Politics
Republican vying for McCarthy's seat vows plan on border 'chaos' driving exodus: 'California for Californians'
Californian businessman and philanthropist Kyle Kirkland spoke to Fox News Digital recently about his decision to enter the field of nearly a dozen candidates vying for former Speaker Kevin McCarthy’s vacated House seat, pointing to the border crisis and the restrictive economic regulations that he blames for unfortunately driving talent from the Golden State.
Billing himself a “media underdog” among those running in the March 15 nonpartisan primary for California’s 20th district, Kirkland is the owner of Club One Casino and president of the California Gaming Association, the trade group for what amounts to a $5.6 billion industry impacting about 30,000 workers in the state. He said that although he’s relatively unknown nationally, he enjoys a strong local base of supporters who personally know of his decades-long reputation as a “highly effective business person,” namely in Fresno County and the Central Valley.
“I’m not a career politician,” Kirkland told Fox News Digital. He said voters want solutions to the high cost of living, crime, the border crisis, inflation, and government regulation amid Washington’s “grandstanding.”
In a district former President Trump largely carried in 2020, and that McCarthy represented from 2007 until his resignation in 2023, Kirkland explained what it means to him to be running as a Republican in what’s considered a heavily red area of the widely blue state of California. Though the most populous state, California lost the second-highest number of residents in the nation last year, ranking behind only New York in population exodus. And Kirkland says the migrant crisis and California’s business climate are to blame.
“I often joke to people that I live in a red state in the middle of a blue state, right? I’ve been in California now for three decades,” Kirkland told Fox News Digital. “I’m very proud of my roots back east and have brought those values with me to California. I think California has some real challenges… in terms of, you know, messaging that they’re giving to business and messaging that they’re giving to people. We need to keep talent in this state. And the way our economy works now is it’s very easy to work from other areas.”
KEVIN MCCARTHY TO RESIGN FROM CONGRESS AFTER BEING OUSTED AS HOUSE SPEAKER
Kyle Kirkland is a primary candidate in the special election for California’s 20th district after the seat was vacated by former Rep. Kevin McCarthy, who resigned in December after being ousted as House speaker. (Kirkland for Congress)
“Talent is exiting the state. And I think it’s important for us to recognize that we need – California needs to keep talented people, certainly a lot of talented folks in the state,” he said. “It’s routine for me to be talking to our friends. And they’ve said, oh, I moved to Texas. I moved to Georgia. Oh, I moved to Florida. I’m in South Carolina now. Right. And California needs to recognize that it needs to be California for all Californians and not just, you know, throw open the borders, let everyone in unchecked, you know, and hope for the best.”
“I think what’s most important for California to understand is, hey, listen, people, businesses in the state want to know that it’s going to be a friendly environment to them. Where it can be regulated — but there’s a difference between regulation and suffocation,” Kirkland further explained. “And I think that’s what a lot of people feel certainly in the business community that, you know, there’s 900 new bills every year, and they’re probably well-intentioned but probably not well-read and thought through, and they’re dumped upon the business community to try to sort out with, you know, plaintiffs lawyers looking over their shoulder. And that’s a very challenging environment to operate our businesses. So, I’m bullish on California, but we’d be naive to think that, you know, smart people are looking at saying, hey, is there a better opportunity elsewhere?”
Kyle Kirkland, the owner of Club One Casino and president of the California Gaming Association, is a primary candidate running for California’s 20th district. (Kirkland for Congress)
While grateful to Trump for showing non-career politicians there’s a path to get involved,” and holding “deep respect for Kevin McCarthy,” Kirkland said he wanted to focus on the current race, championing his “unique background” compared to other primary opponents.
He’s worked with very large and visible companies, noting how he started his career at Bain & Company, around the same time Mitt Romney was at the consulting firm. In the 1980s, Kirkland said he worked in management consulting for global manufacturers analyzing oil fields during a challenging time for the energy industry. He then took on health care clients and transitioned to finance, working for a Beverly Hills firm very visible on Wall Street. Later, he moved into entrepreneurship, founding a “little fledgling music company,” with a partner that they built through acquisitions, including the global piano company, Steinway & Sons.
He said he turned that venture into a company that operated on six continents with 2,500 employees and was the longest running chairman who wasn’t named Steinway. When he sold it, he said the company had the highest product quality and profitability in its history.
