Connect with us

Vermont

As Vermont’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission lays out its plans, it faces renewed criticism from Abenaki leaders – VTDigger

Published

on

As Vermont’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission lays out its plans, it faces renewed criticism from Abenaki leaders – VTDigger


Chief Brenda Gagne of the St. Francis/Sokoki Band of Missisquoi Abenaki, listens as the Abenaki Circle of Courage, comprised of Franklin County middle and high school students, beat a drum while singing in a circle during a Vermont Truth and Reconciliation Commission event in Montpelier on Friday, October 11. Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

As Vermont’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission — the panel tasked with studying the historic impacts of racism, discrimination and eugenics on state laws — enters a new phase of its work, it’s facing criticism from Abenaki leaders over who is being included in that work.

Last week, the commission held an event on the steps of the Statehouse in Montpelier to mark the release of its strategic plan. It was the panel’s first major public event. The document outlines the scope of the commission members’ work and lays out a timeline, culminating in a final report expected sometime in mid-2027.

The event opened with a drum circle featuring youth from the Abenaki Circle of Courage, an afterschool program associated with the Abenaki Nation at Missisquoi, one of four groups that has been recognized as Native American by the state of Vermont, though not by the federal government. Brenda Gagne, chief of the Missisquoi group and the leader of the Circle of Courage program, also spoke. 

“We’re happy to be here today,” Gagne said, but “not happy of why it brings us here, and what’s happened in the history of Vermont to our people and people of color.”

Advertisement

The launch also featured about a dozen other speakers, many of whom represented other communities that the commission expects to be part of its work and who said they were excited the commission could soon start gathering testimony from the public.  

“We exist in pursuit of community-centered justice and holistic healing that prioritize impacted Act 128 communities,” the report’s mission statement reads, referring to the demographic groups outlined in the 2022 state law that stood up the commission.

Those include people “who identify as Native American or Indigenous,” people with “physical, psychiatric or mental conditions or disabilities,” those who are Black or “other individuals of color,” people with “French Canadian, French-Indian or other mixed ethnic or racial heritage,” or any other communities that the commissioners see fit to include, the law states. 

A person wearing a colorful shawl speaks at a podium outdoors. An audience sits and stands nearby on a sunny day.
Beverly Little Thunder of Huntington speaks during a Vermont Truth and Reconciliation Commission event in Montpelier on Friday, October 11. Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

But the panel’s focus on people who “identify” as Indigenous has drawn criticism from Abenaki leaders who have federal-level recognition in Canada and have continuous historic ties to territory that today includes Vermont and other parts of New England. Specifically, they said that directive has already led the commission to tie at least part of its work to groups that they assert cannot claim legitimate Indigenous ancestry. 

In Vermont’s case, the leaders said, those are the four groups that the state recognized as Native American in 2011 and 2012: the Elnu Abenaki, Nulhegan Abenaki, Koasek Band of the Koas Abenaki Nation and the Abenaki Nation at Missisquoi. 

“Vermont’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (VTRC) practices neither truth nor reconciliation when it works with these pretend Indians,” said leaders of Odanak and W8linak First Nations, which today are based in Quebec, in a public statement issued ahead of last week’s Statehouse event. By supporting the commission’s work, they said, “Vermonters with the best intentions are supporting theft and cultural appropriation, and furthering colonization.”

Advertisement

‘Tethered to myths’

Rick O’Bomsawin, the chief of Odanak First Nation, has repeatedly called for Vermont officials to allow him, and other Abenaki leaders based in Quebec, to have a greater role in the truth and reconciliation process. In an interview Wednesday, O’Bomsawin said that the commission has almost entirely continued to ignore those calls.

“We have not been invited to the table. We haven’t had a voice in this,” O’Bomsawin said. “It’s not right.” 

