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Imagine opening your home and your heart to orphans and other children who need shelter, only to find the government demanding that you stop, not because you’d be a threat to the kids, but because you don’t believe the state religion.
That’s not a hypothetical—it actually happened in Vermont, to two Christian families who foster children in their homes, while daring to disagree with the state’s new established religion, transgender orthodoxy.
As my colleague Mary Margaret Olohan exclusively reported, Brian and Kaitlyn Wuoti and Michael and Rebecca Gantt sued the Vermont Department for Children and Families on Tuesday, because the state agency gave them an ultimatum: Endorse our religion or give up fostering.
The Christian religious freedom law firm Alliance Defending Freedom is representing them.
These families have adopted five children between them, but Vermont ruled them unfit to continue giving shelter to the most vulnerable young people, all because they disagree with transgender orthodoxy. They’re suing, alleging that Vermont is violating the First Amendment by discriminating on the basis of religion and by abridging the families’ rights to free speech and free association.
The licensing rules for foster homes in Vermont state that applicants and foster parents “shall exhibit … respect for the worth of all individuals, regardless of race, color, national origin, ancestry, culture, religion, sex, gender identity, sexual identity, and physical or mental ability.”
Christians like the Wuotis and the Gantts do respect people regardless of claimed gender identity. They just disagree with the gender identity.
The rules also bar foster parents from “engaging in any form of discrimination against a foster child based on race, religion, color, national origin, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, age, or disability,” and they state that “foster parents shall support children in wearing hairstyles, clothing, and accessories affirming of the child’s racial, cultural, tribal, religious, or gender identity.”
These rules require foster parents to adopt transgender orthodoxy, and the Vermont Department of Children and Families has used them to apply a religious litmus test. The department presented both families with a questionnaire about whether they would “affirm” a hypothetical transgender identity of a hypothetical transgender child.
They responded by stating their faith, and the department revoked their foster care licenses.
“Gender identity” is a euphemistic term for the religious idea that, in addition to a physical body, each person has a quasi-spiritual identity that should be considered more real than that person’s biological sex. Unlike biological sex, for which there is a tremendous amount of scientific and material evidence, there is no evidence for this “gender identity.”
At best, it is a metaphysical concept taken on faith, much like promises of life after death. At worst, it is an excuse for predatory men to victimize women in private spaces, to win an edge over women in sports, or to confuse children about sex and make them more vulnerable to abuse.
Adopting this view isn’t just a matter of decency and respect like calling a man “sir.” It’s a statement of faith in a metaphysical realm. When the state says you must refer to a man as a woman, it’s forcing its worldview upon you, and the Wuotis and the Gantts had the gall to say no.
Vermont’s Department of Children and Families didn’t insist that these families adopt this worldview in order to serve a particular child the Wuotis and the Gantts wanted to foster or adopt. Rather, it treats gender ideology as the basic statement of faith required for all foster families. Any dissenters must be purged.
Vermont isn’t exactly awash in potential foster parents. The department told a local CBS affiliate in May 2023 that there are typically about 1,060 children in state custody, and approximately 900 licensed foster families.
Rather than helping the vulnerable, it seems the Department of Children and Families is prioritizing its religious commitment to gender ideology. Alliance Defending Freedom, writing the legal complaint on behalf of the Christian families, wrote, “Vermont would prefer children have no home than to place them with families of faith with these views.”
That’s chilling, but it also seems quite accurate. Indeed, Vermont’s policy would not just prevent conservative Christians who believe that God made humans male and female from fostering or adopting children—it would prevent any family that dares to dissent from gender ideology from doing so. That would include traditional Jews, traditional Muslims, and atheists who adopt the scientific view that sex is binary.
This isn’t just anti-Christian discrimination—it’s a religious test applied to the foster care system.
Sadly, this logic extends far beyond Vermont. Under President Joe Biden, the Department of Health and Human Services adopted a rule barring foster parents who refuse to “affirm” kids’ transgender identities, comparing a lack of “affirmation” to child abuse.
This state religion threatens parental rights even outside the foster care context.
California has become a “sanctuary state” for “gender-affirming care,” giving California courts custody of a child if someone takes that child away from his or her parents for the purpose of mutilating that child’s body to make him or her resemble the opposite sex. Meanwhile, at least one lawmaker in Virginia has proposed a bill redefining child abuse to include situations where parents might inflict “mental injury on the basis of the child’s gender identity.”
