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Middle East braces for Iran’s move after Israeli air strikes shake Tehran

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Middle East braces for Iran’s move after Israeli air strikes shake Tehran

After three weeks of anxiously waiting for Israel’s “precise and deadly” response, Tehran’s residents were dragged from their beds just after 2am on Saturday by a large explosion that reverberated through the capital.

Ever since Tehran fired 180 ballistic missiles at Israel on October 1, Iranians had been expecting a powerful response. When it came, it was in three waves of strikes, reportedly involving dozens of Israeli war planes that struck military installations in at least three Iranian provinces.

The attack lasted until dawn was about to break over Tehran — residents of the capital could still hear air defence systems firing more than two hours after the initial explosion — and was the largest conventional military attack on Iran since its war with Iraq in the 1980s. At least two security personnel were killed.

The Biden administration was swift to describe the Israel strikes as proportional. With the US election just over a week away, it is desperate for the situation to be contained, as it was the last time Israel and Iran traded direct strikes in April.

By targeting Iranian military facilities, including missile factories and air defence systems, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu chose a less provocative option than striking nuclear plants or oil facilities.

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But just as Iran’s missile barrage against Israel on October 1 was more severe, Israel’s attack on the republic was larger and wider than its strike in April, which targeted a military base near the city of Isfahan. With each escalation, the spectre of all-out war looms ever larger over the Middle East.

Now it is Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader, and his military chiefs, who will determine the next stage of the spiralling conflict. Will they escalate or play down the impact of the attack, taking the hit and seek to gain political capital from not responding militarily?

Sanam Vakil, head of the Middle East programme at Chatham House, said there were signs that Iran would choose not to respond militarily.

“They are going to play it down, and use a non-response to generate as much diplomatic capital from the region and the west as possible to create room for outreach and a different posture after the US election,” Vakil said.

“They will be open to domestic criticism [from hardliners] but this highly institutionalised authoritarian state isn’t afraid to clamp down on internal dissent if necessary.”

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Both sides have wanted to demonstrate they are able to restore their deterrent as their years-long shadow war was thrust into the open after Hamas’s October 7, 2023 attack on Israel triggered the wave of regional hostilities.

Neither appears to want a full-blown conflict, at least not yet. But they have been gambling on being able to calculate how the other interprets the scale of their attacks, or what their foe deems to be a requisite response in the perilous sequence of strike and counterstrike.

After a year of war, the Israeli government is feeling more confident following a string of military gains against its Iranian-backed enemies. Over the past month, it has dealt crushing blows to Hizbollah, including killing its leader Hassan Nasrallah.

Netanyahu’s far-right government believes it is in the ascendancy. It is convinced of its military and intelligence superiority, and is eyeing an opportunity to severely degrade the so-called axis of resistance of Iranian-backed militants and alter the dynamics of the region.

“We have proven today once again our capability to attack in any place that we choose, at any time that we choose,” Israeli military spokesman Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari said.

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But it is a high-stakes gambit as Israel fights on multiple fronts. Even as Hizbollah has been depleted, it has been able to regularly fire missiles and rockets at Tel Aviv and Israel’s north. A week ago it hit Netanyahu’s private coastal residence.

In just the past 48 hours, 15 Israelis were killed, including reservists fighting in Israel’s ground offensive in southern Lebanon, soldiers in Gaza and civilians in northern Israel.

There is also the danger of Israel’s military gains leading to hubris, particularly as Netanyahu is influenced by the far-right members of his ruling coalition.

In the other corner, Iran is caught between trying to avoid an all-out war with Israel, which would probably drag in the US, while also not appearing weak. Israeli strikes have over the past year have killed more than a dozen commanders of its elite Revolutionary Guards, and depleted Hizbollah, its main ally.

It was Nasrallah’s assassination in September that prompted Khamenei to authorise the October 1 missile barrage. He was convinced by his military chiefs, bent on revenge, that the republic risked losing credibility if it did not respond.

