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Trump’s criminal trial sentencing postponed | Arkansas Democrat Gazette

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Trump’s criminal trial sentencing postponed | Arkansas Democrat Gazette


In a major reprieve for former President Donald Trump, sentencing for his hush-money convictions was postponed Tuesday until at least September as the judge agreed to weigh the possible impact of a new Supreme Court ruling on presidential immunity.

Trump had been scheduled to face sentencing July 11, just before the Republicans’ nominating convention, on his New York convictions on felony charges of falsifying business records. He denies any wrongdoing.

The postponement sets the sentencing for Sept. 18 at the earliest — if it happens at all, since Trump’s lawyers are arguing that the Supreme Court ruling merits not only delaying the sentencing but tossing out his conviction.

“The impact of the Immunity Ruling is a loud and clear signal for Justice in the United States,” Trump posted on his Truth Social media site after the sentencing was delayed.

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Using all capital letters, he claimed the Supreme Court’s decision netted him “total exoneration” in this and other criminal cases he faces.

There was no immediate comment on the sentencing postponement from Manhattan prosecutors, who brought the hush-money case.

Though the Sept. 18 date is well after this month’s Republican National Convention, where Trump is set formally to accept the party’s nomination for president in this year’s race, it is far closer to Election Day, which could put the issue top-of-mind for voters just as they seriously tune in to the race. Because of absentee voting timelines in certain states, some voters may already have cast ballots before anyone knows whether the former president will have to spend time in jail or on home confinement.

The delay caps a string of political and legal wins for Trump in recent days, including the Supreme Court’s immunity ruling and a debate widely seen as a disaster for Democratic President Joe Biden.

The immunity decision all but closed the door on the possibility that Trump could face trial in his 2020 election interference case in Washington before this November’s vote. The timeline in itself is a victory for the former president, who has sought to delay his four criminal cases past the balloting.

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An appeals court recently paused a separate election interference case against Trump, in Georgia; no trial date has been set. His federal classified documents case in Florida remains bogged down by pretrial disputes that have resulted in an indefinite cancellation of the trial date.

Monday’s Supreme Court ruling granted broad immunity protections to presidents, while also restricting prosecutors from citing any official acts as evidence in trying to prove a president’s unofficial actions violated the law.

The high court held that former presidents are absolutely immune from prosecution for actions that fall within their core constitutional duties, such as interacting with the Justice Department, and at least presumptively immune for all other official acts. The justices left intact the longstanding principle that no immunity exists for purely personal acts.

It’s not clear how the decision will affect the New York hush-money case.

Its underpinnings involved allegations that a pre-presidency Trump participated in a scheme to stifle sex stories that he feared would be damaging to his 2016 campaign. But the actual charges had to do with payments made in 2017 to his then-lawyer, Michael Cohen, who had shelled out hush money on Trump’s behalf. Trump was president when he signed relevant checks to Cohen.

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Trump’s lawyers sought unsuccessfully before the trial to keep out certain evidence that they said concerned official acts, including social media posts he made as president.

Merchan said in April it would be “hard to convince me that something that he tweeted out to millions of people voluntarily cannot be used in court when it’s not being presented as a crime. It’s just being used as an act, something he did.”

When Trump vied unsuccessfully last year to get the hush-money case moved from state court to federal court, US District Judge Alvin Hellerstein rejected the former president’s claim that allegations in the hush-money indictment involved official duties.

“The evidence overwhelmingly suggests that the matter was a purely personal item of the president — a cover-up of an embarrassing event,” Hellerstein wrote last year.

Hours after Monday’s Supreme Court ruling, Trump’s attorney requested that New York Judge Juan Merchan set aside the jury’s guilty verdict and delay the sentencing to consider how the high court’s ruling could affect the hush-money case. In response, the district attorney’s office wrote that prosecutors did not oppose Trump’s request.

