it finishes ranked in the top four of the final CFP rankings, which will be released on Dec. 7.

The most likely team to jump Georgia would be current No. 5-ranked and projected Big 12 champion Texas Tech (10-1).

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The Red Raiders, with the benefit of a championship game against current projected Big 12 title game opponent BYU (ranked No. 11, and 10-1), could get a favorable bump from the committee.

The committee would note Texas Tech’s only defeat came to current No. 20 Arizona State in one of the two games the Red Raiders’ starting quarterback missed with injury.

There is a possibility in this scenario, however, that Georgia could remain ranked in the top four — and receive a bye, thus not hosting a first-round CFP game.

This would occur if the committee kept the Bulldogs ranked ahead of projected Big 12-winner Texas Tech — largely on the strength of UGA’s schedule and quality wins — even if the Red Raiders were to win out.

Of course, if Texas Tech lost at West Virginia, as a 23.5-point favorite on Saturday, that would derail the Red Raiders’ chances of passing UGA in the rankings, as would a Texas Tech loss in the Big 12 championship game to projected opponent BYU, a team it defeated earlier this season in Lubbock, 29-7.

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Georgia CFP Scenario Two

Georgia plays in, and wins, SEC title game

If the Bulldogs win the SEC championship game, they would earn a top-four seed and get a first-round bye.

In this scenario, Georgia would most likely play in the Sugar Bowl at 8 p.m. on New Year’s Day in a CFP quarterfinal against a first-round winner. The Sugar Bowl gets the higher-ranked conference championship game winner from the SEC and Big 12.

Georgia CFP Scenario Three

Georgia plays in, loses in the SEC championship game

If UGA plays in and loses the SEC championship game, it’s more likely than not the Bulldogs would fall between No. 5 and No. 8 in the rankings and host a first-round CFP game.

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This is especially true because the CFP selection committee has set a precedent that, barring an impactful injury to a key player or lopsided defeat, it will not drop a team playing in a conference championship game beneath a team that is not playing in its conference title game.

It seems unlikely an 11-2 Georgia would fall beneath the current one-loss teams ranked No. 6 and No. 7, neither of which is currently projected to play in their respective conference championship games

• No. 6 Oregon (10-1)

• No. 7 Ole Miss (10-1)

The Bulldogs’ head-to-head win over Ole Miss would likely limit UGA’s fall to No. 7.

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Further, Georgia’s wins over Ole Miss and Texas would be transitive properties likely to keep it ahead of No. 8 Oklahoma (9-2), which lost to both of those teams this season.



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Georgia school weapons detector bill clears Senate committee vote

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Georgia school weapons detector bill clears Senate committee vote


A proposal to mandate weapons-detection systems at every public school entrance in Georgia is one step closer to becoming law following an emotional hearing at the State Capitol on Monday.

What we know:

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The State Senate Public Safety Committee on Monday unanimously approved House Bill 1023. The move comes in response to the Sept. 4, 2024, shooting at Apalachee High School that killed two students and two teachers.

“A place of nightmare”

What they’re saying:

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The committee heard harrowing testimony from Apalachee High School students who survived the gunfire. 

Daria Lezczynska, a junior, and Sasha Contreras, a senior, are members of “Change for Chee,” a group advocating for increased school safety measures.

READ APALACHEE SHOOTING COVERAGE HERE 

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“The place where we used to feel safe, turned into a place of nightmare,” Lezczynska said through tears. 

She told the committee that the gunfire erupted directly outside her classroom. 

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“The fear, the blood and the chaos that is burned into my memory,” she said. 

Contreras, who was locked down inside the school with her mother during the attack, remembered a teacher who was gunned down that day.

 “I left feeling happy, not knowing it would be that last time,” she said. “No child should step into school anxious about coming out alive.”

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A proactive step

The legislation, originally introduced by Georgia House Majority Leader Chuck Efstration, R-Dacula, seeks to create a physical barrier against firearms entering school buildings.

