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The Teacher in Room 1214

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The Teacher in Room 1214

It was 45 seconds too late, but the teacher had a plan.

A gunman had just barraged her classroom with an AR-15, killing two students and injuring four others before turning to a classroom across the hall. The bullet-riddled walls were crumbling. Ceiling tiles were falling. If the shooter came back to kill more of her students, the teacher decided, she would stand up and shout, “We love you.”

The teacher was Ivy Schamis, whose husband would be waiting at home with a Valentine’s Day dinner; whose son was planning a wedding she couldn’t imagine missing; whose curriculum for this class — History of the Holocaust — had just moments earlier stirred a discussion about hate on campuses.

We love you. These would surely be her final words, Ms. Schamis thought. She knew her plan was futile — irrational, even. But with no stop-the-bleed kit, no shield, no help, words were all she had to show the children that an adult had put up a fight.

The moment never came. The gunman doubled back to the class across the hall, but not to Room 1214. At the command of a SWAT team, Ms. Schamis climbed over bodies and ran with her surviving students down the blood-smeared hallway, out the doors, and into the blinding light.

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What waited for her there, in the days and months and years ahead, would be a whole new role in the lives of the 30 students who had survived. For them, she would be what she couldn’t be for the two who died: a lifeline.

She felt she owed them that. She had been the only adult in the room.

The morning after the 2018 massacre at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Fla., Ms. Schamis rose before dawn and began cleaning her bloodstained suede boots. Seventeen people had been killed, including Nick Dworet and Helena Ramsay, who had been in her class. Some of the surviving students had abandoned their blood- and glass-caked shoes on the school pavement, but Ms. Schamis had the strange feeling she ought to take hers home and wipe them down, over and over, until they came clean.

She left the boots out by the closet to dry and then phoned the moving company that was set to relocate her family to a new neighborhood in a few weeks. She no longer had time to pack boxes, she explained to the movers. She needed to attend to her students.

Within a few hours, Ms. Schamis was corresponding with her students by text. Today, she adamantly denies that she started the Room 1214 text thread, but everyone else seems to remember it that way. She used it to organize car pools to wakes and funerals, to check in on the wounded and to plan a meet-up at Cold Stone Creamery, just so everyone could be together.

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When the school reopened two weeks later, Ms. Schamis was there, shuffling between campus buildings with a cart of teaching supplies. The school’s psychological support offerings for students included coloring books and Play-Doh. She found them useless. She arranged to instead have a service dog, Luigi, a golden retriever, join her classes for the rest of the year.

When Luigi arrived, tail wagging madly, students from throughout the school came to play with him — including some who had otherwise refused to return to campus. The following fall, Ms. Schamis arranged to have everyone from Room 1214 placed in her study hall for support.

Ms. Schamis had known some of the students for only six weeks before the shooting, but she seemed to have a preternatural sense of what each of them needed. Rebecca Bogart, who had been a senior, felt so lost after what she had witnessed that Ms. Schamis encouraged her to apply for a scholarship to go abroad to Ecuador. The physical distance finally gave her mental space from the event.

Ally Allen, who had watched the killer approach through a glass door panel, kept waking in the night with tears pouring down her face. When Ms. Schamis dropped a picture of a German shepherd puppy in the Room 1214 group chat — a future service dog, in need of a home — Ally felt deep down the dog was meant to be hers. She received Dakota the morning after the one-year anniversary of the shooting: a new beginning.

And Kelly Plaur, who had called 911 four times during the shooting, was at a music festival when the crowd began running from what sounded like gunshots. This time, it was Ms. Schamis she called. Keep calm, the teacher coached. Keep me on the phone, and keep running.

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Students called and texted her with their grief, their panic attacks, their drug use, their suicidal thoughts. What their own parents could not fully understand — the worst moment of their lives — Ms. Schamis could.

One day, she took some of the students to meet with a survivor of the 1999 Columbine High School shooting in Colorado. His experience of being shot and watching a friend die was remarkably similar to theirs, and Ms. Schamis hoped that his journey toward healing would assure them that together, they could persevere.