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“Although we believe defendant’s arguments to be without merit, we do not oppose his request for leave to file and his putative request to adjourn sentencing pending determination of his motion,” wrote Joshua Steinglass, one of the assistant district attorneys who tried the case against the former president.

Merchan wrote that he’ll rule Sept. 6, and the next date in the case would be Sept. 18, “if such is still necessary.”

In the defense filing Monday, Trump’s attorneys argued that Manhattan prosecutors had placed “highly prejudicial emphasis on official-acts evidence,” including Trump’s social media posts and witness testimony about Oval Office meetings.

Prosecutors responded that they believed those arguments were “without merit” but that they wouldn’t oppose adjourning the sentencing for two weeks as the judge considers the matter.

Trump was convicted May 30 on 34 counts of falsifying business records arising from what prosecutors said was an attempt to cover up a $130,000 hush-money payment to porn actor Stormy Daniels just before the 2016 presidential election.

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Daniels claims she had a sexual encounter with Trump in 2006 after meeting him at a celebrity golf tournament in Lake Tahoe. Trump has repeatedly denied that claim, saying at his June 27 debate with Biden: “I didn’t have sex with a porn star.”

Cohen paid Daniels and was later reimbursed by Trump, whose company logged the reimbursements as legal expenses.

Trump’s defense argued that the payments were indeed for legal work and so were correctly categorized.

Falsifying business records is punishable by up to four years behind bars. Other potential sentences include probation, a fine or a conditional discharge which would require Trump to stay out of trouble to avoid additional punishment. Trump is the first ex-president convicted of a crime.

HUSH-MONEY CASE

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While paying hush money is not inherently illegal, Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s prosecutors accused Trump of instructing his employees to lie on company paperwork to hide the nature of the reimbursement.

The district attorney’s case framed the hush-money payment as part of a broader conspiracy by Trump and his allies to interfere in the 2016 presidential election. Prosecutors presented evidence detailing how The National Enquirer, the supermarket tabloid, played a central role in the conspiracy with its catch-and-kill strategy of buying and burying negative stories about Trump and publishing sensational and false ones about his rivals.

“After further briefing on these issues beginning on July 10, 2024, it will be manifest that the trial result cannot stand,” Trump’s lawyers wrote in their letter on Monday.

Yet the effort to set aside the conviction might be a long shot. Much of the evidence in the case concerned Trump’s conduct during the campaign and the transition after he was elected but before he was sworn in. Although he was in the White House while signing the reimbursement checks to Cohen, Bragg has argued that doing so was a personal act.

At least one federal judge has already agreed with Bragg. Before the trial, Trump tried to move the case to federal court, arguing that the evidence centered on his official acts as president. But a judge rejected that argument.

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“The evidence overwhelmingly suggests that the matter was a purely personal item of the president — a cover-up of an embarrassing event,” the judge, Alvin Hellerstein, wrote in an opinion last year. “Hush money paid to an adult film star is not related to a president’s official acts. It does not reflect in any way the color of the president’s official duties.”

Even the Supreme Court ruling on Monday appeared in some measure to discourage Trump’s effort to throw out the jury’s verdict. In a footnote, Chief Justice John Roberts wrote that a “prosecutor may point to the public record” to illustrate an argument, a provision that appeared to sweep in much of the evidence that Trump wants thrown out, including his tweets, public statements and personal financial disclosure form.

One aspect of the prosecution’s evidence that might be more vulnerable is testimony from former White House employees recounting meetings and conversations with Trump.

Prosecutors called Madeleine Westerhout, a former director of Oval Office operations, who testified about scheduling a February 2017 visit between Trump and Cohen, a meeting where Cohen says they discussed reimbursement for the hush-money payment.

Prosecutors also questioned Hope Hicks, Trump’s former spokesperson, who testified about her discussion in the White House with Trump after The Wall Street Journal reported in 2018 about the hush-money deal with Daniels.

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“Mr. Trump’s opinion was it was better to be dealing with it now, and that it would have been bad to have that story come out before the election,” Hicks recalled on the stand, testimony that Steinglass referred to during his closing argument as “devastating.”