“Ensuring that weapons cannot come into our public schools is a first step to make sure that students are safe,” Efstration said. “Georgia students deserve to know that they’re going to be safe at school. Parents need to know when they drop their kids off at school in the morning, they’re going to be able to pick them up safe at the end of the day.”

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The student advocates believe the technology would have changed the outcome at Apalachee, where investigators say a student killed four people and injured seven others.

“If there had been weapons-detection systems in every place at every entry of the school on that day, that rifle never would have reached our hallways,” Lezczynska said, calling the proposal a “very good bill.”

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Contreras added that the unanimous committee vote was a necessary step forward. 

“This is a proactive measure that I think is necessary,” she said. “I’m glad that people today stepped up and were able to pass it.”

What’s next:

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The bill now moves to the full Georgia Senate. Lawmakers have just over a week to pass the measure before the legislative session concludes.

The Source: This is a FOX 5 original report where Christopher King gathered information from Georgia State Capitol legislative proceedings, the text of House Bill 1023, and public testimony from students and state representatives.

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Republicans fear this Democrat in Georgia Senate race: ‘This guy’s no slouch’

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Republicans fear this Democrat in Georgia Senate race: ‘This guy’s no slouch’


Rep. Buddy Carter warned a crowd of Republicans in Roberta, Georgia, in January that he faced an uphill battle in November to unseat Democrat Sen. Jon Ossoff in the purple state, if he becomes the Republican nominee.

“Look, this guy’s no slouch,” the Georgia congressman said, according to a recording of the remarks obtained by The Washington Post. “He’s pretty sharp, he’s articulate, he’s young, he’s handsome, he talks well. You better have somebody who can go toe to toe with him.”

Publicly, Republicans in the state and in Washington continue to list Georgia as their top pickup opportunity in the Senate as they defend their 53-seat majority in a midterm year in which their party faces fierce political headwinds. Donald Trump won the state by more than two percentage points in 2024, and Republicans have painted Ossoff as too liberal for Georgia.

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But behind closed doors, Republicans have tamped down their hopes of unseating the 39-year-old powerhouse fundraiser as he seeks another term. They’re lamenting their bitterly divided primary field made worse by a recruiting failure when popular Republican Gov. Brian Kemp declined to run for the seat. Carter, Rep. Mike Collins and Derek Dooley, a former college football coach endorsed by Kemp, are the main competitors in the May 19 GOP primary.

Collins – a close Trump ally with a blisteringly MAGA social media presence that could alienate moderate voters – leads in most polls of the Republican primary. The Cook Political Report rates the general election as a toss-up.

“I’m not feeling bullish about it,” said one Republican strategist who was granted anonymity to provide a more candid assessment. “[Ossoff] has wisely avoided the temptation of going on cable news for six years and playing to the base for social media likes. … I think he’s going to reap the benefits of that.”

Sen. Thom Tillis, a Republican retiring from his North Carolina seat this year, said Ossoff has done “a good job presenting as a moderate candidate,” although Tillis does not believe he actually is moderate.

Republicans risked ceding crucial independent and moderate Republican voters to Ossoff if they nominate a more hard-right candidate, Tillis said.

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“If these people want a purity test and they put somebody forth that’s the darling of the MAGA base, but doesn’t resonate with unaffiliated [voters] and right of center fiscal Republicans, that’s a recipe for losing,” said Tillis, whose neighboring state shares similar political characteristics to Georgia.

The skinny former House staffer who won his Senate seat in a runoff election in 2021 did not always inspire the same fear from his opponents. Republicans believed Ossoff, then a political neophyte, had ridden the coattails of Sen. Raphael G. Warnock (D-Georgia), a charismatic preacher he shared the ticket with, and also benefited from an odd election season in which Trump depressed Republican turnout by falsely claiming widespread voter fraud. Just a couple of years earlier, Ossoff had lost a House special election that took place shortly after Trump was first sworn in, disappointing Democrats across the country.

