Politics
Column: Reports of the death of Trump's Project 2025 are greatly exaggerated
This summer more and more voters have gotten to know the gist of Project 2025, the policy opus intended to guide a second Trump administration, and they thoroughly dislike it. Which explains the project’s purported demise in recent days at the Trump campaign’s hands, just as Democrats have jump-started the presidential contest behind Kamala Harris’ candidacy.
Opinion Columnist
Jackie Calmes
Jackie Calmes brings a critical eye to the national political scene. She has decades of experience covering the White House and Congress.
The ruthlessness with which Donald Trump and his chief campaign lieutenants supposedly severed any ties to the agenda-setting endeavor gave me flashbacks to Trump’s presidency, when he’d abruptly announce a policy switch or Cabinet member’s firing with a tweet.
Just like that, someone or something that once had Trump’s favor was dispatched with the press of two thumbs on a smartphone’s buttons.
“I know nothing about Project 2025,” Trump wrote in a misnamed “truth” on his social media site last month. “I have no idea who is behind it. I disagree with some of the things they’re saying and some of the things they’re saying are absolutely ridiculous and abysmal. Anything they do, I wish them luck, but I have nothing to do with them.” He reiterated that message several times throughout July, blaming “Radical Left Democrats” for “pure disinformation” about his ties to the effort.
As usual, that was all lies, but when the right-wing coalition behind the blueprint, including scores of former Trump advisors, continued to promote it, Trump’s enforcers finally brought out the shiv — a no-holds-barred statement on Tuesday from senior campaign consigliere Susie Wiles and Chris LaCivita:
“President Trump’s campaign has been very clear for over a year that Project 2025 had nothing to do with the campaign, did not speak for the campaign, and should not be associated with the campaign or the President in any way. Reports of Project 2025’s demise would be greatly welcomed and should serve as notice to anyone or any group trying to misrepresent their influence with President Trump and his campaign — it will not end well for you.” (Emphasis mine.)
That same day the once-respected, now MAGA-fied Heritage Foundation, the power behind Project 2025, announced that director Paul Dans was out of his job and that the 2-year-old undertaking would throttle back. The Washington Post reported that some contributing authors, who once saw their involvement as a ticket to a job in Trump 2.0, were asking to have their names scratched from the final product. Theirs isn’t an idle fear: LaCivita had threatened an employment ban if Project 2025 collaborators continued to equate their work with Trump’s agenda.
So that’s the end of that? Be skeptical. Be very skeptical.
For one thing, Trump embraced the effort at its start. In a speech at a Heritage conference in 2022, he said it would “detail plans for exactly what our movement will do … when the American people give us a colossal mandate to save America.” CNN’s review of the contributors found at least 140 former Trump administration officials, including six Cabinet secretaries.
So, sure, Trump can badmouth the Heritage project now that it’s become a bogeyman. But should he win, he’ll surely make use of Project 2025’s policy prescriptions and its database of 20,000 vetted MAGAts to form a government and execute his stated agenda.
Which gets to the second reason Project 2025 should be considered alive and well: Much of it is Trump’s agenda, just with flesh on the policy bones.
Most of the best known and least popular parts of the project’s 900-plus pages, the ones that media accounts and Democrats have spotlighted — “Can you believe they put that thing in writing?” Harris mockingly asks rally crowds lately — are in fact ideas that Trump himself calls for.
Among them: Abolish the Department of Education. Gut the civil service system and return to a spoils system rewarding MAGA loyalists with federal jobs. Tear down the ethics wall that’s blocked White House interference in Justice Department prosecutions and FBI investigations since Watergate so that Trump can deep-six the criminal cases against him and order up new ones against his enemies.
And more: Mount immigration raids nationwide, with the military’s help, and deport millions living and working here without authorization. Repeal climate change mitigation programs and other environmental regulations. End affirmative action. Undo President Biden’s student loan relief program.
Trump has talked about them all. Where he and Project 2025 mainly diverge is on abortion. Like the rest of us, the former president has seen the decisive power of abortion rights voters in every election since his Supreme Court appointees enabled the reversal of Roe in 2022. He’s desperate to duck talk about further federal abortion restrictions and insists he’d leave the issue to the states. Project 2025, however, proposes a number of federal limits on abortion and contraception, and a ban on shipping the pills that account for nearly two-thirds of abortions.