A woman speaks into a microphone at an outdoor podium. She is wearing red glasses and a black top.
Commissioner Mia Schultz of the Vermont Truth and Reconciliation Commission speaks in Montpelier on Friday, October 11. Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

The First Nation has maintained for years that many members of Vermont’s four state-recognized tribes are not Indigenous and, instead, are appropriating Abenaki identity in ways that harm Odanak and W8linak’s band members. Research from scholars on Indigenous communities in New England and Canada — as well as reports from the Vermont and U.S. governments — have concluded that there is little evidence to support the existence of Abenaki tribes in Vermont with ties to historic Abenaki groups. 

At the same time, Odanak and W8linak leaders, a Vermont Attorney General’s Office report and additional, newly-published scholarly research have concluded there is no evidence that Abenaki people were targeted for sterilization as part of Vermont’s state-sanctioned eugenics program in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The program did target poor and disabled people, many of them women, according to the recent research, published in The UVM History Review.

That’s contrary to claims by leaders of Vermont’s four state-recognized groups, who say that many of their members’ families hid their Indigenous identities during the 20th century in an effort to protect themselves from being targeted by that program.

‘A false narrative’: Abenaki leaders dispute the legitimacy of Vermont’s state-recognized tribes

Advertisement


It’s also contrary to the official apology state lawmakers issued three years ago that preceded the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. The apology stated that the eugenics movement — which resulted in about 250 people being sterilized in Vermont — also targeted people whose descendants “now identify as Abenaki.” 

That contradiction means that the commission’s work is fundamentally flawed, according to David Massell, a Canadian Studies professor at the University of Vermont who has helped organize multiple panels at UVM in recent years on the topic of Indigenous identity.  

“In Vermont, in other words, we have a Truth and Reconciliation Commission founded and funded by a Legislature that has been reliant on, and tethered to, myths, rather than evidence-based history,” Massell wrote in an email. 

Advertisement

Massell said he also takes issue with the list of demographic groups that the commission plans to work with, following lawmakers’ direction.

A young girl sits outdoors, holding drumsticks, surrounded by others engaged in drumming.
The Abenaki Circle of Courage, comprised of Franklin County middle and high school students, beat a drum while singing in a circle during a Vermont Truth and Reconciliation Commission event in Montpelier on Friday, October 11. Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

“It seems it is to be good enough for the Commission, as it was for the Legislature, that persons ‘identify’ as Indigenous. They need not be Indigenous People themselves,” Massell said. “No wonder that the actual Abenaki People, of Odanak and Wolinak First Nations, are incensed at this process and their exclusion from it.” 

An ‘open door’

The newly-released strategic plan also underscores the commission’s task, as described by lawmakers two years ago, to suggest ways the government could redress the impacts of the eugenics movement. The state’s participation in eugenics was codified in 1931 with a law called an “Act for Human Betterment by Voluntary Sterilization.”

“Reparative measures are not just about acknowledging the harm. They are about fixing what is broken,” said Mia Schultz, one of the panel’s commissioners, at last week’s event. “We need to dismantle the barriers that prevent people of color, individuals with disabilities and others, from accessing the opportunities that they deserve.”

The Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s other commissioner, Melody Mackin, is a member of the Elnu group, which has its headquarters in Brattleboro. In their statement, Odanak and W8linak leaders describe a “pretender” sitting on the commission.

A woman with long curly hair speaks at a podium outdoors, adorned with a state seal.
Commissioner Melody Mackin of the Vermont Truth and Reconciliation Commission speaks in Montpelier on Friday, October 11. Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

Asked about the First Nation’s comments, Mackin wrote in an email that her job “is to listen to the truths” of anyone who is part of the communities that lawmakers identified in their establishing legislation. She said that she spoke with one of Odanak First Nation’s leaders earlier this year and invited members of Odanak’s community to share their perspectives with the Vermont panel, including “how state of Vermont policies have impacted them.” 

“The door is always open,” Mackin said. Both she and Schultz were among the several dozen people who gathered at the Statehouse last Friday for the event marking the strategic plan’s release.

