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Supreme Court will decide if religious schools may be funded as public charters

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Supreme Court will decide if religious schools may be funded as public charters

The Supreme Court announced Friday it will hear an Oklahoma case to decide whether the state must authorize a religious school as a public charter.

The new church-state case could yield a potentially momentous decision that could change public schools in much of the nation.

Los Angeles and other large cities have been leaders in establishing charter schools as an option for students.

They are privately-run public schools, but until now, the law has required that they may not be sectarian or affiliated with a church.

The Supreme Court’s conservative majority may see this as discrimination against religion.

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The appeal granted review on Friday argued that a state violates the 1st Amendment’s protection for the free exercise of religion if it excludes religious schools from its public-funded charter schools.

The court is likely to hear arguments in late April in the case of St. Isidore of Seville Catholic Virtual School vs. Drummond.

The case has had complicated history in Oklahoma. The Catholic Archidocese of Oklahoma City applied to establish St. Isidore as a religious virtual charter schools and won an initial approval.

But the state’s attorney general and the state supreme court said the state’s Constitution did not permit public funding for a religious school.

The new school’s advocates appealed to the U.S Supreme Court.

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Since 2017, Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. has led the court in a serious of rulings holding that churches and church-run groups may be not excluded from public benefits simply because they are religious.

The justices opened the door for parents to send their children to religious schools in Montana and Maine.

Citing those rulings, religious-rights advocates say Oklahoma should allow a Catholic school to qualify as a state-funded charter.

Justice Amy Coney Barrett said she did not participate in the decision to hear the case. She did not explain why.

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Trump’s Moves to Upend Federal Bureaucracy Touch Off Fear and Confusion

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Trump’s Moves to Upend Federal Bureaucracy Touch Off Fear and Confusion

An Education Department employee was attending a funeral this week when she got the call: She was being placed on administrative leave because she works on projects that connect Black students, among others, to federal government programs.

A disabled veteran employed at the Department of Veterans Affairs grew emotional when he heard about the rescinding of telework options, unsure whether it would mean the end of his job taking care of fellow soldiers.

A Federal Trade Commission employee was so anxious that he told family members not to talk about politics on unencrypted lines. Across government agencies, workers eyed one another nervously, wondering whether a colleague would report them, accusing them of resisting the new administration’s move to end certain programs.

President Trump’s rapid push to overhaul the federal bureaucracy in his first days in office has been met with a mix of fear, fury and confusion throughout the work force.

Dozens of employees across the government, many of whom spoke on the condition of anonymity because of worries of retribution, described agencies gripped with uncertainty about how to implement the new policies and workers frantically trying to assess the impact on their careers and families. As the nation’s largest employer, the upheaval in the federal government could reverberate in communities throughout the country.

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Starting on Inauguration Day, the orders and memos came down one after the other, many crafted in the pugnacious tone of a campaign speech: the shuttering of “Radical and Wasteful” diversity programs in federal agencies; the stripping of civil service protections from a share of the federal work force; the end to remote work, which, one administration memo claimed, had left federal office buildings “mostly empty” and rendered downtown Washington “a national embarrassment.”

All new hiring was frozen, job offers were rescinded, scientific meetings were canceled and federal health officials were temporarily barred from communicating with the public, a directive that some understood as so broad that it even extended to making outside purchase orders for lab supplies.

For the more than two million federal workers, roughly four-fifths of whom live outside the Washington area, change is inevitable whenever a new administration takes over. But few had expected it to come at this speed and scale.

“They are being upended in the most brutal and traumatic way imaginable,” said Max Stier, president of the Partnership for Public Service, a nonprofit that works to promote excellence and best practices in the federal government. Mr. Stier said he had deep concerns about the consequences of Mr. Trump’s swift changes on the ability of the country to face a range of threats, from terrorism to pandemics.

An ambition to change things is reasonable, he said. But “the speed is unnecessary and destructive,” he added.

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Federal employees looked to their supervisors for guidance, but said they often had none to give, as they tried to interpret brief orders and memos with few specifics. For example, the return-to-office memo said employees with a disability could be exempt, but it was unclear what kind of disability might qualify. Some managers said they knew nothing beyond what was in the news. Adding to the panic were remarks by the president himself, who suggested on Friday that he might consider shuttering the Federal Emergency Management Agency, which employs 20,000 workers around the country.

A spokesperson from the Office of Personnel Management defended the actions in a statement, calling them “exciting steps to build a federal work force based on merit, excellence and accomplishment, so we can have a government that serves the public effectively and efficiently.”

“We have already saved millions of hard-earned taxpayer dollars that are no longer directed to DEIA programs that wasted millions of hard-earned taxpayer dollars and discriminated against federal workers,” the statement said, referring to diversity, equity, inclusion and accessibility efforts.