Let’s say Trump, as president, does leave abortion issues to the states. As we’ve seen already, his antiabortion appointees to the federal courts almost certainly wouldn’t hesitate to rule in ways that affect us all. And that still leaves all those other policy areas where Project 2025 reflects his policy wish list.
Get familiar with Project 2025, if you’re not. Trump’s advisors can welcome the reports of its demise, as they say. But the truth is, reports of its death are greatly exaggerated. The only way to put a stake through the thing is to make sure Trump isn’t returned to the White House.
@jackiekcalmes
Politics
Trump Discusses Tax Cuts for New Yorkers With G.O.P. Lawmakers
President-elect Donald J. Trump reiterated his support for undoing a major provision of his 2017 tax law on Saturday when he told more than a dozen House Republicans at his Florida estate to come up with a plan for increasing the state and local tax deduction, according to four lawmakers who attended.
Republicans put a $10,000 cap on the deduction, often called SALT, during Mr. Trump’s first term to help cover the cost of the broader 2017 tax law they passed along party lines. The change upset lawmakers from both parties in high-tax states like New York and New Jersey, who have since made it a central political promise to restore a valuable deduction for residents in their states.
The yearslong quest to restore the deduction — or at least increase its limit — got a boost during the presidential campaign when Mr. Trump said he would “get SALT back.” But the House Republicans demanding an increase to the limit have not yet agreed among themselves on the details.
Some have called for raising the limit for the deduction as high as $200,000. Others have more modest ambitions, including a smaller increase in the deduction’s limit that would be paired with gradual hikes over time that match the pace of inflation. Right now, the $10,000 cap applies to both individuals and married couples, and the group seems in agreement that couples should take a larger deduction than individuals.
At the meeting on Saturday, House Republicans from New York, New Jersey and California offered a variety of ideas to Mr. Trump about how to address the issue, according to the attendees. Among the concepts discussed was the possibility of persuading local leaders to hold off on tax increases in return for a higher deduction for their residents.
“Maybe we increase the deduction, but maybe the deduction goes even higher if your state freezes or lowers the tax rate,” said Representative Nicole Malliotakis, a New York Republican and member of the Ways and Means Committee who attended the meeting. “These are all ideas we are entertaining.”
Mr. Trump largely listened to the House Republicans, who were served coconut shrimp and Trump-branded bottled water during the hourlong meeting, and asked the group to reach a consensus, the attendees said. Any proposed change would also need nearly unanimous support from other congressional Republicans, many of whom are skeptical of providing tax relief to largely high-income residents of states governed by Democrats.
Lifting the cap on the deduction is expensive, and Republicans are already grappling with the vast cost of the tax bill they plan to pass this year. Lawmakers have explored the possibility of limiting the ability of businesses to deduct state and local taxes from their federal bills to try to cover the cost of any changes.
“It can’t be unlimited, and we still need a cap,” said Representative Jeff Van Drew, a New Jersey Republican who attended the meeting. “We have to find that sweet spot.”
Politics
Trump tasks blue state Republicans with 'homework' as GOP plots massive conservative policy overhaul
President-elect Donald Trump is giving Republicans his blessing to negotiate on a key tax that could prove critical to the GOP’s negotiations for a massive conservative policy overhaul next year.
Trump met with several different groups of House Republicans at Mar-a-Lago over the weekend, including blue state GOP lawmakers who make up the House SALT Caucus – a group opposed to the current $10,000 cap on state and local tax (SALT) deductions that primarily affect urban and suburban residents in areas with high income and property taxes, such as New York, New Jersey, and California.
“I think it was productive and successful,” Rep. Nicole Malliotakis, R-N.Y., said of the meeting. “The president supports our efforts to increase the SALT deduction. He understands that mayors and governors in blue states are crushing taxpayers and wants to provide relief from the federal level.”
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But Trump also signaled he was aware of the opposition from others in the House GOP conference, particularly rural district Republicans, who have viewed SALT deductions as tax breaks for the wealthy. Before the cap was imposed in 2017, there was no limit to how much state income and local property taxes people could deduct from their income when filing their federal returns.