But weeks later, Ms. Schamis’s phone began buzzing incessantly. It was the Room 1214 text thread. The Columbine survivor had died of an overdose.

Ms. Schamis committed herself to staying at Marjory Stoneman Douglas until every surviving student from Room 1214 graduated in the spring of 2019. It was not easy. On her commute each morning, she had the same troubling premonition: her car plummeting off the expressway overpass. Finally, her husband, Jeff, suggested a daily ritual. When she approached the bridge, she was to call him to discuss something grounding and ordinary, like what they would have for dinner.

At the 2019 graduation ceremony, Ms. Schamis wept: Helena should have received a diploma. Ms. Schamis found Helena’s brother and hugged him, but Helena’s mother stood back. Ms. Schamis wondered what the woman felt seeing the teacher who had been with her daughter.

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That fall, she took the semester off and then moved to Washington, D.C., forgoing her full pension in search of peace.

Washington was where Ms. Schamis truly began to mourn. She joined a two-year waiting list for therapy. She reached out to Ally Allen, whom she had referred to a breeder for a service dog, realizing for the first time she needed one of her own.

But two Parkland survivor charities she approached for financial aid to train a dog said they could not help her. As a teacher, she wasn’t entirely surprised: She didn’t recall a school administrator ever once checking in on her. She had never heard any school official admit that she had not received active shooter training, or that her classroom had no stop-the-bleed kit. And she had never been able to reclaim mementos of almost 20 years of teaching that remained inside Room 1214.

Ms. Schamis, who has a master’s degree in education and specialized in Holocaust studies, had spent almost her entire career at Marjory Stoneman Douglas. She had loved teaching social studies in part because it allowed her to watch students see themselves anew: As they made sense of current events in the context of history, she witnessed their opinions changing and their prejudices being renounced.

There was nothing more meaningful to her. But she could not return to another classroom.

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So she took a job as an office manager at a small private school, accepting a major pay cut to avoid being in a classroom where she would again be responsible for students’ safety.

When she started, she discovered the office manager station was in the front foyer of the building — in a way, the first line of defense.

The students, too, scattered around the country, but the Room 1214 text thread bound them together. Over time, there were updates: Ally Allen, inspired by Ms. Schamis, was preparing to become a teacher. Hannah Carbocci was pursing a career in criminal justice and writing her thesis on warning signs in school shooters. Catie Krakow was getting a degree in mental health counseling and shared tips on how the others could care for themselves as another anniversary approached.

I hope everyone is doing as well as they could be, wrote Elena Blanco, who had been assigned to the seat behind Nick.

You guys are forever family, replied Matt Walker, whose desk had been next to Helena’s.

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As long as I am breathing, Ms. Schamis told them, I will always be available for you.

A year later, soon after the Uvalde, Texas, shooting, Ms. Schamis woke up to a message on the thread that had landed during the night: Uvalde was one too many, a student wrote; he couldn’t take his anguish anymore.

Ms. Schamis had taken a suicide prevention course the summer after the massacre. She knew the steps. She called the former student, asking if he had a specific plan to end his life. He did. She kept him engaged with questions — what was something he was looking forward to? — while she sought emergency help for him from five states away.

She spent the next five hours in a maze of dead ends. She tried the suicide hotline, but they could not help her, since she was not the person in distress. She did a 40-minute intake call with a Florida behavioral health center, only to learn they did not serve his region. She connected with a mental health hospital, but it turned out to be private. By now, she was weeping.

Eventually she reached the instructor of her suicide prevention class from all those years ago, who told her to call the West Palm Beach Police Department and explain that the distressed young man was a survivor of Parkland’s school shooting.

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The boy ultimately received emergency care and survived. But not before the dispatcher who answered Ms. Schamis’s call admitted that with all the school shootings, she could not specifically recall what happened in Parkland.

Four years after the shooting, a process server arrived at Ms. Schamis’s home with a subpoena calling on her to testify at the killer’s sentencing trial. Ms. Schamis hid.