Advertisement

The plan describes Vermont as a historic homeland for Abenaki people, without elaborating. One speaker at last week’s event, though, made reference to the contentious recent debate over Abenaki identity in the state: Beverly Little Thunder, an enrolled member of the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe from North Dakota.

Little Thunder now lives in Vermont, and served on the state’s Commission on Native American Affairs before resigning her seat last year and accusing its members in a later interview of being “a whole room full of white men pretending to be Native.” 

An elderly person with glasses speaks at a podium outdoors, wearing a patterned jacket and earrings.
Beverly Little Thunder of Huntington speaks during a Vermont Truth and Reconciliation Commission event in Montpelier on Friday, October 11. Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

At last week’s event, Little Thunder questioned why there was not anyone present from Odanak and W8linak First Nations — and suggested that the commission’s work was not as inclusive as it professed to be.

“Those citizens there should be here,” she told the crowd. “We’re talking about reconciliation. They should be here talking about the harm that has been done to their communities.”

The commission’s plan divides its work into four phases, two of which have largely been completed and included hiring commissioners and support staff as well as conducting background research. The third phase includes taking public testimony on ways that people have been harmed by discriminatory state policies — potentially, the plan states, in the form of “verbal statements, videos, and written and artistic expression.”

Mackin said she expects to start collecting testimony around the start of 2025.

Advertisement

The commission expects that process to take about another year, after which it will enter the final phase, which is creating a report on its work. The report is expected to include, among other conclusions, “recommendations of new laws or revisions to current laws and policies” for state lawmakers to consider,” the strategic plan states.





Source link

Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

Vermont

Gov. Phil Scott’s shelter plan met with relief and skepticism – VTDigger

Published

on

Gov. Phil Scott’s shelter plan met with relief and skepticism – VTDigger


The former Vermont State Police barracks building in Williston, photographed Oct. 17, 2024. Photo by April McCullum/Vermont Public

This story, by Report for America corps member Carly Berlin, was produced through a partnership between VTDigger and Vermont Public.

Some service providers and municipal leaders are suggesting that the Gov. Phil Scott administration’s plan to assemble three family shelters in state-owned buildings amounts to too little, too late. 

For weeks, local officials, lawmakers, and service providers have been pushing the administration to intervene on behalf of the more than 1,000 people who have lost their shelter through the state’s motel voucher program over the last month.

Among the many Vermonters who had called on Scott to intervene, some expressed gratitude at the news of the new shelters this week. But some have cautioned that these shelters won’t meet the need. 

Advertisement

“This has been entirely predictable since the legislation was signed by the governor,” said Frank Knaack, the executive director of the Housing and Homelessness Alliance of Vermont. “We knew that these dates were coming for months. Providers have been asking the governor for months to do something about it.” 

The state has not yet lined up service providers to operate the shelters, to be located at the Waterbury Armory, the former State Police barracks in Williston, and a thus far undetermined location in Montpelier. Officials are aiming to open the first two sites by Nov. 1, and said the Montpelier site will likely take longer to open.

A woman speaking at a podium indoors, with two people in the background.
Julie Bond of Good Samaritan Haven in Barre speaks during a press conference on the homelessness crisis at the Statehouse in Montpelier on Tuesday, October 15, 2024. Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

Julie Bond, executive director of Good Samaritan Haven – the primary shelter provider in Washington County – said the organization has been in talks with state officials for the last several days about operating the Montpelier site. Good Sam doesn’t currently operate family shelters, and making the call on whether the organization has capacity to step in is “a major decision,” she said.

“I’m very heartened by the opportunities and the thinking about increasing shelter capacity,” Bond said. But creating a new shelter that meets the standards she would expect will take time – creating one in a matter of weeks isn’t realistic, she said. 

“We still need an even quicker solution to house people in the immediate term, and that just simply means keeping the motels fully operational without the 80-day-cap until we can do this correctly,” Bond said, referring to a new time limit on voucher stays that has resulted in the current wave of evictions.

