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Pennsylvania will keep its divided legislature thanks to split-ticket voters

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Pennsylvania will keep its divided legislature thanks to split-ticket voters


Pennsylvania’s red shift in the 2024 election wasn’t isolated to the presidential race.

Statewide races for attorney general, auditor general and state treasurer all went to the Republican candidates, and the AP declared Republican David McCormick the winner against Democratic incumbent Bob Casey in the state’s U.S. Senate race – although the very tight margin, which could trigger an automatic recount.

Pennsylvania was and still is the swingiest of the swing states. In fact, going into the 2024 election, it was the only U.S. state to have a divided legislature. Republicans had a majority in the Senate, but Democrats held a one-vote majority in the House.

Surprisingly, the composition of the Pennsylvania General Assembly, including its split control, has remained largely the same after the 2024 voting.

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As a Philadelphia-based political science professor who focuses on state and local politics, I believe Pennsylvania’s General Assembly remained so stable in the face of statewide electoral upheaval for three reasons: a lack of competitive state legislative districts, the small size of those districts and the fact that some Pennsylvania voters still vote for the representative and not the party despite the country’s stark political divide.

Republican David McCormick, right, appears to have beaten three-term Democratic U.S. Sen. Bob Casey by about half of a percentage point.
Matt Rourke/AP

Slight churn in PA Senate

Let’s look at the light churn in the state Senate first.

Democrat Patty Kim won the 15th Senate district in Dauphin County, which had previously been held by a Republican who retired.

Meanwhile, 29-year-old Republican challenger Joe Picozzi beat incumbent Democrat Jimmy Dillon in a tight race in the 5th Senate district in Northeast Philadelphia. Picozzi is poised to become the first Republican state senator to represent Philly in over 20 years.

The other senators who were up for reelection kept their seats. So, with one Democratic pickup and one for the Republicans, control of the state senate remains unchanged.

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A few tough races in the PA House

All 203 seats were up for grabs in the House. While the vast majority had clear front-runners, there were some tough races. These were most notably in the “collar counties” that surround Philadelphia.

One was the 172nd House district, which covers a part of relatively Republican northeast Philadelphia but also extends into neighboring Montgomery County. This was the district where incumbent Kevin Boyle – the brother of U.S. Rep. Brendan Boyle – lost the Democratic primary after he had an outburst at a bar that made news headlines. So there was no incumbent in the race. The Democratic candidate, Sean Dougherty, squeaked out a victory with a less than 500-vote margin.

Then there was the 144th House district in Bucks County, a swing county that flipped red in terms of having more registered Republican voters than Democrats just a few months before the election.

Two years ago, Brian Munroe, a Democrat, narrowly won his seat – a seat that had been held by a Republican for over half a century. He faced another competitive race in 2024 and appears to have defeated his Republican challenger, Daniel McPhillips, by about 1,000 votes.

What clinched Democrats’ one-vote majority in the state House was the race in the 72nd House district in deep-red Cambria County.

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Cambria is a county in the middle of the state that favored Trump by 36 percentage points. Yet in the 72nd district, Democratic incumbent Frank Burns beat his challenger, Republican Amy Bradley, by nearly 1,000 votes.

This was a close race, but what is amazing is that it was competitive at all. In 2020, Burns won with 52.7% of the vote, despite more than two-thirds of voters in the county choosing Trump that year.

Man with beard and wearing black Pittsburgh Pirates ballcap casts ballot behind screen that says 'I Voted!'
A voter casts his ballot in Pittsburgh in Allegheny County, the only county in western Pennsylvania that sided with Kamala Harris in the 2024 election.
Rebecca Droke/AFP via Getty Images

Some voters still split their ticket

Probably since the 1960s, but definitely since the 1990s, Americans have become more partisan. This typically means that they are more likely to vote a party ticket and not split their ticket.

In 2020, for instance, survey data from the Pew Research Center found that only 4% of voters who supported either Biden or Trump supported a Senate candidate from the opposing party.

And, to a great extent, this was also the case in the election on Nov. 5 in Pennsylvania. In all of the statewide races, the winning and losing candidates’ percentages were within 4 percentage points of their fellow partisans up and down the ticket.

