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Cyber Charter Reform Could Finally Be Coming To Pennsylvania

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Cyber Charter Reform Could Finally Be Coming To Pennsylvania


Pennsylvania has long been a wild west for cyber charter schools, but there could soon be a new sheriff in town. The House has passed a bill to put major reforms in place for how the Keystone State handles cyber charters.

In cyber charters, students go to school via an internet connection. Like all charter schools, they are privately owned and operated, but funded by taxpayer dollars taken from the public school district where the student would have attended. In Pennsylvania, that tuition cost is based on local per pupil expenditures and so varies wildly from district to district.

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A report released in January of 2022 by Children First found that of the 27 states with cyber charters, Pennsylvania spends the most (currently about $1.4 billion annually) but has the “weakest systems to ensure students and taxpayers are getting their money’s worth.” And taxpayers are not; reports repeatedly find that the cyber charters are underperforming.

Even the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools has called for cyber charter reform. Nationally, cyber charters have a low graduation rate; one report found that 73% of cyber charters have a graduation rate below 50%. Another reports that students stay in cyber-charters for an average of only two years.

But cyber charters in Pennsylvania grab a ton of money for their owners, and though the previous governor pushed hard for some simple reforms, Tom Wolf left office with those reforms still unrealized. Meanwhile, the pandemic added to the cyber income.

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Consider this insight offered by Kenneth Berlin, superintendent of Wattsburg School District:

“When the pandemic started, our district contracted an online learning system from K12 Learning Solutions (Stride) to offer our students an online schooling option facilitated by our teachers. Because we use our teachers and equipment, the average cost per student to the district is about $3,000. I want to note that the K12 Learning Solutions platform we purchased is the exact same platform used by Insight PA Cyber Charter School. I also want to point out that if a regular education student enrolls in Insight PA Cyber Charter School, our taxpayers are billed a mandated $13,118 per student. For special education students, the cost rises to $23,587 per student. Given that we can provide the exact same cyber learning experience as the Insight PA Cyber Charter School for just $3,000 per student, I believe that the current cyber school funding scheme is an unjustified waste of taxpayers’ hard-earned money.”

Now that reform could be coming over the horizon. HB 1422 passed the House last week, with yes votes from all Democrats and 20 Republicans, a sign that many local districts, particularly poor ones, are hit hard by cyber charter costs, and that conservatives can share concerns about unaccountable spending of taxpayer dollars.

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What’s in the bill?

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The marquee item is the creation of a single tuition cost for all districts in the state. Instead of a tuition rate can currently vary from $9,000 to $22,000 per student, the bill sets a standard rate of $8,000 per “regular” student.

It also closes a longstanding loophole for special ed students; Pennsylvania public schools fund students with special needs based on separate tiers of spending levels based on the student’s needs. Charter schools get a single high tuition payment for all students with special needs, even if the student’s needs are a simple as one hour a week with a speech therapist. Under the bill, cyber charters would be paid using the same method of tiers used by public schools.

The Democratic House Caucus estimates that the new payment system would send $455 million back to public school districts.

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But beyond the issues of money, the bill also creates more accountability and transparency in cyber charter operation, bringing them in line with the rules governing public schools.

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Cyber charters may not advertise themselves as “free,” but must acknowledge that costs are “covered by taxpayer dollars.” Also, a cyber charter won’t be allowed to sponsor a public event, which is perhaps a reaction to Commonwealth Charter Academy’s sponsorship of a float for the 6abc Dunkin’ Donuts Thanksgiving Day Parade, part of a larger pattern of cyber charter marketing by sponsoring community events. Education Voters of PA has determined that cyber charters spent a grand total of $52 million of taxpayer funds on marketing over just three years.

Probably with an eye on Oklahoma’s Catholic cyber charter, the bill explicitly forbids religious instruction and requires that the school will be “nonsectarian in all operations.”

The bill requires cyber charters to provide 180 days or a required number of hours (900 for elementary, 990 for high school) per year, just like any public school.

The bill is extremely specific about the governing board requirements. There must be seven non-related members, and they may not have in any way, shape, or form a financial interest in the cyber charter or anyone doing business with it (and like all Pennsylvania school board members, they must serve without compensation.) The board must hold open meetings in compliance with the state’s sunshine law, just like any public school board.