Donald F. Kettl, an emeritus professor at the University of Maryland who studies the civil service, said there was widespread consensus among experts that the civil service is in need of changes.

“It’s too hard to hire, it’s too tough to fire, and there’s too little match between the civil service system and the capacity government needs to handle 21st-century challenges,” Dr. Kettl said.

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But he said that many of the Trump administration’s proposed changes would be counterproductive. “They’re focused much more on shifting the balance of power than they are on improving the results of government,” he said.

Inside federal offices, the mood has been tense and anticipatory. One employee at the Homeland Security Department said the staff felt at risk of being fired at any moment. At the Commerce Department, employees were terrified whenever a meeting was called, one worker said.

The isolation is deepened, some federal employees said, by the fact that most of their fellow Americans see the federal government as bloated and inefficient. Some said that reform, if it were well thought-out, would be healthy and welcome. But many noted that they had accepted significant pay cuts to work for the government because they believe in public service — issuing Social Security checks, keeping air travel safe and inspecting food, among other roles.

“The reality is that the American economy needs my agency’s work,” said Colin Smalley, a geologist with the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and the president of his local of the International Federation of Professional and Technical Engineers. “We keep construction projects going, ports and waterways open, power grids functioning, and we protect communities from natural disasters and help affected communities recover. Hurting our mission hurts the public.”

Compounding the anxiety was a directive from the Office of Personnel Management instructing agency heads to turn over by Jan. 24 names of those who were still in their probationary period, typically within one or two years of their hiring.

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The directive noted that such employees “can be terminated during that period without triggering appeal rights,” and that managers should determine whether they should be retained, according to a copy obtained by The New York Times.

Jacqueline Simon, the policy director for the American Federation of Government Employees, which has about 300,000 active members across dozens of agencies, said that attempts to terminate federal employees still in their probationary periods could have damaging effects on government services.

For example, she said, employees of the Food Safety and Inspection Service, who work in meat and poultry plants to prevent diseased animals and other contaminants from entering the food supply, frequently leave within a year because the job is so depleting.

“It’s not a job you stay in long,” Ms. Simon said, calling the work “dirty and dangerous.” If the Trump administration were to remove everyone in the service who was still on probation, she added, there would be a severe shortage of inspectors at meat processing plants.

An attorney at a federal enforcement agency said he works on a team of more than a dozen lawyers, more than half of whom are still in their probationary period. If the team were to lose all of its members still on probation, the attorney said, it would be “catastrophic” for the team’s ability to shoulder its law enforcement responsibilities.

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One of the most sweeping changes made by Mr. Trump in his first week was to order federal workers back to the office full time by later next month, ending years of a flexible telecommuting policy, which in many offices dated to well before the pandemic. For some who want to keep working for the government, this could mean selling homes, changing children’s schools and moving hundreds of miles in a matter of weeks. New mothers are debating whether they will be able to return from maternity leave, and couples have been forced to choose who gets to keep their current jobs.

Many offices do not currently have enough room for all of the employees to come back. This, some contend, is the whole point. Shortly after the November election, Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, the men tapped by Mr. Trump to remake the government, wrote in a Wall Street Journal op-ed: “Requiring federal employees to come to the office five days a week would result in a wave of voluntary terminations that we welcome.”

“I think we know where it looks like he’s trying to go, which is to force people to quit,” said Representative Glenn F. Ivey of Maryland, a Democrat whose district is home to tens of thousands of federal workers. “They’re going to try and force a lot of federal employees out of work, and then replace them with political loyalists.”

The administration’s efforts are already being challenged in court by unions and other groups, who argue, among other things, that the lifting of civil service protections runs afoul of laws governing federal workers.

Among the first to feel the direct impact of the president’s new policies were employees working on diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives and programming. Mr. Trump ordered the immediate shutdown of all such offices, with their staff placed on administrative leave by Wednesday at 5 p.m. Agencies were ordered to draw up plans to lay them off by Jan. 31. The administration also threatened employees with “adverse consequences” if they failed to report on colleagues who defy the orders within 10 days, setting up a special email account for such reports.

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The Education Department employee who was placed on leave while she was at a funeral said she had worked on an acclaimed program connecting students with scholarships and industry leaders, and helped Black people tap into government programs they often did not know existed. In various communications, the Trump administration has called such efforts “harmful” and “wasteful.”

“I guess if that’s harmful, then I’m proud of providing that harm — empowering the community to be better because we are brilliant,” she said. “We just don’t have the access to generational wealth and nepotism that they have, so we have to teach people how to make it for themselves.”

In a work force that is nearly 20 percent Black, many employees said there could be another consequence of the moves: making the federal government whiter and less diverse.

