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Last week, in a small conference room at the town’s fire station, Whitehead placed a few sticky notes on a map to note the roads that were still too dangerous to fully open to the public. It was the start of yet another flood recovery effort in rural Vermont, a state that’s been pummeled by flood after flood in the last two years, including two last month.
The thoughts at top of mind for him and others: Why here, why now? And what are we going do?
State and local leaders are also asking tough questions about climate adaptation and what it means for the Green Mountain State. The questions span from the immediate: How to pay the cost of recovering the Vermont they knew; to the existential: Could towns be rebuilt differently, to limit flood risks, and should Vermonters retreat from the very rivers that life here has revolved around for centuries?
Across much of New England, heavy rain has become a hallmark of climate change. Vermont now experiences at least two more days of heavy precipitation per year than it did in the 1960s, most often in the summer, according to the state’s climate assessment. Annual precipitation in Vermont has increased by almost 7 inches since that time, and scientists expect the frequency and intensity of floods to increase here as climate change worsens.
It doesn’t help that Vermont, like much of northern New England, can get storms blown in from all directions due to prevailing winds and the state’s position below the jet stream, according to state climatologist Lesley-Ann Dupigny-Giroux and Globe meteorologist Ken Mahan. Nor does Vermont’s scenic topography help, with its rolling hills and mountains that easily allow water to gain power as it rushes down the slopes to meet roads, bridges, homes, and businesses in the valleys.
“Should we be doing something different, and should we be pulling back on some of this transportation infrastructure that we have?” said Beverley Wemple, director of the Water Resources Institute at the University of Vermont.
Millions of dollars were spent in Vermont on flood protections in the aftermath of Tropical Storm Irene which, in 2011, delivered 7 inches of rain. At least seven people died in Vermont and hundreds of miles of roads and bridges were damaged. In the following years, state regulators toughened standards for how to build roads, while environmental groups pushed town managers to address decrepit dams and undersized culverts.
Because of those efforts, Vermont’s infrastructure was likely better prepared this summer for floods than it was a little more than a decade ago, experts said. Still, many say that adaptation is not happening quickly enough, and in a largely rural state with more than 200 small towns managing limited budgets, floods seem to be happening faster than communities are able to recover.
“People are really starting to come to terms with the fact that we have a flood problem in this state,” said Lauren Oates, director of policy and governmental affairs for the Nature Conservancy in Vermont.
Across the state, at least 26 homes have been destroyed in Vermont so far this year in flood events and 121 suffered major damage, according to Amanda Wheeler, a spokesperson for the governor’s office who called that a “significant” number given the state’s housing shortage.
Much of that damage was inflicted by Hurricane Beryl which, in early July, caused what scientists call inundation flooding. Water pooled at the bottom of valleys like a bathtub as rivers overtopped their banks. Two people died and more than 100 were rescued.
Some St. Johnsbury residents colloquially call the Beryl event “Flood One.” Just three weeks later, “Flood Two” arrived. Flash flooding at the end of July came after heavy rainstorms left patchy destruction in their wake. (Little more than a week after that, the remnants of Hurricane Debby brought rain, wind damage, and power outages across Vermont, but flooding was limited.)
The vast majority of Vermont’s flood damage tends to occur within river corridors, but outside the floodplain, according to Oates. That means planners need to look beyond traditional flood maps to identify less obvious high-risk areas.
“If we keep building in these places, the next home you build in the river corridor is the next buyout that we, the taxpayers, have to pay for,” Oates said.
State lawmakers this year approved $45 million for hazard mitigation programs, including buyouts, according to Vermont’s emergency management agency. Lawmakers also passed legislation to prevent developers from building in very high-risk flood areas; the bill became law earlier this summer.
“[They’re] really sick of the taxpayer burden of these disasters,” Oates said of the passage of what’s called the Flood Safety Act.
Town managers and volunteers, meanwhile, are encouraging residents whose homes or businesses were destroyed to relocate by applying for federal- and state-funded buyouts, when those become available.
Retreating from the flood paths could be the best solution to prevent the devastation from happening again, said Arne Bomblies, an associate professor of civil and environmental engineering at the University of Vermont. Vermont communities ought to consider relocating homes, businesses, and roads further from rivers and outside of flood-prone areas, he said, but acknowledged that idea is “politically fraught.”