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Nasrallah’s death was also personal for Khamenei, who considered the Lebanese cleric as a son.

In the lead up to the attack on Israel, Tehran gave few signals that it was planning to strike, unlike in the April assault, which was clearly telegraphed.

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Many of the ballistic missiles Iran fired were intercepted with US help. But a number evaded Israel’s air defences, including one that exploded near an intelligence base just north of Tel Aviv and left a large crater.

Khamenei now finds himself in a familiar bind: how to project that the regime is undeterred and save face while not getting sucked into an all-out war that would put the survival of the republic at risk.

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There has long been the perception in Tehran that Netanyahu wants to goad the regime into a direct conflict with Israel and the US, which has stated its “ironclad” commitment to its ally’s defence.

There is also the suspicion that the Israeli prime minister is bent on scuppering the slim chances of Iran’s new president Masoud Pezeshkian re-engaging with the west to resolve a nuclear stand-off and secure sanctions relief.

As expected, Iran, through its state media, has played down the impact of the Israeli strikes, saying they only caused limited damage in some areas, while boasting of the performance of its air defences.

Iranian television stations broadcast images of life resuming as normal in Tehran with roads packed with cars, shops opening and children going to school.

The full details of what was hit and the scale of the damage is still unknown.

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Matthew Saville at the Royal United Services Institute, the London-based think-tank, said: “Regardless of how well [Iran] can hide any damage, this is the largest direct conventional attack on Iranian territory since the Iran-Iraq War.”

“An initial judgment might be that this looks like putting a cap on this bout between Israel and Iran,” he added. “But the underlying points of friction remain: the progress of Iran’s nuclear programme, the scale of the threat to Israel, proxy activity across the region and the status of Israeli hostages [in Gaza].”

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Russia’s war economy is a house of cards

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Russia’s war economy is a house of cards

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The most important thing Russian President Vladimir Putin tries to impress on Ukraine’s western friends is that he has time on his side, so the only way to end the war is to accommodate his wishes. The apparent resilience of Russia’s economy, and the resulting scepticism in some corners that western sanctions have had an effect, is a central part of this information warfare. 

The reality is that the financial underpinnings of Russia’s war economy increasingly look like a house of cards — so much so that senior members of the governing elite are publicly expressing concern. They include Sergei Chemezov, chief executive of state defence giant Rostec, who warned that expensive credit was killing his weapons export business, and Elvira Nabiullina, head of the central bank. 

This pair know better than many people in the west, who have been taken in by numbers indicating steady growth, low unemployment and rising wages. But any economy on a full mobilisation footing can produce such outcomes: this is basic Keynesianism. The real test is how already employed resources — rather than idle ones — are being shifted away from their previous uses and into the needs of war. 

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A state has three methods to achieve this: borrowing, inflation and expropriation. It must choose the most effective and painless mix. Putin’s conceit — towards both the west and his own public — has been that he can fund this war without financial instability or significant material sacrifices. But this is an illusion. If Chemezov’s and Nabiullina’s frustrations are spilling into public view, it means the illusion is flickering.

A new report by Russia analyst and former banker Craig Kennedy highlights the huge growth in Russian corporate debt. It has soared by 71 per cent since 2022 and dwarfs new household and government borrowing.

Notionally private, this lending is in reality a creature of the state. Putin has commandeered the Russian banking system, with banks required to lend to companies designated by the government at chosen, preferential terms. The result has been a flood of below-market-rate credit to favoured economic actors.

In essence, Russia is engaged in massive money printing, outsourced so that it does not show up on the public balance sheet. Kennedy estimates the total at about 20 per cent of Russia’s 2023 national output, comparable to the cumulative on-budget allocations for the full-scale war.

We can tell from the Kremlin’s actions that it sees two things as anathema: visibly weak public finances and runaway inflation.