The text thread began to buzz with messages from former students who would also be required to appear. Ms. Schamis reverted to her usual role. I’m with you as you testify, she wrote.

Daniela Menescal, who had gone on to study psychology in Boston and still had shrapnel embedded in her leg and back, was distressed about going alone.

I’ll ask if I can be with you, Ms. Schamis told Daniela.

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As the sun rose on a Wednesday morning, she texted the group that it was her turn. Dylan Kraemer, who had already taken the stand, replied fast.

You got this! If you look straight when u testify, he wrote, you can’t see the shooter.

On the witness stand, Ms. Schamis spoke with the tone of a teacher in front of a class, nodding for emphasis and gesturing around the room. Her gold necklace glimmered under the lights as she described the layout of Room 1214, the lesson she had been teaching, the first deafening blasts.

Her eyes trailed over to the defense table. There he was, the man who had stolen Nick’s chance to swim at the Olympics; who had robbed Helena of her plans to attend college in England.

The killer kept his head down. The prosecutor, Mike Satz, brought over a photograph, Exhibit 3S, and asked Ms. Schamis to name the subject.

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“That’s my girl,” she said, putting her hand over her mouth, her voice cracking. “Helena. Helena Ramsay.”

Then he brought over another, Exhibit 3R.

“And that’s Nicholas Dworet,” she said. “Handsome boy.”

Parents in the courtroom shifted in their seats. Others shook their heads. Ms. Schamis looked up to the ceiling, blinking the tears from her eyes, patting her cheeks with a tissue and adjusting her glasses back on her nose where they had been.

Hannah Carbocci — watching the trial live from home — knew her teacher wouldn’t see the group chat until later, but she sent an encouraging message anyway: Mrs Schamis you’re a rockstar, she wrote.

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There were no further questions, the lawyer in the courtroom said.

Ms. Schamis climbed down from the stand. That afternoon, she typed a response in the thread: Love you so.

As the sixth anniversary of the shooting approached last year, Lexi Gendron was struggling. She had tried to go to college, but like many of the others, found herself too preoccupied with classroom seating arrangements to focus. She couldn’t have her back to the door, but facing it meant watching for a killer.

After one class, she dropped out, instead working at a casino and a winery before moving to Texas. Now, she was about to start nursing school in hopes of a career in pediatrics — which meant returning to a classroom once again.

Just spilling my heart out, she wrote on the thread one night. Lexi had thrown away all her #MSDStrong memorabilia in search of a fresh start in Texas — only to realize that those tangible objects had been her puzzle pieces to a day that had never fully sunk in.

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I’m so upset with myself for letting that stuff go, she wrote. I can’t believe I did that.

Ms. Schamis was the first to reply, offering to send T-shirts, bracelets, buttons and pins. Let me know whatever will make you feel better, she wrote.

She understood the pull of Parkland. When the school’s 1200 building was set to be demolished, Ms. Schamis had reached out to the school board, desperate to return to her classroom one more time. The jury, bereaved parents, journalists, and even Vice President Kamala Harris were granted permission to enter the building, but Ms. Schamis was not. Instead, prosecutors sent a package to her home in Washington: a five-year-old box of stale Valentine’s Day chocolates from her desk in Room 1214.

On the morning the demolition was set to begin, Ms. Schamis heard a radio segment as she drove to her new school in Washington. Bereaved families in Parkland were cathartically hammering off bits of the school building before the team came in to clear it away.

Ms. Schamis, shaking, called Jeff. They discussed the weather.

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Her last mental image of her own classroom comes from a press pool report in which strangers described the artifacts left inside her fourth-period Holocaust class: a 2017-18 school year planner; a whiteboard bearing Ms. Schamis’s learning objective, “to be aware of the world and its surroundings”; bullet strike marks across the desks; and the dried blood of Nick and Helena coating a book titled “Tell Them We Remember.”