There’s also the question of where to go: Many of the towns throughout the Green Mountains and in the Northeast Kingdom are tightly nestled close to rivers because it was the flattest place to build, and because the state’s early industries relied on the power generated by dammed rivers.
“We’ve kind of built ourselves into a very rigid situation,” Bomblies said.
Vermont Governor Phil Scott requested federal disaster declarations for both storms. In a statement on Aug. 3, he wrote: “Although FEMA assistance won’t make towns and homeowners whole for the repair costs, if approved, this will help lessen their financial burden.”
Yet such a declaration is not a guarantee, and if the state is successful, the process of doling out the cash can be frustratingly slow. Some towns are just now receiving federal assistance for flooding in 2023, town managers said.
Jeremy Reed, the highway division director and chief engineer for Vermont’s Agency of Transportation, said that flooding last year caused about $200 million in damage to state-owned transportation infrastructure. Each of the 2024 storms likely caused about $15 million in transportation damage, he said, although those are rough estimates that don’t include municipal damages.
Vermont’s infrastructure planners have leaned on the state’s strong regulations governing rebuilding roads. Among the rules: drainage systems under roads need to be larger to handle more rain, roads must be elevated vertically above where water could come during a storm, bridges must be rebuilt with deeper foundations, and ditches should be lined with stone to minimize erosion.
Thanks to those efforts since 2016, Vermont now has among the best road-building standards in the country for weathering heavy precipitation, experts said.
So far, Reed said, the regulations have worked. “When we build it back to our current standards, they do withstand these flood events.”
However, while the state and municipalities have slowly chipped away at rebuilding, very few roads have actually been upgraded, said Wemple, of the University of Vermont.
Particularly hard to address are steep roads that are managed by rural towns with small budgets, she said. “It’s very expensive.”
In St. Johnsbury, the town manager knows that as well as anyone. Whitehead, a civil engineer himself, is nervous that the town’s engineers will find a bridge that has to be entirely rebuilt, which can spike the cost of repairs. “It can add up really fast,” he said.
With a town budget of about $11 million, “we’re definitely extending ourselves.”
Whitehead is banking on a federal disaster declaration. It would mean at least a partial refund from the federal government for municipal expenses, and would allow qualifying residents and businesses to apply for buyouts. He already knows of a handful of businesses and residents interested in relocating.
One house that would likely be bought out if a declaration is made is owned by Richard Boisseau, 77, and his wife, Diane, 77, who have lived in their St. Johnsbury home for 50 years.
“This has been very hard on my family,” said Diane Boisseau.
The house is likely unsafe since the foundation is compromised and the home took on so much water, Richard Boisseau said. The carport on their property also collapsed into a stream.
Diane Boisseau was a first grade teacher and feels tied to the town through former students and neighbors. But they’re one of the Vermont households that have decided to retreat. They’re going all the way to New Hampshire, where Richard Boisseau’s family gifted them a bit of property to build a new home.
To make that work, the couple will take a big chunk out of retirement savings, which upsets Diane Boisseau. The silver lining is that they’ll be closer to family. She said that her grandson, 14, is already pitching them on good spots to build and warning, of some areas, “not here, it’s wet.”
Erin Douglas can be reached at erin.douglas@globe.com. Follow her @erinmdouglas23.
Nine of the Vermont Senate’s 11 standing committees will have new leaders this biennium and three will be helmed by Republicans, Lt. Gov. John Rodgers announced from the Senate floor Thursday afternoon.
The committee overhaul follows the retirement, death or defeat of a considerable number of veteran chairs last year — and after Republicans picked up six seats in the 30-member body in November’s election. Democrats and Progressives now hold 17 seats, while Republicans control 13.
Unlike the Vermont House, where committee positions are chosen unilaterally by the speaker, Senate assignments are doled out by a three-member panel, the Committee on Committees, which this year includes two new participants: Rodgers, a Republican, and Sen. Ginny Lyons, D-Chittenden Southeast. Senate President Pro Tempore Phil Baruth, D/P-Chittenden Central, returned to the committee.
The trio had few experienced senators from which to choose, given that — as Baruth noted in his opening remarks to the chamber Wednesday — nearly two-thirds of the Senate’s members joined the body over the past two years. Illustrating the point, newly sworn-in Sen. Seth Bongartz, D-Bennington, was tapped to chair the Senate Education Committee. (Bongartz had previously served in the House since 2021 — and had tours of duty in both the House and Senate in the 1980s.)
