Politics
Opinion: Trump 2.0 would be a disaster for the climate
During Donald Trump’s first term as president we witnessed his administration’s efforts to curtail domestic environmental regulations and the United States’ withdrawal from the Paris climate agreement. But few people appreciate just how much worse and deeper the damage to environmentalist goals is likely to run should he win a second term.
The Trump administration was very friendly to oil and gas business interests, unleashing a regulatory rollback of long-standing restrictions on fossil fuel extraction and consumption. In addition to scrubbing all references to climate change from the White House and Environmental Protection Agency websites, it reversed an Obama-era ban on new oil and gas drilling in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge and elsewhere. Trump also revoked safety regulations adopted after the Deepwater Horizon oil spill. (Both these efforts were later stopped or slowed in the courts.)
The first Trump administration also halted rules limiting air and water pollution. His EPA overturned bans on various pesticides, even when the agency’s own research demonstrated their harmfulness. Curtailment of air quality regulations between 2016 and 2018 resulted in a 5.5% increase in fine particulate air pollution, reversing the 25% decline that had taken place under Obama.
As bad as all this was for the environment, in a second Trump term the changes won’t just be related to policy. Trump’s loyalists will aim for wholesale institutional destruction of environmental regulatory capacity, not just suspending Biden-era funding for green infrastructure.
In other words, the goal won’t be to just change a policy here or there, but to fundamentally cripple the ability of environmental regulatory agencies to perform their designated functions to such an extent that if a later administration wished to impose stricter standards, officials would find it impossible to do so. The recent ruling by the Supreme Court overturning Chevron U.S.A. vs. Natural Resources Defense Council, which invalidated judicial deference to agency regulatory decisions, will only make this easier.
A series of tabletop scenario simulations run in May and June by the Brennan Center for Justice, a nonpartisan, pro-democracy research center based at New York University, made it clear that a second Trump administration is likely to aim at root and branch destruction of agency power in a variety of respects. The first step will be to revivify “Schedule F,” an executive order from October 2020 that removed protections for civil servants perceived as disloyal to the president, and use it to reclassify tens of thousands of such workers as political appointments. Then the administration will fire them and replace them with anti-regulator or industry cronies. Agencies’ legal offices and inspectors general, whose role is to prevent the implementation of unlawful orders and to root out corruption, will likely be among the first targets. The result will be systematic evisceration of the expertise, institutional memory and guardrails against malfeasance within these agencies.
In addition to going after employees at environmental agencies, the Trump administration will also seek to suspend research that provides evidence in support of environmental regulation, such as greenhouse gas emission monitoring conducted by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, which in addition to providing weather forecasts is one of the main climate change research entities within the federal government. If Trump cannot convince Congress to defund certain agencies, he may order them moved to remote corners of the country to push its employees to quit. Destroying the agencies will ensure that if Trump is ever replaced by a more environmentally friendly president, the new administration will be unable to reimpose sensible environmental regulation because the administrative capacity to do so will no longer exist.
The courts, now packed with Trump appointees, are unlikely to protect against such efforts as they did during his first term, when the judges were still mainly Obama and Clinton appointees. Litigation is anticipated to be very limited in its capacity to do more than slow down a second Trump administration, which is likely to be far more focused and strategic than the first one. (As one person in the Brennan Center simulations put it: “This time they’re going to know where the door handles are.”)
Finally, a second Trump administration will almost certainly pull back from international efforts that are essential to biodiversity preservation, greenhouse gas emissions mitigation, oceanic plastic abatement and space junk prevention. Even Trump’s ambition to set up trade barriers to protect American industrialists from foreign competition is likely to be destructive, because it will slow the global rollout of new technologies capable of addressing environmental concerns, such as solar panels and electric vehicles, if they happen to be produced in China or elsewhere overseas.
For Trump’s “America First” supporters that might sound like a feature rather than a bug. But four years of institutional vandalism would end American leadership on the world stage. The credibility built up since World War I would vanish as the world’s largest economy ignores the world’s largest problems.