“The first time I ever saw him was when he was running in that Georgia 6 special election and I was like, ‘Oh God, just what we need: Another former staffer,’” recalled Caitlin Legacki, a Democratic strategist. “But he has got game.”

When he got to Washington, Ossoff built a Senate office that prioritized responsiveness to constituents and a hyper focus on local Georgia issues. Inspired by the late Republican senator Johnny Isakson, Ossoff said he wanted his office to provide excellent constituent services to any Georgian, regardless of their political affiliation. In 2025, he joined the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee, allowing him to steer more money to projects back home.

“I don’t crave attention. I’m not doing this for the spotlight,” Ossoff said in a brief interview in the Capitol. “I want to do a great job for the state.”

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Attention is exactly what the senator has been getting, however, as he’s broken from his hyper-local focus in recent months to deliver stinging attacks on Trump and his administration that have won him admiration from national Democrats. A speech he gave in suburban Atlanta excoriating Trump for empowering a wealthy “Epstein class” to rule the country while slashing public services went viral. And in recent remarks at a Black church, Ossoff lashed out at the Trump administration’s actions as evil, criticizing Republicans from a biblical perspective.

“There’s a wickedness to the program,” he said earlier this year. “I don’t know, pastor, where it is in scripture that it says deny care to the sick, take from those with the least to give to those with the most, violate the house of worship to hunt down the refugee. Where in the scripture are those lessons taught?”

The rhetoric is not the standard, careful stump speeches many vulnerable lawmakers up for reelection in purple or red states stick to to avoid missteps or alienating middle-of-the-road voters. And it could add another element of risk to his strategy of winning over moderate voters in the state.

It’s also sparked speculation that he has an eye on a future presidential run that may be taking precedence over his reelection bid. But Ossoff’s fans believe his fiery approach makes him seem more authentic to voters in Georgia, who wouldn’t buy an election-year makeover from the senator.

“One of the biggest mistakes that vulnerable members make is that in an election year they all of a sudden start tacking to the middle, and that’s just transparently obvious to all the voters,” said Dan Pfeiffer, a longtime former Barack Obama aide who now co-hosts the “Pod Save America” podcast popular among liberals. “He’s standing strong.”

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Pfeiffer called Ossoff “one of the best communicators in the Democratic Party.”

At a recent event Ossoff held in Savannah, several fans in the audience said they hoped Ossoff would consider a presidential run in the future.

“In his recent speeches, he’s sounded very presidential,” noted Ray Mosley, a Bulloch County commissioner.

But Ossoff brushed off that speculation as a “curse,” and said he is remaining focused on what he believes will be a bruising race in the state.

“The Republican field is a mess, but I’m running every day like I’m behind and I expect this to be an extremely close and competitive race,” he said.

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Republicans are planning to pour millions into the race, and have already attacked him in ads on illegal immigration and for “chaos” at Hartsfield-Jackson Atlanta International Airport, blaming the long security lines on his votes against funding the Department of Homeland Security.

They believe Ossoff has not broken enough from Democrats on key votes to adequately distance himself from the party in a purple state that voted for Trump just over a year ago. Ossoff broke with Democrats to support the Laken Riley Act on final passage, which expanded detention for immigrants accused of some crimes. (The bill is named after a college student in Georgia who was murdered by an undocumented immigrant.) But he usually votes with his party.

“His record is Joe Biden’s record,” said Rep. Brian Jack (R-Georgia), who added Georgians found Biden toxic. “I’m not sure what legislation he could advocate for that wasn’t a Biden priority.”

Ossoff is known to be extremely deliberative about votes – to the point of hand-wringing – and discusses legislation extensively with colleagues before making a decision.

“He’s incredibly methodical, but also thoughtful about the impact that the policies we pass or don’t pass have on the people he represents,” said Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Arizona), another swing state politician who campaigned with Ossoff in Georgia earlier this year.