Perhaps the most significant appointment went to Sen. Andrew Perchlik, D/P-Washington, who will chair the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee. He succeeds Sen. Jane Kitchel, D-Caledonia, who retired after leading the budget-writing panel for 14 years.
Sen. Nader Hashim, D-Windham, will helm the Senate Judiciary Committee, following the death last June of veteran Sen. Dick Sears, D-Bennington.
The Senate Natural Resources & Energy Committee will be led by Sen. Anne Watson, D/P-Washington. Its former chair, Sen. Chris Bray, D-Addison, was defeated in November.
Sen. Alison Clarkson, D-Windsor, takes over the Senate Economic Development, Housing & General Affairs Committee from Sen. Kesha Ram Hinsdale, D-Chittenden Southeast. Ram Hinsdale defeated Clarkson for the role of Senate majority leader in November, requiring the former to step down from her committee leadership position and allowing the latter to step up.
The three Republicans chairing panels are Sen. Richard Westman, R-Lamoille, who will run the Senate Transportation Committee; Sen. Russ Ingalls, R-Essex, who will head the Senate Agriculture Committee; and Sen. Brian Collamore, R-Rutland, who will lead the Senate Government Operations Committee. (Republicans similarly made gains in House leadership positions this year.)
Sen. Wendy Harrison, D-Windham, takes over the Senate Institutions Committee from Ingalls, who chaired it last biennium.
The sole returning chairs are Lyons, who will continue to lead the Senate Health & Welfare Committee, and Sen. Ann Cummings, D-Washington, who will retain control of the Senate Finance Committee.
Speaking to reporters Thursday afternoon, Baruth said the Committee on Committees had intentionally sought partisan equilibrium on certain panels. The Senate Education Committee, for example, which is expected to engage in heavy lifting as lawmakers reconsider the state’s education funding scheme, includes three Democrats and three Republicans. For a bill to clear that panel, four members would have to approve.
“What I intended for that committee… to do is to put out bipartisan bills,” Baruth said of Senate Ed.
Similarly, Baruth called the composition of the tax-writing Senate Finance Committee “very centrist,” with four Democrats and three Republicans.
“They’re going to have a lot of work to do, hard work, but the one thing I want them to think — to think long and hard about — is any kind of raising taxes or fees,” Baruth said. “The only time I’m looking to do that, if it’s necessary, is if it brings down the property tax.”
Ethan Weinstein contributed reporting.
This article will be updated.
Gov. Phil Scott proposed a sweeping overhaul of what he called Vermont’s “broken and failing” education funding and governing systems during his inaugural address Thursday.
In his first major speech since voters overwhelmingly reelected him and booted Democrats up and down the ballot from office, Scott focused on the topic that most infuriated Vermonters in November: affordability.
“When it comes to politics, I know it can be hard to admit when you’ve gone down the wrong path and need to turn around,” Scott told House and Senate lawmakers during his fifth inaugural address at the Statehouse in Montpelier. “But we’re not here to worry about egos. We’re here to do what Vermonters need. And they just sent a very clear message: They think we’re off course.”
As is typical for an inaugural speech, Scott did not delve into specifics on Thursday — the details of his plan will be unveiled later this month during his budget address.
But in the broad strokes, Scott teased a plan that would overhaul Vermont’s byzantine school governance structure and see the state assume a direct role in deciding how much districts spend.
“The bottom line is our system is out of scale and very expensive,” Scott said. “And as obvious as these challenges are, we haven’t been able to fix it.”
At the heart of Scott’s vision is a transition to a so-called foundation formula, whereby the state would calculate how much districts should spend on their schools and provide them corresponding grants.
Currently, local voters decide how much their school districts should spend when they approve or reject budgets during Town Meeting Day in the spring. Whatever the amount, the state must pay. To calculate each town’s fair share into Vermont’s more than $2 billion education fund, residential property tax rates are adjusted based on how much each district is spending per pupil.
While potentially explosive in a state where local control is jealously guarded, a foundation formula is fairly typical across the country. And in Vermont, a bill to transition over to such a system even passed the House in 2018 with Democratic support. The architect of that 2018 legislation, then-GOP Rep. Scott Beck, was just elected to the Senate and named Republican minority leader for the chamber — where he is working closely with administration officials on their education plans.
“I think what we’re going to see [from the governor] here in a couple, three weeks is something that is far beyond just education finance,” Beck said in an interview Thursday. “I think it’s going to get into governance and delivery and outcomes.”