Nils Gilman is the executive vice president of the Berggruen Institute.
Politics
Trump Discusses Tax Cuts for New Yorkers With G.O.P. Lawmakers
President-elect Donald J. Trump reiterated his support for undoing a major provision of his 2017 tax law on Saturday when he told more than a dozen House Republicans at his Florida estate to come up with a plan for increasing the state and local tax deduction, according to four lawmakers who attended.
Republicans put a $10,000 cap on the deduction, often called SALT, during Mr. Trump’s first term to help cover the cost of the broader 2017 tax law they passed along party lines. The change upset lawmakers from both parties in high-tax states like New York and New Jersey, who have since made it a central political promise to restore a valuable deduction for residents in their states.
The yearslong quest to restore the deduction — or at least increase its limit — got a boost during the presidential campaign when Mr. Trump said he would “get SALT back.” But the House Republicans demanding an increase to the limit have not yet agreed among themselves on the details.
Some have called for raising the limit for the deduction as high as $200,000. Others have more modest ambitions, including a smaller increase in the deduction’s limit that would be paired with gradual hikes over time that match the pace of inflation. Right now, the $10,000 cap applies to both individuals and married couples, and the group seems in agreement that couples should take a larger deduction than individuals.
At the meeting on Saturday, House Republicans from New York, New Jersey and California offered a variety of ideas to Mr. Trump about how to address the issue, according to the attendees. Among the concepts discussed was the possibility of persuading local leaders to hold off on tax increases in return for a higher deduction for their residents.
“Maybe we increase the deduction, but maybe the deduction goes even higher if your state freezes or lowers the tax rate,” said Representative Nicole Malliotakis, a New York Republican and member of the Ways and Means Committee who attended the meeting. “These are all ideas we are entertaining.”
Mr. Trump largely listened to the House Republicans, who were served coconut shrimp and Trump-branded bottled water during the hourlong meeting, and asked the group to reach a consensus, the attendees said. Any proposed change would also need nearly unanimous support from other congressional Republicans, many of whom are skeptical of providing tax relief to largely high-income residents of states governed by Democrats.
Lifting the cap on the deduction is expensive, and Republicans are already grappling with the vast cost of the tax bill they plan to pass this year. Lawmakers have explored the possibility of limiting the ability of businesses to deduct state and local taxes from their federal bills to try to cover the cost of any changes.
“It can’t be unlimited, and we still need a cap,” said Representative Jeff Van Drew, a New Jersey Republican who attended the meeting. “We have to find that sweet spot.”
Politics
Trump tasks blue state Republicans with 'homework' as GOP plots massive conservative policy overhaul
President-elect Donald Trump is giving Republicans his blessing to negotiate on a key tax that could prove critical to the GOP’s negotiations for a massive conservative policy overhaul next year.
Trump met with several different groups of House Republicans at Mar-a-Lago over the weekend, including blue state GOP lawmakers who make up the House SALT Caucus – a group opposed to the current $10,000 cap on state and local tax (SALT) deductions that primarily affect urban and suburban residents in areas with high income and property taxes, such as New York, New Jersey, and California.
“I think it was productive and successful,” Rep. Nicole Malliotakis, R-N.Y., said of the meeting. “The president supports our efforts to increase the SALT deduction. He understands that mayors and governors in blue states are crushing taxpayers and wants to provide relief from the federal level.”
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But Trump also signaled he was aware of the opposition from others in the House GOP conference, particularly rural district Republicans, who have viewed SALT deductions as tax breaks for the wealthy. Before the cap was imposed in 2017, there was no limit to how much state income and local property taxes people could deduct from their income when filing their federal returns.
“He gave us a little homework to work on, a number that could provide our middle class constituents with relief from the high taxes imposed by our governor and mayor, and at the same time, you know, something that can build consensus and get to [a 218-vote majority],” Malliotakis said.
“I think we pretty much know that it’s not going to be a complete lifting of the SALT cap. There’s not an appetite within Congress or even among American taxpayers to lower taxes for the ultra-wealthy.