From his work transforming the gaming industry from a struggling sector in California to now bigger than that of Nevada, Kirkland says he knows first hand what it’s like to deal with California Gov. Gavin Newsom and his administration.
CALIFORNIA GOV. NEWSOM TO HOLD SPECIAL ELECTION TO REPLACE FORMER HOUSE SPEAKER MCCARTHY IN MARCH
As for the border, Kirkland said he’d bring his “ability to look at complex problems” and be “very realistic” in his approach, while avoiding the “bickering” seen in Washington.
Kyle Kirkland is competing in the March 15 primary for McCarthy’s vacated seat. (Kirkland for Congress)
“I mean, it’s chaos, right? A direct result of the Biden administration’s policy of, you know, pulling down the no vacancy sign and putting up with basically saying, hey, free buffet, come on in. And what happened was exactly what you’d expect to happen as a business person, where it went from 400,000 folks a year trying to come to the United States to 2.2 million and is overwhelming the borders,” Kirkland said. “I believe in lawful immigration. I think it’s important for the United States, certainly important for the agricultural community and the economy. A lot of folks are here lawfully, legally, and you know, again, to pursue the American dream. I’m all for that. At our core, we’re all immigrant based, right?”
“But very clearly, voters are saying we want it to be legal. We want it to be fair. It’s fundamentally unfair to let folks in unlawfully and then give them access to free health care and housing and, you know, food and cellphones or whatever, when, you know, most folks are making or struggling to make ends meet,” he continued.
“And we have in our existing infrastructure, we have housing shortages, we have an overtaxed healthcare system, in the state of California, depending on who you ask, it’s a $30 to 60 billion budget deficit. I think it’s unfair, and people definitely feel that, to say, hey, listen, we want to be humane, but we have to be realistic.”
Noting the California Gaming Association pays about half a billion in local taxes annually to benefit largely underserved communities, he stressed how the “hypocrisy” of COVID-19-era lockdowns impacted business in the state. He also took a swipe at Newsom for flouting restrictions to attend indoor dinner parties while telling everyday Californians not to gather.
California businessman and philanthropist Kyle Kirkland founded the Kirkland Foundation, an animal rescue that aims to help reduce overpopulation. (Kirkland for Congress)
“Throughout [the pandemic] we were consistently negotiating with Governor Newsom’s administration on our ability to open what parameters we could take. I also pushed back against what I think is the inequity there, frankly — the government’s saying certain industries are allowed to operate and others of us aren’t, you know, that seemed very arbitrary to a lot of us that were shut down and struggling to make ends meet,” he said. “But more than anything, it was the inequity of some of these things. I’m very big in fairness. The hypocrisy. Hey, listen, if you’re asking me to wear a mask and not participate in outings, don’t shop at French Laundry with your friends, you know, with your mask off, enjoying $1,500 person dinners, right?”
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Kirkland contrasted himself with some of the other primary candidates, namely California assemblyman Vince Fong, a former McCarthy staffer. Kirkland explained that he hasn’t built a career in politics to earn him the bigger endorsements. Fong, who McCarthy endorsed as his potential predecessor, as well as Tulare County Sheriff Mike Boudreaux and teacher and small business owner David Giglio have received the most attention so far in the primary contest. After March 15, two finalists, regardless of their party, will move forward to the May 21 special election.
Also a board member of the Fresno Chaffee Zoo, and founder of the Kirkland Foundation, an animal rescue that aims to help reduce overpopulation, Kirkland, a Harvard and Stanford graduate, said this next stage of him entering the political realm represents a “natural extension” of him trying to make a difference.
The week after Election Day in 2016, Shirley Morganelli, a women’s health nurse and lifelong Democrat, invited a dozen friends over to the living room of her rowhouse in Bethlehem, Pa., for a glass of wine. Actually, many glasses.
“Misery loves company,” she said.
Ms. Morganelli’s friends, mostly women then in their 50s and 60s, were teachers, nurses, artists and ardent supporters of Hillary Clinton. Some of them had dressed in suffragist white to cast their votes that day, expecting to celebrate the election of America’s first female president. Instead, they had ended the night consoling their college-aged daughters.
“When she called me at three o’clock in the morning — I get all choked up now, because it was the first time I couldn’t say, ‘Everything’s going to be all right,’” said Angela Sinkler, a nurse and former school board member in Bethlehem.