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The government eschews a significant budget deficit, despite growing war-related spending. The central bank remains free to raise interest rates, currently at 21 per cent. Not enough to beat down inflation driven by state-decreed subsidised credit, but enough to keep price growth within bounds.

The upshot is that Chemezov’s and Nabiullina’s problems are not an error that can be fixed but inherent to Putin’s choice to flatter public finances and keep a (high) lid on inflation. Something else has to give, and that something else includes businesses that cannot operate profitably when borrowing costs exceed 20 per cent.

Putin’s privatised credit scheme, meanwhile, is storing up a credit crisis as the loans go bad. The state may bail out the banks — if they don’t collapse first. Given Russians’ experience of suddenly worthless deposits, fears of a repeat could easily trigger self-fulfilling runs. That would destroy not just banks’ but the government’s legitimacy.

Putin, in short, does not have time on his side. He sits on a ticking financial time bomb of his own making. The key for Ukraine’s friends is to deny him the one thing that would defuse it: greater access to external funds.

The west has blocked Moscow’s access to some $300bn in reserves, put spanners in the works of its oil trade and hit its ability to import a range of goods. Combined, these prevent Russia from spending all its foreign earnings to relieve resource constraints at home. Intensifying sanctions and finally transferring reserves to Ukraine as a down payment on reparations would intensify those constraints.

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Putin’s obsession is the sudden collapse of power. That, as he must be realising, is the risk his war economics has set in motion. Making it recede, by increasing access to external resources through sanctions relief, will be his goal in any diplomacy. The west must convince him that this will not happen. That, and only that, will force Putin to choose between his assault on Ukraine and his grip on power at home.

martin.sandbu@ft.com

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Crews race to contain LA wildfires as menacing winds may ramp up: Live updates

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Crews race to contain LA wildfires as menacing winds may ramp up: Live updates
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LOS ANGELES − Fire crews on Sunday were racing to gain an upper hand against infernos that have ignited across the Los Angeles area amid ominous new wind warnings as flames threatened additional Southern California communities.

Aircraft unloaded water and fire retardant on hills where the Palisades Fire − the most destructive in the history of Los Angeles − ballooned another 1,000 acres to a total of 23,654, destroying more homes. The expansion of the fire, which was 11% contained, to the north and east spurred officials to issue more mandatory evacuations to the west of the 405 freeway as the blaze put parts of Encino and Brentwood in peril.

Cal Fire official Todd Hopkins said the Palisades Fire had spread into the Mandeville Canyon neighborhood and threatened to jump into the upscale Brentwood community and the San Fernando Valley.

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The Palisades Fire is one of six blazes that have erupted since Tuesday, leaving at least 16 people dead. Four of the six fires remained active on Sunday.

Santa Ana winds that have fueled the blazes for the past week were expected to strengthen Sunday morning in Los Angeles and Ventura counties and again late Monday through Tuesday morning. Sustained winds could reach 30 mph, with gusts up to 70 mph possible , forecasters said.

“Critical fire-weather conditions will unfortunately ramp up again … for southern California and last through at least early next week as periodic enhancements of off-shore winds continue,” the National Weather Service said. “This may lead to the spread of ongoing fires as well as the development of new ones.”

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Developments:

∎ About12,000 structures have been damaged or destroyed from the wildfires, which have consumed about 38,000 acres of land total, according to CalFire.

∎ Evacuation orders throughout the Los Angeles area now cover 153,000 residents. Another 166,000 residents have been warned that they may have to evacuate, Los Angeles County Sheriff Robert Luna, said.

∎ Gov. Gavin Newsom announced an investigation into water supply issues that may have impeded firefighters’ efforts.

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At least 16 people have died between the Eaton and Palisades fires, the Los Angeles County Medical Examiner said Saturday.

The Palisades Fire had at least five deaths, according to medical examiner records, and 11 people have died in the Eaton Fire.

Of the 16 total deaths in both fires, the only victim identified by officials was Victor Shaw, 66, who died Wednesday protecting his home in Altadena. Another victim was man in his 80s, but authorities did not release his name, pending notification of next of kin.