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There are numerous restrictions on administrators and board members to prevent entanglements. For instance, no administrator or administrator’s family member may serve on the board. Nor may someone serve on both the local public school board and a cyber school board, a clear conflict of interest.

And at several points, the bill requires the immediate dismissal of administrators or board members if convicted of a major crime, including “fraud, theft, or mismanagement of public funds.” Would such a law ever even come up? Well, cyber charter giant K12 was founded by junk bond king and convicted felon Michael Milken. Nicholas Trombetta used Pennsylvania Cyber School to funnel $8 million tax dollars to himself, but it was federal authorities and not the state that finally caught him.

There has been recent criticism of cyber charters for amassing large stockpiles of taxpayer dollars; the bill lays out limits for such unrestricted fund balances. Just like public school districts.

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There are requirements for regular audits, both internal and external; this may seem like an obvious requirement, but n December of 2020, an investigation by the Scranton Times-Tribune found that six of the 14 cyber charters had never been reviewed by state auditors, and others had been audited only once.

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Many reports are to be made publicly available, including an annual report and a “publicly accessible internet website detailing the salaries and other compensations” for employees, officers and directors of any educational management service providing a service to the school. Annual budgets should also be available to the public, just as they are public school districts.

There is a list of reasons that the cyber charter may be non-renewed or revoked, including financial mismanagement, failure to meet reporting requirements, or designation as a Comprehensive Support and Improvement school at least twice. Had such a requirement been in place previously, Pennsylvania’s cyber schools would be struggling to avoid shutdown.

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Pennsylvania House Republicans (or at least the ones who voted against the bill) accuse Democrats of limiting educational choice, but bill author Rep. Joe Ciresi says, “My goal with this bill was to preserve school choice, but while ensuring cyber charter schools are held to the same rules and regulations as traditional public schools.”

The reduced revenue may cut into marketing budgets and unfunded reserves, but need not be an existential crisis for cyber charter. The many new operational requirements simply call for cyber charters to operate under the same rules as public schools, providing transparency and accountability to the taxpayers who are footing the bill. Surely that level of accountability is not too much to ask. Cyber charter operators need not ride off into the sunset if they can just live peacefully under the same rules as the rest of the townsfolk.

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Next stop: the Pennsylvania Senate, currently dominated by the GOP, which loves charter schools, but also loves accountability for taxpayer dollars. Stay tuned.





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Pennsylvania

Missing Man, 87, Found: State Police

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Missing Man, 87, Found: State Police


Crime & Safety

Pennsylvania State police said 87-year-old Vito D’Amore was found Monday in Delaware after he was reported missing in Delco last week.

DELAWARE COUNTY, PA — An 87-year-old man reported missing last week has been found, according to Pennsylvania State Police.

Authorities Monday initially told Patch Vito D’Amore, 87, bad not been found after he was reported missing at about 5:07 p.m. Wednesday.

At about noon Monday, authorities provided an update on D’Amore, telling Patch he was found in Delaware.

Find out what’s happening in Radnorwith free, real-time updates from Patch.


Get more local news delivered straight to your inbox. Sign up for free Patch newsletters and alerts.

To request removal of your name from an arrest report, submit these required items to arrestreports@patch.com.

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Josh Shapiro wasn’t on the ballot this year, but still spent millions campaigning. Here’s where the money went.

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Josh Shapiro wasn’t on the ballot this year, but still spent millions campaigning. Here’s where the money went.


HARRISBURG — His name wasn’t on the ballot in 2024, but Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro still spent more than $5.5 million campaigning this year. Much of that money, however, didn’t go directly to the Democrats up for election in the commonwealth.

A review of Shapiro’s campaign finance reports for the year shows that he spent almost $1.3 million on pricey consultants, and almost $1 million on a combination of private airfare, hotels, and event planning in 13 states, including Pennsylvania, alongside smaller expenditures on new cameras and online clothing retailers.

Shapiro’s spokesperson, Manuel Bonder, said these expenses were all for the good of Democrats inside and outside Pennsylvania.