By the end of the week, some employees said wearily that they did not know how long they could hang on. Many described conditions as reminiscent of the McCarthy era, and were despondent to see how quickly their office’s leaders acquiesced.

At the Department of Labor, staff members watched a colleague who had been recently hired to a civil service position be escorted out because she was a former political appointee. One employee said her manager required her to scrub the website not only of the words “diversity, equity and inclusion,” as the executive order required, but also of references to “underserved” and “marginalized communities.” Afterward, she said, she went into a closet, called her mother and wept.

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On Tuesday morning, Moriah Lee, an analyst at NASA, joined a virtual town hall to learn what all the orders would mean for her small team, which monitors and audits projects in the space program. The acting supervisors, people she had known personally for years, made it clear to everyone that they were not inclined to show flexibility, she said.

Gone was the weekly speaker series that had been organized under the diversity program, which had brought in deaf people, combat veterans and others to share their experiences. Gone was her ability to live in Nashville and go twice a month to an office two hours away in Huntsville, Ala.

After the meeting, she and her colleagues went back to their jobs. They were rattled, she said, but not afraid. “The people who are acting most in fear are the ones in authority,” she said.

But the change to remote work, combined with the other directives, was just too much for her. And so Ms. Lee sent in her notice: Nearly six years after she began working for the federal government, she was resigning.

Kate Kelly, Hamed Aleaziz and Sheryl Gay Stolberg contributed reporting from Washington.

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Crowd caught on camera going wild after Trump stops by Las Vegas casino floor: 'USA! USA!'

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Crowd caught on camera going wild after Trump stops by Las Vegas casino floor: 'USA! USA!'

President Donald Trump shocked gamblers in Las Vegas when he unexpectedly dropped by a casino floor on Saturday.

Prior to the surprise visit, Trump had addressed thousands of supporters at the Circa Resort and Casino in Sin City on Saturday afternoon. Photos and video show Trump strolling around the casino floor after the speech, while surrounded by security.

The crowd began chanting “USA! USA!” as Trump walked past the slot machines. The president was also seen briefly interacting with enthused gamblers.

TRUMP VOWS TO DELIVER ON ‘NO TAX ON TIPS’ CAMPAIGN PROMISE DURING LAS VEGAS SPEECH: ‘100% YOURS’

Las Vegas gamblers were shocked by President Trump’s visit to the casino floor on Saturday. (Pool)

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The president also naturally walked up to a craps table where a game was in progress, telling a player to “throw the dice.”

When journalists shouted questions at Trump, a craps player scolded the press pool and told them, “I’m rolling here.” Trump told a gambler that he was “doing a good job” before leaving.

TRUMP NOMINATES HEAD OF HIS PERSONAL SECURITY DETAIL, SEAN CURRAN, TO LEAD SECRET SERVICE: ‘A GREAT PATRIOT’

Las Vegas gamblers shocked by President Trump visit to casino floor

The crowd chanted “USA! USA” to Trump during his visit on the casino floor. (Pool)

Trump also said thank you to staff workers holding water trays, shortly after his speech focused on reducing federal taxes for hospitality workers with his “no tax on tips” campaign promise.

“Any worker who relies on tips [as] income, your tips will be 100% yours,” Trump said to a cheering audience during the speech.

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President Donald Trump delivers remarks on his policy to end taxes on tips in Las Vegas on Saturday. (Mandel Ngan/AFP via Getty Images)

“Nationwide, over four million workers depend on tip income, including an estimated 700,000 single moms…here in Nevada…think of it, a quarter of the typical restaurant workers’ pay comes from tips. I didn’t know that,” he added.

Fox News’ Sarah Tobianski and Sophia Compton contributed to this report.

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Community groups set up strike teams to respond to Trump's mass deportation plans

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Community groups set up strike teams to respond to Trump's mass deportation plans

In the early days of President Trump’s first administration, several Kern County organizations launched a tip line people could contact if they spotted immigration enforcement activities underway.

Nearly three weeks ago, the hotline started ringing again. In panicked voices, callers reported witnessing U.S. Border Patrol agents questioning Latinos in parking lots and gas stations — and detaining people in large numbers. In some cases, they said, a loved one had been detained.

The Rapid Response Network of Kern sprung into action. Organization staff and volunteers fanned out across the Bakersfield area — to a Home Depot, a swap meet and other locations where the Border Patrol had been spotted. As they confirmed the raids, they attempted to document the scenes, including any violations of rights or use of force, as well as recording the names of people being detained and interviewing witnesses.

By the time the multi-day Border Patrol operation ended, 78 undocumented immigrants had been arrested, according to the El Centro Sector of the Border Patrol.