Last summer, Ms. Schamis sat on the patio of a Mexican restaurant in Washington, recounting that day in 2018. Her German shepherd, Sayde, sprawled beneath her chair. All these years later, she still seemed uneasy. “That’s what keeps me up at night, thinking I was the only adult in there,” she said.

Jeff sat across from her. He reminded her of the bonds she had forged with her students: the pancake breakfasts at their place; the letters of recommendation for graduate schools; the tattoos that several had gotten — Room 1214 — including one who had it drawn in Ms. Schamis’s handwriting.

“But I didn’t save them — I didn’t save them,” she said. Her words hung in the air, jarring against the faint mariachi music coming through the patio speakers.

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Jeff leaned forward and said with a seasoned assurance, “How could anybody save somebody from an AR-15?”

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Contributor: Regulate the ‘Enhanced Games’ as a medical experiment and a marketing stunt

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Contributor: Regulate the ‘Enhanced Games’ as a medical experiment and a marketing stunt

It felt like the Olympics. Crowds cheering. The American flag standing tall above the bleachers. Trainers jumping with anticipation. A swimmer staring in disbelief at the clock after his final stroke. The Jumbotron announced: Kristian Gkolomeev — 20.89 seconds. A new world record in the 50-meter freestyle.

Well, kind of.

I’ve left out some details. There was only one swimmer. The crowd? Just doctors, trainers and filmmakers. This was not in an Olympic city nor an Olympic year, but in Greensboro, N.C., in 2025. And there were no iconic rings on the banners, just “Enhanced Games.”

Yes, Gkolomeev swam faster than César Cielo, the official record holder at the time (20.91 seconds). But he did it “enhanced” — a polite way to say that he used performance-enhancing drugs. At the Enhanced Games, doping isn’t punished. It’s required.

The concept, as described by the organization: “to create the definitive scientific, cultural and sporting movement that safely evolves mankind into a new superhumanity.”

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Backed by investors such as Peter Thiel and Donald Trump Jr.’s 1789 Capital, the Enhanced Games embodies a techno-utopian ideal: athletes as canvases for chemical optimization, testing the limits of human health for a lot of money. Gkolomeev earned $1 million for his record.

So far, the competition has happened at one-off pop-up events. But in May, Las Vegas will host the first full-scale Enhanced Games, a four-day meet in swimming, track and field, and weightlifting. The group advertises a “potential prize purse of $7.5 million for just a single day of competition,” plus appearance fees.

Does it need to be said? Apparently yes: The Enhanced Games glorifies the risky use of enhancement drugs.

Steroids can harden arteries, elevate stroke risk, damage the liver and permanently alter hormone systems. They are not electrolyte tablets or a little preworkout creatine. If Lance Armstrong had been rewarded — rather than sanctioned — for doping, what would have happened to competitive cycling?

Fans — and especially kids — mimic their idols. As risky as the drugs are for athletes at the Enhanced Games, with its “medical commission” to give the illusion of safety, the substances are even more dangerous when used by people without medical supervision.

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The games also expose the economic neglect that drives athletes toward such competition. As Benjamin Proud, the British silver medalist who recently joined the Enhanced Games, put it: “It would have taken me 13 years of winning a World Championship title in order to win what I could win in one race at these games.”

Indeed, the Enhanced Games might look like an easy way out. Only nine swimmers worldwide received prize money and performance bonuses above $75,000 in 2025, according to World Aquatics.

Investors clearly hope to make money off the games as well. The organization is moving closer to becoming a publicly traded company. The economics are not mysterious.

But the Enhanced Games are not just another sporting event. They are an arena for biomedical experimentation and should be regulated as such. The games should face limits similar to those imposed on other high-risk industries, including age restrictions and strict advertising rules.

We already know how to govern legal, profitable activities that carry serious health risks.

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In the United States, that means oversight from the Food and Drug Administration and the Federal Trade Commission — bodies that regulate drug protocols and police misleading commercial claims. A steroid-based competition should not be treated as a sport but as a medical experiment and a marketing stunt.