But it’s unclear whether that conversation could constitute an official act, simply by virtue of where it occurred. And during the trial, Merchan appeared skeptical of the defense’s argument that the prosecution should not question Hicks about that conversation.

“The objection is noted,” he told Trump’s lawyer, before allowing the testimony to proceed.

Information for this article was contributed by Jake Offenhartz, Jennifer Peltz, Michael R. Sisak, Jill Colvin and Eric Tucker of The Associated Press and by Ben Protess, William K. Rashbaum, Kate Christobek and Wesley Parnell of The New York Times.

    FILE – Republican presidential candidate former President Donald Trump speaks at a campaign event at 180 Church, June 15, 2024, in Detroit. Former President Donald Trump’s sentencing in his hush money case has been postponed until Sept. 18. (AP Photo/Carlos Osorio, File)
 
 
  photo  FILE – Republican presidential candidate former President Donald Trump enters at a campaign event, June 18, 2024, in Racine, Wis. Former President Donald Trump’s sentencing in his hush money case has been postponed until Sept. 18. (AP Photo/Jeffrey Phelps, File)
 
 
  photo  FILE – Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg speaks to the media after a jury found former President Donald Trump guilty on 34 felony counts of falsifying business records, May 30, 2024, in New York. Bragg won’t oppose delaying former President Donald Trump’s sentencing in his hush money case after the Supreme Court immunity ruling. (AP Photo/Seth Wenig, File)
 
 



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Arkansas

Arkansas Group Submits 162K Signatures for Anti-Pope County Casino Amendment

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Arkansas Group Submits 162K Signatures for Anti-Pope County Casino Amendment


Ballot question committee Local Voters in Charge has submitted 162,181 signatures to Secretary of State John Thurston to place a proposed constitutional amendment on the November ballot that requires a countywide vote on any new casino built in a community.

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The proposed amendment, The Local Voter Control of Gambling Amendment, requires that any new casino built in the state be approved in a countywide special election before a casino license can be issued.

This falls just days after the Arkansas Racing Commission voted unanimously to award the state’s fourth and final casino license to Cherokee Nation Entertainment, clearing the way for a casino in Pope County after years of legal fighting over the license. If enacted, the amendment would effectively nullify the recently issued license.

The petition, according to supporters, surpassed the 90,704-voter signature requirement to qualify for the ballot. Proposed amendments must also submit a specified minimum number of signatures from at least 50 of Arkansas’ 75 counties. The group said in a press release that it met this threshold in all 75 Arkansas counties.

“In record numbers, the people of Arkansas have supported our campaign to give local voters the final say on whether a casino should be built in their town or not,” said Local Voters in Charge committee member Hans Stiritz. “Some communities might want casinos, others might not, but nearly everyone agrees that it should be up to local voters to determine the character of the communities in which they live.”

Arkansans voted to allow casinos in four counties in 2018. The amendment was approved and received a majority vote in three of those counties; a majority of Pope County residents voted against the 2018 amendment. Since then, new casino facilities have been built at Southland in West Memphis and Oaklawn in Hot Springs. The Quapaw Nation also built a new gambling hall in Pine Bluff.

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In the release, Local Voters in Charge said Pope County voters overwhelmingly rejected the 2018 proposal, but they still face having a casino in the community. The amendment would remove Pope County from that authorization and require any future casino be approved by local voters.

The ballot language and amendment form was approved by Attorney General Tim Griffin prior to circulation, so once sufficient signatures have been verified by Thurston, the amendment will be assigned a ballot issue number and formally placed on the general election ballot for November.

“Our amendment language was approved by the Attorney General and we have substantially exceeded the signature and county distribution requirements for ballot initiatives. The people of Arkansas have, by their signatures, demanded a vote on this issue,” Stiritz said in the release.

Opposing the amendment is Investing in Arkansas, a group formed in May and backed by Cherokee Nation Entertainment.