Border Patrol Chief Agent Gregory K. Bovino, who leads the El Centro Sector in the Imperial Valley along the Mexico border, said in statements on social media that agents had detained two child rapists and “other criminals.” He said that agents also arrested people for being in the U.S. unlawfully.

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Advocates on the scene, meanwhile, said that the operation indiscriminately targeted Latino farmworkers and day laborers, and that far more people were detained. They questioned why agents from El Centro — 300 miles south — were conducting operations so far away from the border.

Representatives for U.S. Customs and Border Protection and Immigration and Customs Enforcement did not respond to requests for comment.

While the rapid-response network is not designed to intervene in raids, its members played a vital support role by chronicling the operation and offering counsel for those who were detained, said Rosa Lopez, a senior policy advocate for the ACLU of Southern California, which is a partner in Kern County’s network.

Rapid-response networks emerged across the state during the first Trump administration. The community-led groups became a first line of defense for immigrants overwhelmed by threats of raids and mass deportation.

The premise was straightforward: People who see immigration or border agents in their community call or text a hotline. A dispatcher notifies volunteers, who respond to the reported address to confirm if there is, in fact, an active operation. If verified, the dispatcher can send out a legal observer to monitor the situation, as well as an attorney to provide legal assistance.

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During the height of the pandemic, and with immigrants facing fewer deportation threats under the Biden administration, many networks pivoted to providing people with information about vaccines and food assistance.

But after Trump was elected in November amid promises to carry out the largest deportation operation in American history, local organizations are dusting off the rapid-response networks they built eight years ago.

In the first days of his new term, Trump issued a slew of executive orders closing down legal avenues to asylum and declaring illegal immigration a national emergency at the southern border. Public sentiment could be on his side. A recent poll from the New York Times and Ipsos found that 55% of Americans strongly or somewhat support deporting all immigrants in the country illegally.

Along with providing legal defense to immigrants detained by authorities, much of what the networks do is preventative. They inform community members about their rights to ask for a warrant if ICE shows up at their door and not to answer questions. They urge people to document the encounter and report the incident. They also ensure families have an emergency plan.

They use text messaging and social media to warn people of confirmed operations, and more often, to tamp down the rumors that can spur people to stay home from work and keep their kids home from school.

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“Our primary goal is to build power, not panic,” said Lisa Knox, co-executive director and legal director for the California Collaborative for Immigrant Justice, which supports rapid-response networks across the state. “One of the biggest roles that these community networks can play is in spreading accurate information and dispelling misinformation.”

Even before Trump was inaugurated this week, rapid-response networks kicked into high gear as the Bakersfield-area raids unleashed a wave of fear across the Central Valley, where a largely immigrant workforce helps harvest a quarter of the food grown in the U.S.

At least half of the state’s 162,000 farmworkers are undocumented, according to estimates from the federal Department of Labor and research conducted by UC Merced. Many of those workers have children or spouses who were born here.

In the weeks following the Bakersfield raid, the Rapid Response Network of Kern has helped distribute groceries to more than 200 families who have been afraid to leave their homes, and coordinated rides for people fearful of driving themselves to work. Network partners are exploring emergency rental assistance for families who lost income after the raids.

“There’s high panic,” said Blanca Ojeda, an organizer for Faith in the Valley, which helms the Valley Watch Network, a rapid-response network serving communities from Kern to San Joaquin counties. “The activity in Kern … just heightened everyone’s senses and just made us a little more suspicious of everyone.”

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The Inland Empire Rapid Response Network — which hadn’t received a call in eight months — has gotten nearly 140 calls and text messages alerting it to possible immigration enforcement operations in the weeks since the Bakersfield operation, according to the Inland Coalition for Immigrant Justice.

Volunteers with the network have responded to more than 70 reports in Riverside and San Bernardino counties. The group posts updates on Instagram, which so far have mostly served to dispel rumors of immigration agent sightings. It had confirmed at least two on social media as of Friday afternoon.

Trying to respond to reports of raids in a region spanning more than 27,000 square miles is no easy task, said Javier Hernandez, the coalition’s executive director. To meet that demand, the Inland Empire network is aiming to have dispatchers who speak English and Spanish available from 4 a.m. to midnight daily, and is in the process of training 300 responders.

The Valley Watch Network faces a similar challenge. It has trained more than 90 people since late last year and is trying to recruit more legal observers to respond to possible enforcement activities in the San Joaquin Valley’s far-flung farming communities.

“We just want to be able to mobilize as quickly as possible,” Ojeda said, “because it gives ICE the opportunity to leave that spot, and then we don’t have any evidence of what occurred.”

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This article is part of The Times’ equity reporting initiative, funded by the James Irvine Foundation, exploring the challenges facing low-income workers and the efforts being made to address California’s economic divide.

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