The get-together — Ms. Morganelli called it “unhappy hour” — became a regular event. By the end of the month, commiserating had turned into organizing. They started with writing postcards to elected officials calling on them to oppose Donald J. Trump’s agenda, then moved on to raising money for a local Planned Parenthood chapter and joining in community protests.
Local political candidates began showing up to their gatherings, too, and the group, now called Lehigh Valley ROAR, turned to campaigning. In 2018, several members were elected to City Council in Bethlehem, and Susan Wild, the city solicitor in nearby Allentown and old friend of Ms. Morganelli’s, was elected to Congress with the group’s support.
Lehigh Valley ROAR was one of more than 2,000 similar grass-roots groups formed in the wake of Mr. Trump’s first election — a moment of mass organization larger than even the Tea Party movement at its peak during President Barack Obama’s first term, said Theda Skocpol, a Harvard University professor of government and sociology who has studied both movements.
A vast majority of the groups were led by women, and many traced a similar arc to Ms. Morganelli’s, their shock at Mr. Trump’s election sparking political activism and then, often, electoral victories.
But then there was the defeat of Vice President Kamala Harris in November.
As Mr. Trump returns to the White House on Monday with a popular vote majority and a governing trifecta in Washington, there are few signs of the sort of mass public protest that birthed “the resistance” the last time he took office.
Mr. Trump’s inauguration in 2017 was met with the largest single-day public demonstration in American history. Although thousands marched in Washington Saturday and smaller protests were held in other cities, their numbers fell far short of the hundreds of thousands that rallied eight years ago.
Organizers of the 2017 efforts say this shift reflects the lessons learned from the street protests that took place early in the first Trump presidency, tactics that were quickly abandoned in favor of more strategic organizing — and that opposition to a second Trump term is unlikely to take the same forms.
But some concede that the opposition is more uncertain than it once was. Congressional Democrats and governors now openly debate the wisdom of locking arms against Mr. Trump’s agenda, as they eventually did during his first presidency. And Democrats still now bear scars from last year’s conflicts over Israel’s invasions of Gaza and Lebanon, their embrace of identity politics and President Biden’s aborted candidacy.
In 2017, “everything felt bigger, more important,” said Krista Suh, a screenwriter in Los Angeles. When the Women’s March was announced for the day after Mr. Trump’s swearing-in, Ms. Suh, a novice knitter, came up with a pattern for a cat-eared pink cap to wear to the protest and posted it online.
Within days, “pussy hats” became a ubiquitous emblem of anti-Trump dissent.
Ms. Suh has stayed somewhat politically involved; she canvassed for Ms. Harris in Arizona. But she had no plans to protest this weekend.
“I feel like I’m just so much more jaded now,” she said.
‘He Won the Popular Vote’
When members of Lehigh Valley ROAR assembled once again in Ms. Morganelli’s living room this month, days before Mr. Trump would return to the White House, few were certain about what they should do next. They had canvassed and phone-banked for Ms. Harris. “You name it, we did it,” Ms. Morganelli said.
Ms. Wild had lost her seat, too.
In the corner of Ms. Morganelli’s living room, a cardboard cutout of Mr. Obama still wore a pink hat from the 2017 Women’s March, which most of the group members had attended. But none of them were going to Washington to protest Mr. Trump’s inauguration.
Some members had come to question the effectiveness of the Women’s March. Others were now more concerned about the safety of demonstrating. Last fall, one member’s car was broken into by someone who also tore up the Harris yard signs she had in the back seat.
Four years after the Capitol riot on Jan. 6, 2021, Ms. Morganelli was ambivalent about the optics of protesting the outcome of a fair election.
“This time, he won the popular vote,” she said, referring to the president-elect. “As good Americans and good Democrats, you have to accept that, right?”
Instead of protest, the group planned to get together to drink wine and write thank-you notes to Mr. Biden. “Moving forward, all we can do is try to be our best selves as good citizens,” Ms. Morganelli wrote on the group’s Facebook page.
A Resistance With Some Regrets
In its early days, the opposition to Mr. Trump seemed to practically organize itself. Grieving liberals poured their energy into any vessel available. People who had never organized a protest in their lives were transformed into leaders of demonstrations of historic scale, sometimes overnight, as was the case for Naomi Lindquester.