The 80-day time limit, along with an 1,100-room cap on the motel program, will both be lifted during the winter months, beginning Dec. 1. But facing a severe housing shortage and a lack of family shelters, some families evicted from the motel program this fall have had little option but to pitch tents outdoors – a situation that has become increasingly dire as temperatures drop. 

Advertisement

Some families had been camping at Burlington’s North Beach Campground, where the city opened tent sites for families leaving nearby motels. But the city closed that campground for the season on Tuesday Oct. 15, leaving families further displaced. 

“We communicated to the State that we were willing to be partners and would consider extending the closure of North Beach campground if the State offered a firm plan to provide an indoor shelter alternative,” Mayor Emma Mulvaney-Stanak said in a written statement. “As of October 15 at 12:00 PM, when North Beach closed, no tangible State plan for alternative shelter was shared with the City.”

Sarah Russell, the city’s special assistant to end homelessness and co-chair of the Chittenden County Homeless Alliance, said she had spoken to state officials about the possibility of using the barracks as a shelter in the last month, but the news Tuesday afternoon that the state planned to move forward with it came as a surprise.

“We had no idea what was going to happen,” Russell said. “I was shocked to see that Williston was – you know, that they were moving forward with that location.” 

The Department for Children and Families has not provided numbers on how many families the three shelter sites will be able to accommodate. At a Wednesday press conference, Scott said the shelters will differ from the large, congregate shelters the state stood up last spring, and will provide private spaces for individual families.

Advertisement

The municipalities slated to host these shelters have had varied responses.

The town of Waterbury has signaled its pushback. A statement from the town, shared by its zoning administrator, Mike Bishop, on Wednesday, says the town had not been contacted by the state about this latest attempt to use the Armory building as a homeless shelter. The state can do so now only if it uses state employees to staff it, the letter says – if officials want to use a third-party, they will need to seek a new zoning permit. 

An aerial view of a building next to a highway.
The Vermont National Guard armory in Waterbury sits on 2.5 acres between Interstate 89 and Stowe Street. File photo by Gordon Miller/Waterbury Roundabout

Bill Fraser, the city manager for Montpelier, said the city learned about the state’s plans to open a family shelter there through news reports over the last several days. The city doesn’t yet know what site is under consideration, he said. 

“We certainly support having more shelter space in the city. It’s a huge need,” Fraser said. On Sept. 18, one day before people sheltered through the motel program began exhausting their 80 days, Fraser led a group of municipal officials calling on the state to open up state-owned buildings for temporary shelters and to oversee sanctioned encampments on state land.

“You would have thought that having additional shelter spaces, or whatever alternative was going to be available for people, would have been in place and functional by Sept. 19,” Fraser said. “Not, you know, we’re trying to figure it out here on Oct. 15th or 16th or 17th.” 

Williston Town Manager Erik Wells said officials from the Agency of Human Services reached out to him several weeks ago to relay that they were considering using the former police barracks site as a shelter. He took a tour of the site with state staff last week.

Advertisement

The town is supportive of the state’s effort, he said. “These are our fellow Vermonters that are in need of assistance right now, families with children as we’re entering the cold winter months. I mean, we had our first 30 degree day this morning.”

His message to the town has been one of “asking people to join me in welcoming families to the community, and working to build a supportive and compassionate social infrastructure to assist.” 

State lawmakers – many of whom voted in favor of the state budget, the legislation that has resulted in the motel evictions – had also called on Scott to intervene. 

“I think the governor has finally done the right thing here – but, again, late in coming,” said Senate President Pro Tem. Phil Baruth, D/P-Chittenden Central.

In addition to families with children, hundreds of other vulnerable Vermonters were evicted from the program in recent weeks, including elderly people and people with disabilities. Baruth said he had hoped to see Scott’s administration exercise more flexibility when implementing the law.

Advertisement

“It has been my understanding that the American Disabilities Act and other legislation gives the administration space for discretion where the disabled are concerned,” he said. 