“Our efforts are really targeted to middle-class families, and that’s what we’re focused on in trying to achieve the right balance.”
The current SALT deduction cap has been opposed by New York and California lawmakers for much of its existence, since being levied in Trump’s Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA).
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Trump suggested he would change course during his second administration as early as September last year, when he posted on Truth Social that he would “get SALT back, lower your taxes, and so much more.”
The discussions are part of Republicans’ wider talks about passing a massive fiscal and conservative policy overhaul via a process known as “reconciliation.”
By lowering the Senate’s threshold for passage to a simple majority instead of two-thirds, the process allows the party in control of both houses of Congress and the White House to pass certain legislation provided it deals with budgetary and other fiscal matters.
Some pro-SALT deduction Republicans, like Rep. Mike Lawler, R-N.Y., had signaled they could withhold support from the final bill if the cap was not increased.
“The only red line I have is that if there is a tax bill that does not lift the cap on SALT, I would not support that,” Lawler told Fox News’ Sunday Morning Futures.
Lawler also said Trump agreed that SALT deduction caps needed to be raised.
House Republicans have virtually no room for error with a razor-thin majority from Trump’s inauguration until likely sometime in April.
Meanwhile, Trump also told New York Republicans that he would help them fight their state’s controversial congestion pricing rule that levies an added cost to drive in parts of Manhattan.
“He understands how unfair this is and how it would impact the city’s economy and the people we represent and so we’re currently working with him on legal options to reverse the rubber stamp of the Biden administration,” Malliotakis said. “If there’s a legal option, if there’s a legal option for him to halt congestion pricing, he will.”
“You have, you know, cops, police, firefighters, nurses, the restaurant workers that have to go in at odd hours, and they drive because they don’t feel that the transit system is clean or safe.”
Congestion pricing took effect in New York City earlier this month.
Fox News Digital reached out to the Trump transition team for comment on this weekend’s meeting.
Politics
Newsom suspends landmark environmental laws to ease rebuilding in wildfire zones
Landmark California environmental laws will be suspended for wildfire victims seeking to rebuild their homes and businesses, according to an executive order signed Sunday by Gov. Gavin Newsom.
Requirements for building permits and reviews in the California Environmental Quality Act and the California Coastal Act — often considered onerous by developers — will be eased for victims of the fires in Pacific Palisades, Altadena and other communities, according to the order.
“California leads the nation in environmental stewardship. I’m not going to give that up,” Newsom told Jacob Soboroff on NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “But one thing I won’t give into is delay. Delay is denial for people: lives, traditions, places torn apart, torn asunder.”
Dan Dunmoyer, president and chief executive of the California Building Industry Assn., said the governor’s action represents an early and strong statement about the future of these areas. Newsom is making clear, Dunmoyer said, that the state will encourage homeowners to go back to their neighborhoods rather than deem development there too risky.
“He’s put a marker down to say we’re going to rebuild these communities,” Dunmoyer said.
Waivers of the environmental quality act, known as CEQA, and the Coastal Act could shave years off the process for homeowners in the Palisades, he said, but building permits issued by local governments represent another major hurdle.
“Those two banner ones are important,” Dunmoyer said, referring to the state laws, “but if the locals don’t come up with an expedited process, that’s where it could get stuck.”
Newsom’s order calls for the state housing department to work with affected cities and the county to develop new permitting rules that would allow for all approvals to be issued within 30 days.
In the wake of the fires, housing analysts have renewed calls for the city of Los Angeles to speed up its processes. A 2023 study found that the average unit in a multifamily property in the city took five years to complete, with a substantial portion of that time related to bureaucratic approval.
Mayor Karen Bass has acknowledged the problems and pledged that the city will accelerate permitting.
“We are going to clear the red tape and unnecessary delays and costs and headaches that people experience in ordinary times so that we can rebuild your homes quickly,” Bass said at a news conference Thursday.
Bass reiterated the promise at a news conference Sunday morning, applauding the governor’s action, and said she plans to release details on the effort this week. L.A. County Board of Supervisors Chair Kathryn Barger, who represents Altadena, similarly lauded the governor’s executive order.