“He gave us a little homework to work on, a number that could provide our middle class constituents with relief from the high taxes imposed by our governor and mayor, and at the same time, you know, something that can build consensus and get to [a 218-vote majority],” Malliotakis said.
“I think we pretty much know that it’s not going to be a complete lifting of the SALT cap. There’s not an appetite within Congress or even among American taxpayers to lower taxes for the ultra-wealthy.
“Our efforts are really targeted to middle-class families, and that’s what we’re focused on in trying to achieve the right balance.”
The current SALT deduction cap has been opposed by New York and California lawmakers for much of its existence, since being levied in Trump’s Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA).
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Trump suggested he would change course during his second administration as early as September last year, when he posted on Truth Social that he would “get SALT back, lower your taxes, and so much more.”
The discussions are part of Republicans’ wider talks about passing a massive fiscal and conservative policy overhaul via a process known as “reconciliation.”
By lowering the Senate’s threshold for passage to a simple majority instead of two-thirds, the process allows the party in control of both houses of Congress and the White House to pass certain legislation provided it deals with budgetary and other fiscal matters.
Some pro-SALT deduction Republicans, like Rep. Mike Lawler, R-N.Y., had signaled they could withhold support from the final bill if the cap was not increased.
“The only red line I have is that if there is a tax bill that does not lift the cap on SALT, I would not support that,” Lawler told Fox News’ Sunday Morning Futures.
Lawler also said Trump agreed that SALT deduction caps needed to be raised.
House Republicans have virtually no room for error with a razor-thin majority from Trump’s inauguration until likely sometime in April.
Meanwhile, Trump also told New York Republicans that he would help them fight their state’s controversial congestion pricing rule that levies an added cost to drive in parts of Manhattan.
“He understands how unfair this is and how it would impact the city’s economy and the people we represent and so we’re currently working with him on legal options to reverse the rubber stamp of the Biden administration,” Malliotakis said. “If there’s a legal option, if there’s a legal option for him to halt congestion pricing, he will.”
“You have, you know, cops, police, firefighters, nurses, the restaurant workers that have to go in at odd hours, and they drive because they don’t feel that the transit system is clean or safe.”
Congestion pricing took effect in New York City earlier this month.
Fox News Digital reached out to the Trump transition team for comment on this weekend’s meeting.
Politics
Newsom suspends landmark environmental laws to ease rebuilding in wildfire zones
Landmark California environmental laws will be suspended for wildfire victims seeking to rebuild their homes and businesses, according to an executive order signed Sunday by Gov. Gavin Newsom.
Requirements for building permits and reviews in the California Environmental Quality Act and the California Coastal Act — often considered onerous by developers — will be eased for victims of the fires in Pacific Palisades, Altadena and other communities, according to the order.
“California leads the nation in environmental stewardship. I’m not going to give that up,” Newsom told Jacob Soboroff on NBC’s “Meet the Press.” “But one thing I won’t give into is delay. Delay is denial for people: lives, traditions, places torn apart, torn asunder.”
Dan Dunmoyer, president and chief executive of the California Building Industry Assn., said the governor’s action represents an early and strong statement about the future of these areas. Newsom is making clear, Dunmoyer said, that the state will encourage homeowners to go back to their neighborhoods rather than deem development there too risky.
“He’s put a marker down to say we’re going to rebuild these communities,” Dunmoyer said.
Waivers of the environmental quality act, known as CEQA, and the Coastal Act could shave years off the process for homeowners in the Palisades, he said, but building permits issued by local governments represent another major hurdle.
“Those two banner ones are important,” Dunmoyer said, referring to the state laws, “but if the locals don’t come up with an expedited process, that’s where it could get stuck.”
Newsom’s order calls for the state housing department to work with affected cities and the county to develop new permitting rules that would allow for all approvals to be issued within 30 days.
In the wake of the fires, housing analysts have renewed calls for the city of Los Angeles to speed up its processes. A 2023 study found that the average unit in a multifamily property in the city took five years to complete, with a substantial portion of that time related to bureaucratic approval.
Mayor Karen Bass has acknowledged the problems and pledged that the city will accelerate permitting.
“We are going to clear the red tape and unnecessary delays and costs and headaches that people experience in ordinary times so that we can rebuild your homes quickly,” Bass said at a news conference Thursday.