Everyone already in the motel program this summer and fall met vulnerability criteria previously set by the state. Lawmakers missed an opportunity to spell out who was most vulnerable among them and should be prioritized, Baruth said, noting that the Legislature’s partnership with the administration on this issue “has frayed to the point where we find it hard to accept their representations on it.”

“What they’re fixated on is what the governor calls ‘weaning people off the program,’” Baruth said. “And what that means, in effect, is putting them on the street and hoping they go away.” 

Scott has emphasized that the cost of the motel voucher program, which greatly expanded due to an influx of federal funds during the pandemic, is unsustainable. Lawmakers passed the current caps on the program in an effort to rein in costs earlier this year. 

Advertisement





Source link

Continue Reading

Vermont

New UVM program offers ‘boot camp’ for Vermont town officials  – VTDigger

Published

on

New UVM program offers ‘boot camp’ for Vermont town officials  – VTDigger


Montpelier City Manager Bill Fraser speaks as local municipal leaders issue a call to the state to take immediate action on the homeless issue in Montpelier on Wednesday, September 18. Photo by Glenn Russell/VTDigger

Tierney Farago, the town administrator for Chelsea in Orange County, is new to the position and new to Vermont. So when she read about a course designed to help town managers gain key skills, she applied. 

Farago, 30, is one of 18 municipal leaders from 14 small towns in Vermont who are participating in what is being called a “boot camp” for town managers at the University of Vermont, which was announced this week in a press release.

Vermont Local Government Institute is a certificate program that started in September and ends in February, and is free to participants thanks to a $28,000 grant from the Leahy Institute for Rural Partnerships at UVM.

“Vermont’s towns are very small. Often our municipal leaders are working alone or they are working with a part time staff and there is a need for this kind of professional support,” said Patricia Coates, the institute’s director.

Advertisement

Developed in partnership with the Vermont League of Cities and Towns, the Vermont Town and City Management Association and UVM Professional and Continuing Education, the course covers a broad range of topics from open meeting law to grant management. 

Many small towns have seen high turnover among local administrators and the new hires are often coming in with less municipal experience, according to Ted Brady, executive director of the Vermont League of Cities and Towns, or VLCT. Town officials are also grappling with increasingly complicated and time-intensive workloads, such as applying to the Federal Emergency Management Agency for flood recovery funds. 

Given that many town managers do not have a lot of resources and often, not much managerial experience, the formalized training can really help fill the gap, Brady said.

Jessie Baker
Winooski City Manager Jessie Baker shares an update on a downtown development project to the Winooski City Council Monday night, Nov. 4, 2019. File photo by Jacob Dawson/VTDigger

Some veteran municipal managers, including Bill Fraser, the city manager in Montpelier, and Jessie Baker, the city manager of South Burlington, are helping to teach the course, according to the release.

“I want to help newcomers to the profession feel like there are no dumb questions,” Fraser said in the release. 

The first round of participants include new and mid-career managers as well as a treasurer and a selectboard member, Farago said. 

Advertisement

So far she said she likes it a lot. “I feel like it’s a really broad spectrum of information, I don’t feel like it’s too specialized so it applies to a lot of different municipal positions,” she said.

Chelsea Town Administrator Tierney Farago is one of 18 municipal leaders from small towns across Vermont attending a pilot “boot camp” for town managers at the University of Vermont this fall. Photo courtesy of Gayle Durkee

Farago said she has never worked in human resources, for example, so getting insight into how to conduct interviews and hire people is going to be really useful in her position.

The course is the first of its kind offered in Vermont, aside from a two-year certified public managers program at UVM, said Abigail Friedman at VLCT’s Municipal Assistance Center that helps small member towns with various requests. Staff at VLCT came up with the idea for the boot camp and helped develop the course. Friedman said she hopes it will help prepare new leaders and improve local governance statewide.

“We got a really great cross section of the state in this first cohort,” said Maureen Hebert, director of strategic initiatives at the continuing education center, called PACE, at UVM. “The networking piece making them connected via this whole program, and then being able to share resources will be really powerful.”