“I want to thank the governor for hearing my request and taking swift action to ensure that our residents will not be burdened by unnecessary requirements as they begin the process of recovery and rebuilding,” said Barger, a Republican.
However, many GOP members across the state said Newsom’s order was too little, too late.
“Wildfire victims deserve much more from Gavin Newsom. When his track record includes lying about and underfunding wildfire prevention efforts, he owes Angelenos answers on how he and local Democrat leaders could have been so unprepared for these devastating wildfires,” said California Republican Party Chairwoman Jessica Millan Patterson. “No more blame game and excuses. We need accountability from this governor, and we need it now.”
Environmentalists also noted that the governor’s executive order restates an existing provision in the Coastal Act that provides exemptions for fire rebuilds.
The California Coastal Commission, which is tasked with coordinating with local officials in enforcing the Coastal Act, noted last week that the state law already clearly lays out that reconstruction of homes, businesses and most other structures destroyed by a disaster are exempt from typical coastal development permits — as long as the new building is sited in the same location and not more than 10% larger or taller than the destroyed structure.
In the 2018 Woolsey fire, which devastated areas in and around Malibu, the commission coordinated with city and county officials to help homeowners rebuild. Coastal officials also noted that over the years, following other devastating natural disasters, the commission has processed hundreds of “disaster rebuild waivers” in other coastal areas that are directly regulated by the commission.
“When the time comes to rebuild, both the Coastal Act and the Governor’s Executive Order provide a clear pathway for replacing lost structures quickly and easily,” Kate Huckelbridge, the commission’s executive director, said in a statement. “Our hearts go out to all the residents of the L.A. area whose homes and communities have been destroyed by these horrific fires.”
President-elect Donald Trump and other conservatives have castigated Newsom and other Democratic leaders in California for embracing environmental policies that they argue laid the groundwork for this month’s historic destruction. Calling Newsom “incompetent,” Trump said he should resign, and made false statements about water being redirected to protect small fish and about Federal Emergency Management Agency policy.
“The fires are still raging in L.A. The incompetent pols have no idea how to put them out,” Trump wrote Saturday night on Truth Social, his social media platform. “Thousands of magnificent houses are gone, and many more will soon be lost. There is death all over the place. This is one of the worst catastrophes in the history of our Country. They just can’t put out the fires. What’s wrong with them?”
Trump’s transition team did not respond to requests for comment on Saturday.
Newsom, during the NBC interview, said he had asked the incoming president to come view the devastation in person, as Barger did Saturday.
“We want to do it in the spirit of an open hand, not a closed fist. He’s the president-elect,” Newsom said. “I respect the office.”
While noting that many of the buildings that survived the fires were more likely to be built under modern building codes, Newsom said he was worried about the amount of time it would take to rebuild. So his executive order eliminates some CEQA requirements, modifies Coastal Act provisions and ensures property tax assessments are not increased for those who rebuild.
CEQA was signed into law by then-Gov. Ronald Reagan in 1970 amid the burgeoning environmental movement. The Coastal Act was created after a landmark voter proposition in 1972 that was led by a fervent statewide effort to save the coast from unchecked development and devastating oil spills like the 1969 disaster in Santa Barbara that was considered the “environmental shot heard round the world.”
Both have faced challenges for decades, and governors of both parties have argued for more than 40 years that CEQA needs to be reformed. Several of the act’s requirements were temporarily suspended by an executive order issued by Newsom during the pandemic. He argues that now is the time again.
Asked on the news program whether this month’s wildfires are the worst natural disaster in the nation’s history, Newsom noted that recent fires had resulted in a greater loss of life but said, “I think it will be in terms of just the costs associated with it in terms of the scale and scope.”
He called for a California version of the Marshall Plan, the American effort to rebuild Western Europe after World War II.
“We already have a team looking at reimagining L.A. 2.0,” he said, “and we are making sure everyone’s included, not just the folks on the coast, people here that were ravaged by this disaster.”
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