Beck said the transition to a foundation formula would force a series of questions, including whether districts would be allowed to approve any spending beyond the state’s base foundation grant.
“And in that case, where do they get that money from? And under what conditions can they access that money?” Beck said. “There’s a myriad of decisions that go into that whole thing. None of those decisions have been made. But I think in various circles, we have committed to going down the road of building a foundation formula in Vermont.”
Beck said he expects Scott’s education proposal will also include provisions that are designed to reduce staffing in the public education system.
When Scott first took office in 2016, the state spent about $1.6 billion annually on public schools. This year, that number will exceed $2.3 billion.
Vermont schools now have one staff person for every 3.63 students, the lowest ratio in the United States. In 2018, Scott pushed hard, and unsuccessfully, for legislation that would have instituted mandatory caps on staff-to-student ratios.
“With what we’re spending, we should not be in the middle of the pack on any educational scorecard,” Scott said. “And our kids should all be at grade level in reading and math. In some grades, less than half hit that mark. While educators, administrators, parents and kids are doing their very best to make things work, the statewide system is broken and failing them.”
Inaugural and state-of-the-state speeches tend to include a laundry list of policy ideas. But Scott’s 43-minute speech was focused almost entirely on education and housing — he renewed calls to trim development regulations and to bolster funding for rehabbing dilapidated homes.
Scott only briefly discussed last summer’s floods, and made glancing mentions of public safety, climate change, and health care. The governor, who voted for Vice President Kamala Harris in November, made no mention of President-elect Donald Trump or national politics.
Seeking to highlight some successes, the governor noted that overdose and traffic fatalities have declined recently, the state has welcomed more than 1,000 refugees in the past few years, and that the state park system saw near record visitation last year.
The governor has long argued that Chittenden County is prospering at a rate disproportionate to the rest of Vermont. He intensified that rhetoric in Thursday’s speech.
“As the rest of the state struggles to catch up, they carry the same burden of increasing taxes and fees and navigate the same complicated mandates and regulations,” the governor said. “And regardless of how well-intentioned these policies are, they’re expensive and require resources that places like Burlington, Shelburne and Williston may have, but small towns like Chelsea, Lunenburg, Peacham, Plainfield — and even Rutland, Newport or Brattleboro — do not. Too many bills are passed without considering the impact on these communities.”
Early in his speech, Scott paid tribute to several veteran legislators who died in the past year, including senators Bill Doyle and Dick Sears and representatives Don Turner, Bill Keogh, and Curt McCormack. Scott choked up and was visibly emotional when his recalling “my dear friend and mentor,” Sen. Dick Mazza, who died in May.
Former Governors Peter Shumlin, Jim Douglas and Madeleine Kunin attended the speech.
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Education
MORRISTOWN, Vt. (AP) — A Vermont school district’s inadequate response to serious and widespread harassment of Black and biracial students has led to a settlement agreement with the federal government, the U.S. Justice Department said Wednesday.
The department’s Civil Rights Division and the Vermont U.S. attorney’s office began investigating the Elmore-Morristown Unified Union School District in December 2023 and reviewed records and complaints from the previous three school years. Investigators concluded that students, primarily at the middle school level, faced frequent slurs and racist imagery, including the use of the N-word and displays of confederate flags and Nazi symbols.
“Racial harassment makes students feel unsafe, deprives them of a supportive educational environment and violates the Constitution’s most basic promise of equal protection,” Assistant Attorney General Kristen Clarke said in a statement. “We look forward to the district demonstrating to its students that racial bullying and harassment have no place in its schools.”
Superintendent Ryan Heraty said Wednesday those comments don’t reflect the district’s current reality given that there has been a dramatic decrease in such incidents.
“When students returned from the pandemic, we saw a significant increase in behavior at the middle level, which was deeply concerning,” he said in an email. “In response, we have taken many intentional actions to address this behavior, which the DOJ recognized in its review.”
In a letter to parents and other community members Tuesday, Heraty said the district stands firmly against any acts of racism and responds immediately to reported incidents. In the current academic year, there have been no reported incidents of race-based harassment at the district’s elementary school and a “very limited” number at the middle and high schools, he said.
The Justice Department said the district cooperated fully with the investigation and has already implemented some improvements, including adopting a central reporting system to track incidents. The district also agreed to revise anti-harassment policies and procedures, hold listening sessions with student groups and conduct formal training and education programs for students and staff.
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