Jolted by Mr. Trump’s election, Ms. Lindquester, then a 42-year-old elementary schoolteacher in Denver, created a Facebook event called Women’s March on Denver. She thought she would have to beg her friends to attend.
Instead, the day after Mr. Trump’s inauguration, a crowd estimated at more than 100,000 people arrived at the State Capitol to denounce the new president. It was likely the largest demonstration in the history of Colorado.
The Women’s March protests drew some 500,000 attendees to Washington and hundreds of thousands more rallied across the country. But the groups that materialized to organize them, often led by media-savvy young urban professionals, soon found themselves struggling to maintain momentum and, at times, infighting.
The national Women’s March organization splintered after one organizer accused others of antisemitism. Other groups disintegrated amid more prosaic conflicts over priorities and egos.
“It got really ugly, really fast,” said Ms. Lindquester, who has not spoken with her fellow organizers of the Denver march since they fell out in late 2018.
Many such groups, she believes, were victims of their sudden celebrity. “I’ll be really honest with you,” she said, “I very much enjoyed my 15 minutes of fame.”
Since November, Ms. Lindquester has found herself questioning the impact of the march she organized. “The fact that we did that ginormous march and he still got re-elected a second time?” she said.
She has mostly stepped back from public politics — a shift that was in part a result of her move from Denver to a small, conservative town elsewhere in the state, and the heightened scrutiny on teachers’ politics in recent years.
While she was proud of her role in the 2017 protest, “I don’t talk to anyone about that, because I will hear about it if I do,” she said.
In a Facebook post this month she suggested a list of actions that she argued would make a bigger difference now than marching: Plant trees. Volunteer in the community. “Engage with people who think differently than you and find your common ground.”
A New Message: ‘This Is Hard.’
Some argue that the energy is still out there, but the goals are different. Ezra Levin, the executive director of Indivisible, an organization he co-founded in 2017 to channel grass-roots opposition to Mr. Trump, said the group had registered more new local chapters since November than it had at any other point since 2017.
In a new blueprint for action released shortly after the election, Indivisible urged its members to focus not just on Mr. Trump and Congress but also on local elected officials — particularly Democrats in blue states that could serve as a bulwark for resisting Mr. Trump’s policies.
It conceded that “too often in Trump 1.0, we embraced the aesthetics of protests instead of using them as part of a strategy.”
“You shouldn’t start with a tactic,” Mr. Levin said. “You should start with a goal.”
In Ms. Morganelli’s living room, the Lehigh Valley ROAR members spoke of leaning on one another even more as some family members drifted away from their politics in recent years: children who had grown enamored with right-wing survivalism or opposition to vaccines during the coronavirus pandemic, or turned on Mr. Biden and Ms. Harris over their support for Israel.
“I lost my liberal, progressive son to Joe Rogan,” one said, as others nodded in sympathy.
They felt alienated from younger Democratic activists who seemed to see fighting Mr. Trump as a lesser priority than matters of ideological purity.
“If you’re not lefty-left enough, they are willing to sacrifice their vote and throw it away,” either by not voting or voting for a third-party candidate, said Lori McFarland, a member of the group who is now the chairwoman of the Lehigh County Democratic Committee. “And they’ve just set us back.”
Ms. Suh, the “pussy hat” creator, has not sought to reprise her role in the protest movement. She thought that a unifying phenomenon like her hat would still be possible — but the message should now be something different than the defiance of early 2017.
“I think,” she said, “it has to be something like: ‘I hear you. This is hard.’”
Politics
How will DeSantis, Youngkin and other 2028 hopefuls stay relevant outside the Trump administration?
During a busy week in the nation’s capital, far from the action, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis had no trouble keeping his name in the political spotlight.
“This is a time for action. And a time for Washington, D.C., to deliver results to the American people. There are no more excuses for Republicans,” the conservative two-term governor and 2024 Republican presidential candidate said Thursday as he named Florida Attorney General Ashley Moody to succeed Sen. Marco Rubio in the Senate.
Two days earlier, President-elect Trump gave his onetime bitter GOP primary rival a shout-out after the governor called for a special state legislative session to implement Trump’s expected immigration crackdown.
“Thank you Ron, hopefully other governors will follow!” the president-elect said in a social media post.