The part-time program includes in-person, virtual and self-directed study with courses covering leadership, human resources, grant writing, financial management and training in diversity, equity and inclusion. It aims to enhance networking and resource sharing among municipal leaders to help them better address challenging issues that Vermont continues to wrestle with such as housing and climate change.

While the program is funded for two years, the goal is to see how it works, make changes and make it valuable enough that a town might be willing to pay for a portion of the training going forward, Brady said.

Advertisement





Source link

Continue Reading

Vermont

Vermont Conversation: Front Porch Forum co-founder Michael Wood-Lewis insists that social media can build community – VTDigger

Published

on

Vermont Conversation: Front Porch Forum co-founder Michael Wood-Lewis insists that social media can build community – VTDigger


Photo courtesy of Michael Wood-Lewis

The Vermont Conversation with David Goodman is a VTDigger podcast that features in-depth interviews on local and national issues with politicians, activists, artists, changemakers and citizens who are making a difference. Listen below, and subscribe on Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts or Spotify to hear more.

Can social media bring people together rather than divide and deceive us?

vermont conversation logo

In the world of corporate social media platforms such as X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook, the notion of a nontoxic public forum seems quaint. These are places where political and personal brawling goes on 24/7 and disinformation flows as freely as cat videos. The platforms rely on high conflict to attract eyeballs and make money.

Vermonters have another option. Front Porch Forum (FPF), co-founded in 2006 by Michael Wood-Lewis and his wife Valerie, is a decidedly friendly online place where neighbors go to interact civilly with one another, and do what neighbors do: seek advice, buy and sell things, and discuss local issues without resorting to personal attacks. The site is heavily moderated by real people who read each posting and filter out items that offend, incite or misinform. It operates in every town and has nearly 235,000 members, including nearly half of Vermont’s adults.

The discord common on conventional social media is “not an accident,” said Wood-Lewis. “Another way of saying people are attacking each other and acting cruel is Ooh, member engagement is up. We can sell more ads. We can collect more data to sell to huge data brokers who do God knows what with people’s private information. That’s the business model of Twitter and Facebook and all these others.”

Advertisement

The idea of an online forum that builds community instead of dividing it is attracting national attention. The Washington Post recently reported, “At a time when Americans are increasingly disenchanted with social media, researchers are studying Front Porch Forum to try to understand what makes for a kinder, gentler online community — and what Big Tech could learn from it.”

The best indication of FPF’s influence is the way that it builds civic engagement. According to a new study by the nonprofit New_ Public, 61% of FPF users reported that they had attended a local event or public meeting as a result of something they read on the forum, over half reported that they had discussed issues with a neighbor and one fifth of users said they had volunteered locally in response to a posting on FPF.

FPF, which is headquartered in Burlington, employs 30 people, including many content moderators. Wood-Lewis said that a “critical part of our model is that each member-submitted posting is reviewed by our professional staff before publication (which) is absolutely not how any other social media works.”

FPF enforces a strict set of rules in its online public square, including no personal attacks. “We’re not going to let people basically weaponize Front Porch Forum to do harm to our democracy, to our public health, things like that,” he said.

Elon Musk, who owns X, and Facebook owner Mark Zuckerberg insist that the unfettered exchange of views on their platforms is just free speech. Wood-Lewis begs to differ.

Advertisement

“I do not think the folks you mentioned have any real interest in protecting free speech. They have an interest in amassing power and money.”

Front Porch Forum “has felt better and better as the divisiveness in our national scene has gotten worse, and as the isolation brought on by the pandemic and social media and smartphones and so many different things in modern life has gotten worse,” said Wood-Lewis.

Despite requests to expand to other states, Wood-Lewis insisted that FPF will stay local. The online forum proved its value by  connecting people impacted by flooding in Vermont in 2011, 2023 and 2024 with help and resources.

“As long as Vermont communities are struggling in significant ways, Front Porch Forum wants to be there as an ally and a partner.”

Advertisement





Source link

Continue Reading

Trending