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Shortly after Trump’s election in 2024, Ossoff voted for a Sen. Bernie Sanders-backed resolution to block some arms transfers to Israel as the war in Gaza had devolved into a humanitarian crisis. Just 19 members of the Democratic caucus backed the resolution, and Ossoff faced a fierce backlash back home for his vote.

Jeremy Ben-Ami, the leader of the liberal Jewish group J Street, said he spoke with Ossoff ahead of the vote, and that the senator was under intense pressure to vote against the resolution. “He knew what he was getting himself into and he took a principled stand,” Ben-Ami said of the Jewish senator. Now, Ben-Ami said, as public opinion has turned against Israel’s actions in the war, “time has proven him right and the wind has shifted.”

Republicans in Georgia hope that the MAGA base will show up for whichever Republican emerges from their primary in the fall. “We won the state of Georgia for President Trump, proving that it is indeed a red state,” Rep. Andrew Clyde (R-Georgia) said. “We just need to do the same thing for whoever our Senate candidate is going to be.”

Ossoff and his allies say he has the support of a coalition that extends beyond the Democratic base, however. Trump’s approval rating was only 43 percent in Georgia in a 2025 Atlanta Journal-Constitution poll.

“In order to win in Georgia, you need a coalition,” Warnock said. “The Democratic faithful, the base and reasonable people in the middle who want to see us focus not so much on the politics and more on the everyday concerns of ordinary people. That’s what Jon Ossoff is doing.”

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Georgia Court of Appeals sends Cobb student expulsion case back, affirms firing of teacher in separate ruling

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Georgia Court of Appeals sends Cobb student expulsion case back, affirms firing of teacher in separate ruling


A new ruling from the Georgia Court of Appeals is putting Cobb County Schools at the center of two high-profile cases—one involving a Black student with a disability fighting an expulsion, and another involving a teacher dismissed after controversy over LGBTQ+-inclusive literature.

In the first case, the appeals court vacated a lower court decision that had upheld the Cobb County School District’s expulsion of a student identified as K.B., sending the case back for further review. 

K.B. was expelled for two years in 2023 under the district’s off-campus conduct policy, which allows schools to discipline students for behavior that happens outside of school. Civil rights attorneys with the Southern Poverty Law Center argued the policy is overly broad and unlawfully extends school authority beyond campus.

The Georgia State Board of Education had previously sided with the student, clearing the way for his return. But the district appealed that decision just days before the school year began, prolonging what has now become a years-long legal battle. 

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The Court of Appeals did not rule on whether the expulsion itself was lawful. Instead, it ordered the lower court to more closely examine the limits of a school district’s authority over off-campus behavior.

For K.B.’s family, the impact has been deeply personal.

“This fight has worn my child down,” his mother said. “He’s missed his childhood… no basketball games, no prom.” 

Lawyers with the Southern Poverty Law Center say the case highlights broader disparities in school discipline. Data cited in the case shows Black students and students with disabilities are disproportionately impacted by expulsions in Cobb County. 

Another case draws national attention

In a statement to CBS News, Cobb County School District officials noted a second ruling issued by the same court—this time involving former teacher Katie Rinderle.

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The Court of Appeals upheld a prior decision affirming the district lawfully terminated Rinderle, who gained national attention after she was fired for reading a book featuring LGBTQ+ themes in her classroom.

According to the district, the court found she was dismissed for “willfully neglecting her duties and for other good and sufficient cause.” 

The case has become a flashpoint in ongoing debates over classroom censorship, educators’ discretion, and how schools navigate conversations around identity and inclusion.

Bigger questions for Georgia schools

Together, the two rulings underscore growing legal tension around the scope of authority school districts hold—both inside and outside the classroom.

For K.B., the fight is not over. His case now heads back to Cobb County Superior Court, where a judge must determine whether the district’s policy overreaches.

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For Rinderle, the decision marks a legal setback but continues to fuel a broader cultural and political debate playing out in schools across Georgia and beyond.

As both cases move forward in different ways, they raise a common question: how far should school systems go in shaping student behavior—and controlling what’s taught in the classroom?



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