But a few Democrats in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives won in their elections despite the fact that they are in relatively deep-red parts of the state. This includes Frank Burns in the 72nd district and also Robert Matzie in the 16th district in Beaver County. Beaver County sits on the western edge of the state between Allegheny County and Ohio in strongly Republican country – it voted for Trump by 21 points. Yet, Matzie beat his Republican challenger, Michael Perich, by more than 1,500 votes.

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Men wearing red Trump baseball caps walk past political candidate lawn signs and people lined up to vote
Voters in Beaver County overwhelmingly chose Trump, but some split their tickets on a down-ballot state House race.
Jeff Swensen via Getty Images

Small districts, microcommunities

Part of the explanation for why at least some Democrats can buck the red wave is Pennsylvania’s relatively small state House districts.

The Pennsylvania House of Representatives has 203 members in 203 districts. Since the state population is about 13 million, each district has close to 64,000 people in it. Compare that with the Ohio legislature, where each of the 99 state House districts has about 119,000 people. In New York state, each state House district has about 134,000 people.

As a result, Pennsylvania’s small House districts can capture microcommunities that are politically distinct from their surrounding areas. Take, for instance, Matzie’s 16th district in Beaver County, on the border with Ohio. The district went overwhelmingly for Trump, but it also includes a small portion of the county that lies close to Pittsburgh and includes the old industrial town of Aliquippa. It’s not a Democratic stronghold, per se, but it’s more Democratic than the rest of the county and elected a Democratic mayor, Dwan Walker.

Similarly, the 72nd district is in Cambria County, which went to Trump by 36 points, but the district itself includes Johnstown, which is the largest city in the county. Johnstown’s population of about 18,000 represents about a third of the district, and residents lean slightly more Democratic. Like Aliquippa, it also has a Democratic mayor.

A 203-member Pennsylvania House of Representatives is expensive, especially since each legislator has a reasonably generous budget that includes money for staff and a district office. But these smaller districts can provide more fine-grained representation for Pennsylvanians, who, despite the red shift, are more likely to be registered Democrats than Republicans – though Democrats certainly feel like a minority for now.

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Trump admin rule puts reproductive health care for 160K Pa. patients at risk, lawsuit says

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Trump admin rule puts reproductive health care for 160K Pa. patients at risk, lawsuit says


Family planning and health organizations that serve tens of thousands of people across Pennsylvania could see federal funding delayed or denied by a new Trump administration policy, a new lawsuit alleges.

The suit, which includes the Cumberland County-based Family Health Council of Central Pennsylvania as a plaintiff, takes aim at a step added this year by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services to applications for Title X grants, which provide local agencies with funds to aid low-income and uninsured patients with family planning and related health services.

That new process is detailed in the Title X 2027 Notice of Funding Opportunity published in April. It states that before applicants are assessed on their merits, a group of presidential appointees will conduct an “alignment review” to determine whether each application matches the agency’s “priorities.” The plan offers no opportunity to appeal the group’s decision.

To the plaintiffs in the suit, that sounded like code for evaluating applicants based on politics.

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“The Trump administration’s attempt to condition Title X funding on political allegiance is a grave threat to public health,” Sara Rose, deputy legal director at ACLU of Pennsylvania and attorney on the case, said in a statement. “Grant decisions must be guided by objective standards to ensure that taxpayer money is spent fairly and efficiently without regard to the ideology of its recipients.”

Created during the Nixon administration to help low-income people prevent unwanted pregnancies, Title X funding has long drawn opposition from anti-abortion activists.

The Trump administration has also attempted to shift the focus of the program toward promoting more pregnancies. Officials tried and failed earlier this year to block Title X funding from reaching Planned Parenthood facilities.

The suit is filed in the federal Middle District of Pennsylvania. It names HHS, Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., and other agency staff as defendants.

There are four Title X grantees in the commonwealth, each serving a specific region: The Family Health Council in central Pennsylvania, AccessMatters in Philadelphia, Adagio Health in the west, and Maternal and Family Health Services in the northeast.

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Combined, they receive more than $12.6 million in Title X funds annually to serve more than 160,000 patients in Pennsylvania, according to their grant details listed on HHS’ website. (AccessMatters is by far the largest, working with more than 90,000 people.)

These organizations offer everything from fertility care and access to contraception to screenings for cancers and sexually transmitted infections.

Nationwide, the most recent data from HHS shows Title X grantees served nearly 2.8 million people.