Transgender advocates may see these moves as helpful attempts to protect children, but they represent a government endorsement of a religion—a religion at odds not only with traditional forms of Christianity, Judaism, Islam, and other faiths, but also with biology itself.
This intrusion into matters of faith deserves loud condemnation, and the Wuotis and the Gantts deserve praise for taking this issue to the courts.
Crime
A Vermont postal worker was cited and suspended for allegedly throwing away mail that was supposed to be delivered to other people, according to police.
Natasha Morisseau, 34, of North Troy, was cited on nine counts of petty larceny and five counts of unlawful mischief, Vermont State Police said in a statement. She works as a mail carrier for the town’s United States Postal Service (USPS) office.
Officers were first alerted to the discarded mail on the afternoon of Jan. 23, according to police. Upon finding the mail in a dumpster on Elm Street in North Troy, they determined that none of it was for that address.
Police identified Morisseau as a person of interest and learned that she was a postal employee. They confirmed that she had regularly been throwing away a small amount of mail under her care since at least October 2025, according to the statement.
After searching the dumpster and Morisseau’s mail vehicle, officers found opened and unopened packages, along with several holiday cards, one of which contained money. Morisseau was later cited Feb. 14 and is due to appear March 17 in Vermont Superior Court, police said.
Since Jan. 23, Morisseau has been suspended by USPS, and all recovered mail has been given back to them for delivery, according to the statement. The case has been forwarded to the USPS’ Inspector General for further review.
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On a typical day, some of the 20 stealth fighter jets based in South Burlington, Vt., take off from tiny Burlington International Airport for training runs near the northern border. In recent months, they’ve flown much farther afield.
The Vermont Air National Guard’s 158th Fighter Wing was deployed in December to the Caribbean, where it took part in the US campaign to capture Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. Shortly thereafter, the squadron joined a military buildup in and around the Middle East to prepare for US and Israeli airstrikes against Iran.
Though both deployments had been widely reported, the military remained mum about the whereabouts of Vermont’s F-35A Lightning II jets. Even Governor Phil Scott, technically the commander of the Vermont Guard, said he only knew what he’d read in the news, given that US military leaders were directing the missions.
On Monday, General Dan Caine, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, confirmed the deployments at a Pentagon press conference about the war on Iran. Caine praised National Guard members from Vermont, Wisconsin, and elsewhere.
“In the case of the Vermont Air National Guard and the 158th Fighter Wing, they were mobilized for Operation Absolute Resolve,” Caine said, referring to the Venezuela campaign. “And then were tasked to take their F-35As across the Atlantic instead of going home, to be prepared to support this operation” in the Middle East.
Much remains unknown about the Vermont Guard’s recent missions, including the precise role they played in Venezuela and Iran, where the jets are currently based, and how long they’ll remain.
The Guard did not immediately respond to requests for comment., Its recently elected leader, General Henry “Hank” Harder, said in a statement that the force was “proud of the dedicated and professional service of our Airmen” and pledged to support their families in the meantime.
“We will continue to carry out our commitment to these Vermont Service Members until, and long after, they return from this mission,” Harder said.
Vermont’s three-member congressional delegation, meanwhile, has praised Vermont Guard members for their service in Venezuela but has criticized President Trump’s campaigns there and in Iran, particularly absent congressional authorization.
“The people of our country, no matter what their political persuasion, do not want endless war,” said Senator Bernie Sanders, an independent, echoing similar remarks from Senator Peter Welch and Representative Becca Balint, both Democrats. “We must not allow Trump to force us into another senseless war. No war with Iran.”
Paul Heintz can be reached at paul.heintz@globe.com. Follow him on X @paulheintz.
Tuesday is town meeting day in Vermont. Municipalities in New England and elsewhere are increasingly grappling with major national and international issues at the local level.
JOSEPH PREZIOSO/Getty Images
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JOSEPH PREZIOSO/Getty Images
If you haven’t lived in certain New England towns, it can be hard to fathom their centuries-old direct democracy-style Town Meetings, where everyday residents vote on mundane town business such as funding for schools, snow plows and road repairs.
These days, voters are also being asked to weigh in on national and international issues, for example, demanding the de-funding of ICE, and condemning “the unprovoked attack and start of an illegal and immoral war against Iran.” It’s all fueling a separate – and fierce– debate on what towns ought to be debating.