VANCE IS THE EARLY FRONTRUNNER, BUT HERE ARE THE OTHER REPUBLICANS WHO MAY RUN FOR PRESIDENT IN 2028
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis speaks and Utah Gov. Spencer Cox listens before President-elect Trump talks at a meeting with Republican governors at Mar-a-Lago Jan. 9, 2025, in Palm Beach, Fla. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci)
Due to the national profile he’s built over the past four years, the governor of one of the country’s most important states will likely continue to stay in the headlines as he takes a lead on some of the nation’s most consequential issues.
The spotlight should help DeSantis if he ends up launching a second straight GOP presidential nomination run in 2028, a race in which soon-to-be Vice President JD Vance will be considered the clear early frontrunner as the perceived America First and MAGA heir apparent to Trump.
“He needs to do what he did in 2022, which is pick good fights. And he’s shown a lot of capability to pick good fights with the left both in Florida and nationally,” longtime Republican strategist David Kochel said of DeSantis.
RNC CHAIR SAYS GOP HAS ‘DEEP BENCH’ FOR 2028
“I think he’ll be in demand to come do stuff in Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina,” Kochel, a veteran of numerous GOP presidential campaigns, predicted, pointing to the three key early voting states in the Republican presidential primaries.
“I wouldn’t change a lot from how he did the run-up to his 2024 campaign. The problem was he basically ran against an incumbent president. He didn’t have the wrong playbook. He had the wrong cycle.”
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis holds a news conference with emergency officials as a hurricane bears down on his state Oct. 9, 2024 (AP)
While the initial moves in the 2028 White House run will likely start in the coming months, including some early state visits, most Americans won’t be paying a lick of attention until after the 2026 midterms, when the next presidential campaign formally gets under way. And that’s when DeSantis will be wrapping up his second and final four-year term steering Florida, allowing him to concentrate 100% on a White House run if that’s in his cards.
But what about another high-profile Republican governor who likely has national ambitions in 2028?
HERE ARE THE DEMOCRATS WHO MAY RUN FOR THE WHITE HOUSE IN 2028
The Virginia Constitution doesn’t allow for incumbent governors to run for a second consecutive term, so Gov. Glenn Youngkin will be out of office in Richmond in a year.
Compared to DeSantis, who also enjoys large GOP majorities in his state legislature, which will allow him to continue to enact a conservative agenda, Virginia is a purple state where Democrats have a slight upper hand in the legislature.
“It might be a little tougher for Youngkin, a little tougher for him to find ways to stay in the news” after he leaves office in a year, Kochel suggested.
But, Younkin predicted, “You’re going to see me a lot.”
“We’ve got a very aggressive agenda for being governor in the last 14 months,” he said in a Fox News Digital interview in November. “But part of that agenda that I have is to make sure that we have [Lt. Gov.] Winsome Sears as our next governor. [Virginia Attorney General] Jason Miyares is back as our attorney general and a super lieutenant governor who we will pick at our primaries.”
Youngkin, who energized Republicans nationwide in 2021 as a first-time candidate who hailed from the party’s business wing, edged former Democratic Gov. Terry McAuliffe to become the first GOP candidate in a dozen years to win a gubernatorial election in the one-time swing state that had trended toward the Democrats over the previous decade. He could also potentially end up in the Trump administration after his term in Richmond sunsets in a year.
“I told the president when I called him and told him that I wanted to finish my term that I would be available to help him at any time while I’m governor and afterwards,” Youngkin told Fox News Digital, referring to a call he held with Trump right after the November election.
But if he doesn’t enter the Trump administration, another route for Youngkin to stay in the spotlight in 2026 would be criss-crossing the country on behalf of fellow Republicans running in the midterm elections. It’s a role Youngkin previously played in 2022, helping fellow Republican governors and gubernatorial candidates.
“He’s got to do the blocking and tackling, go state by state, help a lot of candidates, raise a lot of money for them. Get a bunch of governors elected,” Kochel suggested. “That’s the playbook for him.”
What about NIkki Haley, the former two-term Republican governor of South Carolina and former U.S. ambassador to the U.N. in Trump’s first administration, who was the last rival standing against Trump in the 2024 GOP presidential primaries?