Also at issue in the lawsuit is that HHS already has a set of regulations, put in place during President Joe Biden’s administration, that govern Title X applications — and many of them directly conflict with stated Trump administration priorities.

The suit highlights, for instance, that the HHS website currently states that ending “ideologically-laden concepts like health equity” is a priority, while Title X rules simultaneously require grantees to “advance health equity.”

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Another alleged conflict stems from the Trump administration’s opposition to diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives, especially for transgender people. Current Title X regulations mandate that grantees ensure transgender people have access to their programming.

Brigitte Amiri, deputy director at the ACLU’s Reproductive Freedom Project, told Spotlight PA that the Trump administration could overturn the Biden-era regulations by undertaking a public notice and comment rulemaking process.

“But you can’t just do it by a funding announcement,” she said.

The new review step “subverts the integrity” of the Title X grant application process, the lawsuit argues, and enables HHS “to hijack” the Title X program to fund organizations furthering the agency’s “political agenda.”

The lawsuit also notes that Title X funds are prohibited from being used for abortions.

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Federal Judge Jennifer Wilson, who was nominated to the bench by Trump in 2019, will hear the case.

Spotlight PA sought a comment on the lawsuit from HHS, but did not receive a response.

The Family Health Council of Central Pennsylvania was selected to join the lawsuit because it has received Title X funding since the establishment of the program in 1970, and it serves a large area, the chief executive of the National Family Planning & Reproductive Health Association told Stateline.

Patricia Fonzi, president and CEO of the Family Health Council, said in a statement that her organization serves more than 31,000 people across a 24-county region.

“We welcome a competitive grant process and believe every applicant should be evaluated on its ability to effectively serve communities, responsibly steward federal resources, and demonstrate the experience and capacity necessary to carry out the Title X statute,” Fonzi said.

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“At the end of the day, the success of Title X is measured by whether people can access the care they need in their own communities — and that depends on funding decisions grounded in experience, proven performance, and the ability to deliver comprehensive care where it is needed most.”

The plaintiffs are urging the court to vacate the Trump administration’s new Title X rule and declare it “unlawful.”

Title X funds are issued to agencies on a five-year basis, with annual renewal requirements. The new rule at issue was included in the process for grants under fiscal year 2027, which will begin a new five-year cycle.

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This story was originally published by Spotlight PA and distributed through a partnership with The Associated Press.

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Federal government sues Pennsylvania, others over SNAP data

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Federal government sues Pennsylvania, others over SNAP data


(WHTM) — Pennsylvania is one of four states facing a lawsuit from the federal government over SNAP applicant data.

The U.S. Department of Justice filed suit against Pennsylvania, Kentucky, Michigan, and Minnesota. They are seeking the last five years of SNAP applicant data in the respective states.

The DOJ alleges that the four states refused to turn over data to the U.S. Department of Agriculture “so that USDA could ensure that states are properly administering and enforcing their determinations of residents’ eligibility.”

“The American people deserve a government that is transparent about how it spends their hard-earned tax dollars,” said Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche. “These four states are thwarting USDA’s efforts to ensure that the billions of dollars in SNAP benefits they distribute every year are not lost to fraud.”

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“Stopping the rampant theft of taxpayer money demands a whole-of-government response, including strong participation at the state level,” said Assistant Attorney General Colin M. McDonald of the Justice Department’s National Fraud Enforcement Division. “These states are happy to take hundreds of millions of federal tax dollars—much of which is exploited by fraudsters—but want zero transparency over how those tax dollars are spent.”

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The Department of Justice said 28 states promptly provided data and such indicated “there are billions of dollars per year in SNAP funds going to overpayments and fraud.”

The USDA has been seeking data for the past year or so, leading to a legal battle over concerns about how the data would be used.



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House Republicans stall activity, Pennsylvania Rep. Meuser calls tactics ‘foolish’ | Fox Business Video

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House Republicans stall activity, Pennsylvania Rep. Meuser calls tactics ‘foolish’ | Fox Business Video


House Speaker Mike Johnson sent representatives home early as hardline Republicans stalled floor activities, demanding action on the SAVE America Act. President Donald Trump posted on Truth Social, urging House Republicans to unify and avoid giving power to Democrats. Rep. Dan Meuser (R-PA) labels the stalling tactics ‘foolish,’ emphasizing the need for legislative progress and appropriations.



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