Regulations on pharmaceutical advertising offer a useful model for the Enhanced Games. Prescription drugs are advertised every night on television, but only under strict rules. They require fair balance (content must present benefits and risks with comparable prominence, readability and duration) and a “major statement” of risks (most serious risks must be spoken aloud and not obscured by visuals or music).

Right now, when you play Gkolomeev’s “world-record” video on YouTube, a medical-risk warning appears for barely five seconds — then vanishes. If a cholesterol drug must audibly warn viewers of stroke risk, why shouldn’t a steroid-based competition do the same?

Enhanced Games content should be accompanied by clear warnings of the risks of performance-enhancing drugs and be clearly labeled, age-gated and distributed as high-risk content more akin to pornography than to a boxing match.

Prohibition is not the answer. Trying to shut down these games only fuels a controversy-driven brand. Just recently, the Enhanced Games sued organizations such as World Aquatics and the World Anti-Doping Agency, alleging antitrust violations and that blocking athletes from participating at the Enhanced Games is illegal. As those organizations fight back, they will be seeking to protect the integrity of mainstream sports, but they will also inadvertently be promoting the Enhanced Games.

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If we want kids to admire clean athletes rather than those using banned drugs, the Las Vegas launch must not reach the world as a Super Bowl would. The Enhanced Games should not be televised or allowed to stream online to minors. Otherwise, Las Vegas, in May, risks becoming an unregulated public-health experiment mislabeled as a sporting event.

Fabricio Ramos dos Santos is a lawyer, entrepreneur and sports investor.

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On Earth Day, House Cancels Vote to Narrow Endangered Species Protections

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On Earth Day, House Cancels Vote to Narrow Endangered Species Protections

House Republicans had big plans for Earth Day this year: They would pass a bill to narrow protections for endangered species that they had long seen as federal overreach.

It didn’t work out that way.

On Wednesday afternoon, Republican leaders suddenly canceled a vote on the measure after an initial procedural vote showed shaky support from party members. One Florida Republican, Representative Anna Paulina Luna, publicly aired concerns about the bill before the scheduled vote, writing on social media: “Don’t tread on my turtles. Protected means protected.” Her post contained an image of a yellow flag emblazoned with a sea turtle and the slogan “Don’t tread on me,” a phrase dating to the American Revolution that some conservatives have embraced in recent years.

The flip-flop on Wednesday was an embarrassing setback for Speaker Mike Johnson of Louisiana. And it left uncertain the fate of the ESA Amendments Act, a sweeping bill that would limit protections for species whose populations are beginning to recover, among a slew of other changes.

The bill’s lead sponsor, Representative Bruce Westerman, Republican of Arkansas and chairman of the House Committee on Natural Resources, said he was trying to shore up support in the hopes of rescheduling a vote on the measure. “We just have a few provisions we’ve got to work through on it, and hopefully in the next couple of weeks, we’ll be able to vote on it,” he said.

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Representative Kat Cammack, a Florida Republican, said she had raised concerns about a provision in the bill that would allow state and federal officials to exempt certain activities from Endangered Species Act restrictions. She said she worried that officials would codify an exemption that the Trump administration recently granted for oil and gas drilling in the Gulf of Mexico.

“I have coastline in my district,” Ms. Cammack said, citing the possibility of an oil spill sullying her state’s beaches. “I want to make sure that we’re doing everything that we can to be the best stewards as possible.”

Before the vote was postponed, conservationists had warned that the bill could speed extinctions and risk the recovery of numerous species, including piping plovers, black-footed ferrets and North Atlantic right whales. And they called the planned timing of the vote, on Earth Day, a cruel stunt.

“It’s a slap in the face to the American people and all the wildlife they love, and the ecosystems that support our lives,” Mary Beth Beetham, director of legislative affairs at Defenders of Wildlife, an advocacy group, said on Wednesday morning.

A few hours later, she was rejoicing.