Bass reiterated the promise at a news conference Sunday morning, applauding the governor’s action, and said she plans to release details on the effort this week. L.A. County Board of Supervisors Chair Kathryn Barger, who represents Altadena, similarly lauded the governor’s executive order.
“I want to thank the governor for hearing my request and taking swift action to ensure that our residents will not be burdened by unnecessary requirements as they begin the process of recovery and rebuilding,” said Barger, a Republican.
However, many GOP members across the state said Newsom’s order was too little, too late.
“Wildfire victims deserve much more from Gavin Newsom. When his track record includes lying about and underfunding wildfire prevention efforts, he owes Angelenos answers on how he and local Democrat leaders could have been so unprepared for these devastating wildfires,” said California Republican Party Chairwoman Jessica Millan Patterson. “No more blame game and excuses. We need accountability from this governor, and we need it now.”
Environmentalists also noted that the governor’s executive order restates an existing provision in the Coastal Act that provides exemptions for fire rebuilds.
The California Coastal Commission, which is tasked with coordinating with local officials in enforcing the Coastal Act, noted last week that the state law already clearly lays out that reconstruction of homes, businesses and most other structures destroyed by a disaster are exempt from typical coastal development permits — as long as the new building is sited in the same location and not more than 10% larger or taller than the destroyed structure.
In the 2018 Woolsey fire, which devastated areas in and around Malibu, the commission coordinated with city and county officials to help homeowners rebuild. Coastal officials also noted that over the years, following other devastating natural disasters, the commission has processed hundreds of “disaster rebuild waivers” in other coastal areas that are directly regulated by the commission.
“When the time comes to rebuild, both the Coastal Act and the Governor’s Executive Order provide a clear pathway for replacing lost structures quickly and easily,” Kate Huckelbridge, the commission’s executive director, said in a statement. “Our hearts go out to all the residents of the L.A. area whose homes and communities have been destroyed by these horrific fires.”
President-elect Donald Trump and other conservatives have castigated Newsom and other Democratic leaders in California for embracing environmental policies that they argue laid the groundwork for this month’s historic destruction. Calling Newsom “incompetent,” Trump said he should resign, and made false statements about water being redirected to protect small fish and about Federal Emergency Management Agency policy.
“The fires are still raging in L.A. The incompetent pols have no idea how to put them out,” Trump wrote Saturday night on Truth Social, his social media platform. “Thousands of magnificent houses are gone, and many more will soon be lost. There is death all over the place. This is one of the worst catastrophes in the history of our Country. They just can’t put out the fires. What’s wrong with them?”
Trump’s transition team did not respond to requests for comment on Saturday.
Newsom, during the NBC interview, said he had asked the incoming president to come view the devastation in person, as Barger did Saturday.
“We want to do it in the spirit of an open hand, not a closed fist. He’s the president-elect,” Newsom said. “I respect the office.”
While noting that many of the buildings that survived the fires were more likely to be built under modern building codes, Newsom said he was worried about the amount of time it would take to rebuild. So his executive order eliminates some CEQA requirements, modifies Coastal Act provisions and ensures property tax assessments are not increased for those who rebuild.
CEQA was signed into law by then-Gov. Ronald Reagan in 1970 amid the burgeoning environmental movement. The Coastal Act was created after a landmark voter proposition in 1972 that was led by a fervent statewide effort to save the coast from unchecked development and devastating oil spills like the 1969 disaster in Santa Barbara that was considered the “environmental shot heard round the world.”
Both have faced challenges for decades, and governors of both parties have argued for more than 40 years that CEQA needs to be reformed. Several of the act’s requirements were temporarily suspended by an executive order issued by Newsom during the pandemic. He argues that now is the time again.
Asked on the news program whether this month’s wildfires are the worst natural disaster in the nation’s history, Newsom noted that recent fires had resulted in a greater loss of life but said, “I think it will be in terms of just the costs associated with it in terms of the scale and scope.”
He called for a California version of the Marshall Plan, the American effort to rebuild Western Europe after World War II.
“We already have a team looking at reimagining L.A. 2.0,” he said, “and we are making sure everyone’s included, not just the folks on the coast, people here that were ravaged by this disaster.”
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