Nikki Haley, the former U.N. ambassador and former South Carolina governor, speaks at the Republican National Convention July 17, 2024, in Milwaukee. (Fox News/Paul Steinhauser)
Out of office and shut out of the Trump world while still facing social media zingers by the president-elect, Haley’s ability to grab attention should she seek the presidency again may be a more difficult climb within a party once again on bended knee to the former and future president.
Haley does have a weekly national radio show on Sirius XM, where she noted a few weeks ago, “I had no interest in being in [Trump’s] Cabinet.”
But a lot can happen in the two years until the next White House race officially gets under way. There could be some buyer’s remorse among voters if the new administration is not successful in enacting some of its goals.
“While JD Vance starts as the presumed frontrunner right now, there’s a million miles to go between now and then,” seasoned Republican strategist Colin Reed told Fox News.
And Kochel added that for some Republicans mulling a 2028 presidential bid, “I think a little strategic distance is not a bad idea. Because you don’t know what’s going to happen over the next two years.”
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But holding statewide office — either as a governor or senator — doesn’t guarantee favorable coverage.
“Having a day job cuts both ways. It gives you a platform, a megaphone, and an ability to make news whenever you want. But it also carries with it the responsibilities of governing or legislating or being part of government bodies, whether it’s Congress or the state you are running, where things can go wrong and end up on your doorstep and become political baggage,” Reed noted.
Reed warned that “history is littered with those officeholders who ran and won for a second term only to have political baggage at home become political headaches on the campaign trail.”
Unlike the many people who are upset that Donald Trump is being inaugurated on Martin Luther King Jr. Day, I see it as a good thing. First, it calls even more attention to the day and its significance. Second, it is a chance to speculate about what King might say and do if he were alive in the Trump era.
Counterfactual, “what if” history is a trend in the literary world. Trump’s inauguration on the holiday may prompt us to think about what America and the world might have looked like with King alive and well. Conversely, how did America and the world devolve without him?
King was the kind of leader who comes along once in a lifetime, one with unmatched eloquence and passion. His gift for oratory could energize all kinds of people, including workers, presidents and other heads of state. He possessed visionary insight on the complex racial, social and economic ills as well as their solutions and consequences.
He worked tirelessly to build a grassroots civil rights and social justice movement and serve as its guiding force. And his charismatic presence influenced people to act on the issues and problems he was working to solve.
How might that play out in the Trump era? To begin with, King abhorred all violence. He most likely would have been deeply pained by the mass gun killings that have become somewhat commonplace in American cities. He would almost certainly have butted heads with the National Rifle Assn. and its ardent backer Trump while lobbying Congress to pass comprehensive gun control legislation.
When it comes to international politics, King surely would have condemned Russia’s war in Ukraine. One can also envision him speaking out against Hamas’ kidnapping and slaughter of Israelis as well as Israel’s killing of Palestinian civilians. He would have called these wars ineffectual, repressive and wasteful, a drain on resources that should go to programs that aid the poor and minorities. On this point, he and Trump, who repeatedly claims he has kept America out of wasteful wars, would likely be in some agreement.
It’s impossible to imagine King not fighting tooth and nail against the rash of voter suppression laws and the GOP’s ploys to dilute Black and minority voting strength, including the assault on the Voting Rights Act. He’d bump heads with Trump on that. But Trump would also have a comeback: He’d cite the sharp increase in Black and Hispanic votes for him in the recent presidential election.
King would almost certainly try to prevent the country’s Republican-led rightward sprint, drawing negative attention from Trump and his MAGA coalition. But even he would not have been able to stop the many powerful forces with vested interest in halting or reversing the country’s momentum toward expanded civil rights, labor protections and economic fairness.
The resurgence of overtly racist sentiments, acts and conflicts under Trump would obviously trouble King, who famously hoped for a day when Americans are judged “not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.”
King would have had to find new ways to challenge the continuing ills of poverty and wealth inequality, which ballooned in the decades after his death. Even given his superb organizing and planning skills, this growth likely would have been a losing battle.
Had he lived, King’s unshakable commitment to the cause of human rights and economic equality surely would not have diminished. Wherever there was a campaign, march, rally, lobbying effort or event that his presence could boost, it’s a safe bet that he’d have much to say and do. In the Trump era, there would be plenty to keep him busy.
Earl Ofari Hutchinson’s latest book is “Day 1 The Trump Reign.” His commentaries can be found at thehutchinsonreport.net.
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