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“Now we can really celebrate Earth Day!” she said in a statement after the measure was pulled from the House floor. “The public defeat of the Westerman bill is a direct result of sustained constituent pressure. Congress is finally listening to the majority of Americans who support the Endangered Species Act, rather than centering politics and money in its policy decisions.”

Republican supporters countered that the Endangered Species Act needs a serious overhaul. They said the bill would make it easier to remove unnecessary protections from gray wolves, grizzly bears and other predators whose populations have rebounded in certain areas over the past several decades.

“Folks in my district have an incredible frustration regarding the gray wolf population because they have recovered,” said Representative Michelle Fischbach, Republican of Minnesota, during a hearing on the bill on Monday. She said that gray wolves had killed cattle as well as “family dogs tied up in the front yard.”

The planned vote was the latest recent effort by congressional Republicans to erode environmental protections.

Last week, the Senate voted to allow mining upstream from Minnesota’s Boundary Waters Canoe Area Wilderness, one of the country’s largest and most visited expanses of federally protected lakes and forests, sending that measure to President Trump to be signed into law. And the House approved three bills that would narrow the reach of the Clean Air Act, although their fate in the Senate remains uncertain.

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At the center of the debate over the Endangered Species Act are two polarized views of the law. Democrats and conservation groups tend to celebrate it for preventing extinctions, noting that less than 1 percent of species protected under the act have been lost. But many Republicans criticize the law for recovering only a small number of species to the point of removing them from the list.

The bill that the House had aimed to pass Wednesday would make a number of changes to the law. It would require regulators to conduct economic and national security analyses when determining whether to list a species as endangered, while limiting their ability to consider future impacts, such as climate change. It would also weaken requirements that the federal government limit harm to endangered species, reduce certain habitat protections and cap fees awarded to lawyers in endangered species litigation.

The first Earth Day, in 1970, came in response to a series of environmental disasters. The pesticide DDT was devastating bird populations. A record-breaking oil spill had polluted the waters off Santa Barbara, Calif. In Cleveland, the Cuyahoga River had caught on fire.

For the initial commemoration, Congress effectively closed down so that lawmakers could attend events. More than 20 million Americans participated in rallies, lectures and protests across the country, including at more than 1,500 college campuses and 10,000 schools.

The public outcry galvanized the modern environmental movement. It also spurred Congress to create the Environmental Protection Agency and to enact three landmark environmental laws within three years: the Clean Air Act, the Clean Water Act and, finally, the Endangered Species Act.

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Megan Mineiro contributed reporting from Washington.

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44% of Americans breathe dangerously polluted air. In California, it’s 82%

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44% of Americans breathe dangerously polluted air. In California, it’s 82%

Greater Los Angeles remained the most ozone-polluted metro area in the nation, according to the American Lung Assn.’s 2026 State of the Air report, which found that Southern California continues to face some of the country’s dirtiest air.

The report, released on Wednesday, ranked Los Angeles-Long Beach as the worst U.S. metro area for ozone pollution, with an average of 159.2 unhealthy ozone days a year. The region also ranked seventh worst nationally for annual particle pollution and seventh worst for short-term particle pollution.

The American Lung Assn., or ALA, assigns grades based on the number of unhealthy air days and the severity of pollution levels, using federal air quality standards. Los Angeles County received failing grades across all three categories measured in the report: ozone, short-term particle pollution and annual particle pollution.

Riverside and San Bernardino counties also failed all three measures.

Orange County received an F for ozone, a failing grade for annual particle pollution and a C for short-term particle pollution.

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Ground-level ozone, often called “smog,” is a corrosive gas that forms when pollution from vehicles and other sources reacts in heat and sunlight. It can irritate the lungs and trigger serious breathing problems.

Short-term and annual particle pollution refer to fine particulate matter, known as PM2.5. These microscopic particles come from sources such as vehicle exhaust, industrial emissions and wildfires. Because they are small enough to enter the bloodstream, they are linked to asthma attacks, heart disease, strokes and lung cancer, according to Will Barrett, assistant vice president for Nationwide Clean Air Policy at the ALA.