“When you have people sleepwalking into an authoritarian regime, it’s up to us to sound the alarm,” insists Dan Dewalt, an activist in Newfane, Vermont, one of several communities where residents scrambled to draft a resolution against the Iran war in time for their annual Town Meeting on Tuesday.
Local resolutions are a uniquely effective tactic, activists and experts say, and they’re being used increasingly around New England and beyond, especially as national politics have become so polarized.
“People feel isolated, helpless and hopeless. And when you hear about other people who are just like you taking a stand and representing something that you believe, that gives you not only hope, but it gives you power,” said Dewalt.
Several other Vermont towns will be considering resolutions Tuesday calling for the removal of the president and vice president “for crimes against the U.S. Constitution,” while many others will vote on a pledge to ” to end all support of Israel’s apartheid policies, settler colonialism, and military occupation and aggression.”
A similar divestment resolution passed 46 -15 in Newfane last year, following hours of heated argument over the plight of Palestinians, the security of Israelis, the “inflammatory” language of the resolution – and whether such problems half-a-world away even belong on the agenda of the tiny town of just about 1,650.
“It’s a Town Meeting for town issues,” Newfane resident Walter Hagadorn declared at a recent Select Board meeting, where residents pressed board members to block any future resolutions not directly related to town business.
“You shouldn’t be subject to hours and hours of people virtue signaling” and trying to “hijack Town Meeting,” Hagadorn said.
Others agreed, suggesting activists host a debate on their issues at another time and place, or stage a rally or protest instead.
But Select Board member Katy Johnson-Aplin pushed back, saying that would not have the same impact.
“It doesn’t work the same way,” Johnson-Aplin said. It’s only when the issue is formally taken up at a Town Meeting that “it goes in the newspaper and it’s recorded that the town of Newfane has agreed to have this conversation.”
University of Pennsylvania political science professor Daniel Hopkins has been watching the growing movement of local communities taking a stand on issues far beyond town lines.
“This is a trend we’re seeing increasingly across the 50 states and in a variety of ways but I think it has taken on a new and potentially more concerning edge,” Hopkins said. “I worry that we are in an attention-grabbing, sensation-rewarding media environment in which the kinds of issues that engage us at a national level may further polarize states and localities and make it harder for them to build meaningful coalitions on other issues.”
Indeed, in Newfane, the resolution regarding Israel became so divisive that some residents decided not to even come to last year’s Town Meeting, according to Select Board vice-chair Marion Dowling.
In Burlington, where a similar resolution was proposed, City Council President Ben Traverse says things got so heated, he and his family were getting harassing phone calls and even death threats. Burlington city councilors voted in January to block the question from going to a popular vote.Vermont has a history of “big issue” resolutions, from the push for a Nuclear Arms Freeze in the 1980’s, to calls to ban genetically modified foods in 2003. Dewalt, the Newfane activist, was behind several of them, including calls to impeach then-president George W. Bush in 2006, which got him invited to talk about it on network TV shows, and quoted in The New York Times.
“I can guarantee you if I stood up on my soap box and made a declaration of the exact same wording, I wouldn’t have had anybody asking me questions about it, he said. “We’re not pie-in-the-sky here about the power of our Newfane Town Meetings, but our actions have consistently had an impact.”
But opponents say activists overstate the impact of their resolutions, and their victory. They say it’s disingenuous, for example, to claim the town of Newfane supported the resolution against Israel, when the winning majority of 46 people was less than 3% of town residents.
“I feel like they’re using the town as a vehicle for their personal messages and that bothers me,” says Newfane resident Cris White. “It’s so junior high.”
Traverse, the Burlington City Council president, also takes issue with what he calls the “inflammatory” language of that resolution.
“The question, as presented, approaches this issue in a one-sided and leading way,” Traverse says.
In Vermont, any registered voter can get a resolution on the Town Meeting agenda by collecting signatures from 5% of their town’s voters. While elected city or town officials have the authority to allow or block the resolution, there is no process in place to vet or edit language.
Traverse says it would behoove city leaders and voters to require an official review to ensure that language is fair and neutral, just as many states do with ballot questions. Traverse says he’s not opposed to contentious, big issue resolutions being put to local voters, but the language must be clear and even-handed.
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