“While sufficient signatures may have been turned in, this group — solely backed by a rejected out-of-state casino operator, the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma — has spent the last several months lying to Arkansans about the true intent of this ballot initiative,” Natalie Ghidotti, Investing in Arkansas vice chairman, said in a statement. “This small group wants you to believe their efforts are about a local vote, but in reality it is about revoking the casino license from Pope County — a license awarded just last week by the state of Arkansas to Cherokee Nation Entertainment.”

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In 2022, Fair Play Arkansas, a ballot question committee also funded by Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma, failed to obtain enough signatures for a similar proposed amendment.

“Arkansas voters approved Amendment 100 in 2018, and a majority of Pope County voters still stand by that decision,” Ghidotti said. “This small group, funded by the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma, is trying to rob Arkansans of thousands of jobs and shut down what will be historic economic growth for the community, region and state.”



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Which states could have abortion on the ballot in 2024? Arkansas organizers hope to join the list. – The Boston Globe

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Which states could have abortion on the ballot in 2024? Arkansas organizers hope to join the list. – The Boston Globe


The fate of the measures could reshape or confirm the trendlines that have developed in the two years since the U.S. Supreme Court removed the nationwide right to abortion.

Since the ruling, most Republican-controlled states have new abortion restrictions in effect, including 14 that ban it at every stage of pregnancy. Most Democratic-led states have laws or executive orders to protect access.

Voters in all seven states that have had abortion questions before voters since 2022 have sided with abortion rights supporters, including California, Kansas, Kentucky, Michigan, Montana, Ohio and Vermont.

Here’s a look at the abortion measures that could be on ballots in November:

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What is on the 2024 ballots?

COLORADO

Colorado’s top election official confirmed in May that a measure to enshrine abortion protections in the state constitution, including requirements that Medicaid and private health insurers cover it, made the ballot for the fall election.

Supporters said they gathered more than 225,000 signatures, nearly double the requirement of over 124,000 signatures. Amending the state constitution requires the support of 55% of voters.

Those backing a dueling measure — a law to ban abortion — did not submit signatures and the measure will not go before voters.

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Abortion is legal at all stages of pregnancy in Colorado.

FLORIDA

The state Supreme Court ruled in April that a ballot measure to legalize abortion until fetal viability could go on the ballot despite a legal challenge from state Attorney General Ashley Moody, who argued there are differing views on the meaning of “viability” and that some key terms in the proposed measure are not properly defined.

Advocates collected nearly a million signatures to put a state constitutional amendment to legalize abortion until viability on the ballot, surpassing the nearly 892,000 required.

To take effect, the measure would need agreement from at least 60% of voters.

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Abortion is currently illegal in Florida after the first six weeks of pregnancy, before many women know they are pregnant, under a law that took effect May 1.

MARYLAND

Voters also will be asked this year to enshrine the right to abortion in Maryland’s constitution. The state already protects the right to abortion under state law and Democrats outnumber Republicans 2-1. Abortion is allowed in Maryland until viability.

NEVADA

The Nevada Secretary of State ‘s office announced in June that a ballot question to enshrine abortion rights in the state constitution has met all of the requirements to appear in front of voters in November.

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Under the amendment, abortion access for the first 24 weeks of pregnancy, or later to protect the health of the pregnant person, would be enshrined. Such access already is ensured under a 1990 law.

To change the constitution, voters would need to approve it in both 2024 and 2026.

SOUTH DAKOTA

South Dakota voters will vote this fall on a measure to ban any restrictions on abortion in the first trimester of pregnancy. It would allow the state, in the second trimester, to “regulate the pregnant woman’s abortion decision and its effectuation only in ways that are reasonably related to the physical health of the pregnant woman.”

An abortion ban would be allowed in the third trimester, as long as it included exceptions for the life and health of the woman.

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The state’s top election official announced May 16 that about 85% of the more than 55,000 signatures submitted in support of the ballot initiative are valid, exceeding the required 35,017 signatures.