The report did find some signs of progress. Los Angeles posted its lowest annual particle pollution level in the history of the report, even though the region still ranked among the nation’s worst overall.

On the other hand, ozone pollution in Los Angeles worsened from last year’s report, keeping the metro area in the top spot nationally for smog. The report says Los Angeles has ranked worst for ozone in 26 of the 27 years the ALA has issued the study.

Speaking to the press Tuesday, Barrett said the region’s pollution comes largely from transportation sources “primarily burning gasoline and diesel,” along with refineries and other local emissions sources. He said those pressures are compounded by climate and coastal conditions that push pollution inland, especially into the Inland Empire, where unhealthy ozone days are even more severe.

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Nationally, the report found that in the U.S., 152.3 million people, or 44% of the population, live in places that received a failing grade for at least one measure of ozone or particle pollution. That includes 33.5 million children, or 46% of people under 18. In California, the ALA said 82% of residents live in counties affected by unhealthy air.

Of the 15 U.S. counties with the most bad smog days last year, eight were in California.

When it came to bad PM2.5 pollution days, California had seven of the 15 worst counties.

And of the 15 counties with the worst year-round PM2.5 pollution, nine were in California.

In the report, the ALA said recent federal actions could undermine California’s efforts to improve air quality. Those include missed deadlines for stronger particle pollution standards, rollbacks of clean-vehicle and fuel-economy rules, exemptions from toxic air pollution regulations, and a Congressional Review Act challenge targeting three of California’s clean-vehicle standards.

“This [Environmental Protection Agency] is making significant rollbacks to life-saving clean air rules,” Diana Van Vleet, the report’s lead author and the ALA’s director of nationwide clean air advocacy, said during Tuesday’s press call. “Federal actions have weakened, delayed and repealed many pollution limits.”

She referenced the EPA’s February revocation of a longstanding scientific conclusion that man-made climate change threatens the health of Americans.

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“The recent actions by the federal government to interfere with California’s state rights to protect residents’ health are a major challenge to the ongoing success of our local air districts and state Air Board,” said Barrett. He added that state estimates show federal actions weakening California’s clean-air authority could lead to more than 14,000 deaths, thousands of emergency room visits and hospitalizations, and $145 billion in cumulative health impacts through 2050.

Children are especially vulnerable to polluted air because their lungs are still developing, they breathe more air relative to their body size, and they often spend more time outdoors, the report said.

“In my daily work life, I treat children with asthma that is often made worse because of the heavy doses of pollution they breathe,” said Afif El-Hasan, physician-in-charge at Kaiser Permanente San Juan Capistrano Medical Offices.

El-Hasan added that air pollution “also inhibits lung development in children, which can lead to reduced lung capacity as adults. This is not reversible. Once it happens, it’s done.”

Southern California’s air pollution burden has long been shaped by a mix of traffic, freight movement, industry, geography and climate.

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The county rankings show the concentration of that burden. San Bernardino County ranked as the most ozone-polluted county in the nation, with 159.2 weighted average unhealthy ozone days, followed by Riverside County at 126.7 and Los Angeles County at 119.0.

The report also highlighted cleaner-air successes elsewhere in California. Sacramento recorded its lowest annual particle pollution levels and fewest unhealthy ozone days in the report’s history.

Four California cities also ranked among the nation’s cleanest in at least one category: Salinas and Chico for having zero high-ozone days, and Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo for recording zero days of unhealthy particle pollution.

The ALA urged state lawmakers to keep funding programs aimed at cutting emissions from the biggest sources. “The Lung Association is calling for the California Legislature to invest in zero-emission truck programs,” Barrett said, as well as for funding for cleaner agricultural equipment and consumer cars.

The health and environmental arguments for these political positions have been argued to death, but Barrett says that the economic consequences of dirty air are often overlooked. “What is often missing is this impact of the cost of air pollution on family budgets, on kids missing school, their parents staying home from work, on and on and on,” he said. “Air pollution is a costly societal problem that needs to be addressed.”

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