To the northeast, the Eaton Fire stood at 14,117 acres and was 15% contained after ripping through parts of Altadena and Pasadena. More than 7,000 structures were damaged or destroyed,  Fire Chief Anthony Marrone said.

In Altadena, California official Don Fregulia said managing the Eaton Fire and its impact will be a “huge, Herculean task” that he said will take “many weeks of work.”

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Progress was reported Saturday in bringing electrical power back to some Los Angeles neighborhoods.

Southern California Edison CEO Steven Powell said there are now about 48,000 customers without power, “down from over half a million just a couple days ago.”

Yes fire officials warned public safety power shutoffs were again likely to prevent new fires being ignited.

“They help save lives,” Marrone said. “Yes, they’re a challenge to deal with, but it’s certainly better than having another fire start.”

Richard and Cathryn Conn evacuated from the Pacific Palisades neighborhood earlier this week, only to find out that much of their neighborhood had been decimated. But they still aren’t sure about their four-bedroom house where they’d lived for over a quarter-century.

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“You can visualize every room,’’ Richard Conn, 75, said, “and then you know there’s a 50% chance it doesn’t exist anymore.”

“If you have ever wondered what it was like living in Dresden after the World War II firebombing, you should come to the Palisades,” he said.

They also don’t know what’s going to happen next as dangerous weather conditions have made it difficult to contain the fires, and more brush fires seem to keep popping up all over the county.

“I feel like people are panicking,” said Gary Baseman, 64. Read more.

As California fire officials are still getting to the bottom of what sparked the wildfires raging across Los Angeles, and politicians point fingers at one another, climate change is helping drive an increase in large wildfires in the U.S.

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“Climate change is leading to larger and more severe wildfires in the western United States,” the latest National Climate Assessment previously reported. These fires have “significant public health, socioeconomic, and ecological implications for the nation.”

But is climate change the main factor in California? It’s not quite that simple. Reporters from the Arizona Republic, part of the USA TODAY Network, dive into this topic. Read more here

Contributing: Jeanine Santucci, Eduardo Cuevas; Reuters

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Video: Community L.A. Fire Brigade Steps In to Help Evacuate Residents

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Video: Community L.A. Fire Brigade Steps In to Help Evacuate Residents

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Community L.A. Fire Brigade Steps In to Help Evacuate Residents

Deep into the evacuation zone, volunteers are stepping in to evacuate L.A. residents from encroaching wildfires. Armed with radios, hoses and knowledge of the area, this brigade offers help to overextended fire departments as they try to reach people who have yet to flee.

“Top is Yankee.” “Victor’s your side. Yankee is the other side of Topanga, OK?” Community fire brigade volunteers are on the streets of Topanga, California. The Palisades fire was encroaching on this home, and Keegan Gibbs and his team were working to evacuate the owner. “OK, hi. So I gotta do this fast, so.” “I honestly just kind of want you to leave, because it’s getting bad.” “No we’re out of here in five minutes.” The brigade works to back up the fire department when resources are stretched thin. “L.A. County and the other supporting agencies are the best in the world at what they do. Events like this, it’s not enough.” The Palisades fire has now been burning for several days, and has destroyed tens of thousands of acres. “It makes no sense for somebody to try to stay here. It’s so unbelievably dangerous.” “I walked kind of with Keegan a little bit. We were going to stay, probably going to stay for a little while, but we walked the property and it’s just almost like, I just don’t think it’s safe. Can you just open that? I’m want to throw some more stuff in here, and then we’ll be good. Just going to put pictures, important memorabilia.” “There’s a huge denial that people won’t be affected by fire, and we have to be advocates for people to realize and accept that risk.” With firefighters still unable to contain two of the region’s largest fires, more L.A. residents are expected to join the tens of thousands who have already been forced to evacuate. “Our mission is to make sure people are safe, just full stop.”

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