Opponents have sued to try to take the initiative off the ballot.

Where else could abortion be on the ballot in 2024?

ARIZONA

Abortion rights supporters submitted more than 823,000 signatures on Wednesday to put an abortion access measure before voters in November. That’s more than twice as many as required.

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Election officials still need to verify the signatures.

Under the measure, the state would not be able to ban abortion until the fetus is viable, with later abortions allowed to protect a woman’s physical or mental health.

Abortion is currently legal for the first 15 weeks of pregnancy in the state. The Arizona Supreme Court ruled in April that enforcement could begin soon for a near-total ban already on the books. The governor has since signed a bill repealing that law. It is still expected to be in effect for a time, however.

ARKANSAS

Proponents of an amendment to allow abortion in many cases must gather nearly 91,000 signatures by Friday for the measure to get on the Nov. 5 ballot. They also must submit a minimum number of signatures from 50 of 75 counties.

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Supporters said on Wednesday they were about 5,800 short of the requirement with two days left to circulate petitions.

The measure would bar laws banning abortion in the first 20 weeks of gestation and allow abortion later in pregnancy in cases of rape, incest, threats to the woman’s health or life, or if the fetus would be unlikely to survive birth.

Because it allows abortion to be banned 20 weeks into pregnancy, the proposal does not have the support of Planned Parenthood Great Plains, which includes Arkansas. The state currently bans abortion at all stages of pregnancy, with narrow exceptions.

Anti-abortion groups in the predominantly Republican state also have campaigned heavily against the measure, and one group published the names and hometowns of canvassers gathering signatures for the proposal.

MISSOURI

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Missouri abortion rights advocates turned in more than 380,000 signatures, more than twice the required 171,000, for a measure asking voters to approve a constitutional amendment to guarantee abortion until viability. Local election officials have until July 30 to verify the signatures, then it’s up to the secretary of state to declare whether there were enough.

A group of moderate Republicans have for this year abandoned efforts for an alternate amendment that would have allowed abortion up to 12 weeks, with limited exceptions after that time.

Abortion is currently banned in Missouri at all stages of pregnancy, with limited exceptions.

MONTANA

Abortion rights proponents in Montana have proposed a constitutional amendment that would bar the government from denying the right to abortion before viability or when it’s necessary to protect the life or health of the pregnant person.

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After a legal battle over the ballot language, the Montana Supreme Court in April wrote its version of the language that would appear on the ballot if enough valid signatures are certified. Sponsors were required to submit about 60,000 by June 21. They turned in about 117,000, nearly twice the amount needed.

Counties have until July 19 to verify the signatures and the secretary of state would have until Aug. 22 to determine whether the amendment goes on the ballot.

Abortion is legal until viability in Montana under a 1999 Montana Supreme Court opinion.

NEBRASKA

Competing abortion measures could come before voters in November after supporters of each said Wednesday they turned in far more signatures than the 123,000 required for ballot access.

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One would enshrine the right to abortion in the state constitution until viability. Supporters said they submitted more than 207,000 signatures.

The other would write into the constitution the current law which bars abortions after the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, with some exceptions. Its backers said they submitted more than 205,000 signatures.

Organizers for a third effort did not submit petitions. It would have defined embryos as people, thus barring abortion at all stages of pregnancy.

Where did ballot efforts fail to gain traction?

Some efforts that sought to restrict or ban abortion also have failed to reach ballots. In Wisconsin, the House approved a measure asking voters to ban abortion after 14 weeks, but the legislative session ended without a vote from the state Senate.

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Likewise, Iowa lawmakers ended their session without approving a measure asking voters to find there is no constitutional right to abortion. Pennsylvania lawmakers previously pursued a similar amendment, but it’s not expected to be added to the ballot this year.

A Louisiana measure to enshrine abortion rights in the state constitution died in committee, one in Maine effectively died when it fell short of receiving the approval of two-thirds of the House and a Minnesota measure was not passed by lawmakers.





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