“Throughout the 2024 election cycle, Governor Shapiro was a top surrogate for candidates up and down the ballot and campaigned tirelessly across the Commonwealth and in key swing states — working to defend every single seat of the State House Democratic majority and elect pro-freedom candidates at every level,” Bonder said in a statement.

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Shapiro raked a lot of donations into his already strong campaign account during and after his time as a vice presidential contender this summer. Newly filed reports show that he ended November with more than $10.6 million on hand.

Recent big donors included former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, California developer and stem cell research advocate Robert Klein, and Los Angeles-based talent manager Scooter Braun.

The cash puts Shapiro in a strong financial position heading into what could be a competitive 2026 reelection race while allowing him to continue to build a national brand.

Where exactly did Shapiro’s money go?

Shapiro spent more than $5.5 million out of his campaign account this year.

Of that, about $1.7 million went to Pennsylvania candidates. The rest went toward consultants, private flights, hotels, events and meals for his campaign in 13 states including Pennsylvania, among other expenses.

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Of the $1.3 million the campaign put toward consulting, the biggest chunks went to Denver-based political advertising firm Ascend Digital Strategies and to California fundraising advisor Cooper Teboe. Each received $570,000 in fees.

Teboe, who connects major Silicon Valley donors to Democratic candidates, has worked with Shapiro previously. The governor’s financial reports routinely show millions of dollars from tech moguls like Reid Hoffman, who co-founded LinkedIn. He also receives donations from Hollywood producers and celebrities, and other West Coast megadonors like Karla Jurvetson and Jennifer Duda, who are both physicians.

Of the almost $1 million Shapiro spent on travel and accommodations, the majority — $641,000 — went toward private flights. He also spent at least $121,000 on hotels and $27,000 on meals.

Some of those expenses, such as $180 at an Michigan gastropub and $725 at Atlanta’s Ritz-Carlton, illustrate his frequent stops in other swing states in the lead-up to the presidential election.

Shapiro also spent at least $185,000 to attend the 2024 Democratic National Convention in Chicago. Nearly 80% of that tab went toward renting an event space at a renovated church where he hosted attendees during the four-day affair.

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Shapiro also spent $18,000 on hotels in California and $14,000 on lodging in Florida. Most of the latter paid for time at the five-star Eau Palm Beach Resort & Spa, which advertises that “guests are welcomed with champagne, breathtaking ocean views and cooling tropical breezes.”

His campaign also spent more than $34,000 on hotels in Philadelphia — though he lives just outside of the city — including $13,000 at the swanky Four Seasons, where guests can “revel in breathtaking, unobstructed views” of the city from the 60th floor of the Comcast Center.

Bonder told Spotlight PA that the Four Seasons expense was related to Shapiro hosting an annual policy conference for the Democratic Governors Association.

How did Shapiro help Pa. Dems?

Many of the candidates down the ballot foundered in the commonwealth this year.

While Democrats narrowly kept their majority in the state House and didn’t lose ground in the GOP-controlled state Senate, Republicans easily won races for Pennsylvania’s three row offices — attorney general, auditor general and treasurer.

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Democrats told Spotlight PA that they don’t blame Shapiro, or any other single person, for those losses. However, several operatives for the party said they wished the governor had used some of the millions he still has on hand to boost state candidates a little more.

Most spoke on condition of anonymity because of Shapiro’s power within the party.

The money Shapiro donated to state-level Democrats on the ballot in 2024 amounted to about 30% of his total campaign spending for the year.

He gave $1.25 million and $350,000 to the state House and Senate campaign committees, respectively. He also gave $100,000 to attorney general candidate Eugene DePasquale and $25,000 to auditor general candidate Malcolm Kenyatta.

Shapiro’s predecessor, Democrat Tom Wolf, spent just $210,000 on down-ballot Pennsylvania races in 2016, though he ended the year with much less on hand than Shapiro — $1.7 million.

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But in 2020, without a reelection race to run, Wolf poured $2.6 million into lower-level Democratic general election campaigns, particularly for legislative seats in the then GOP-controlled General Assembly.

Chuck Pascal, who chaired the campaign of Democratic treasurer candidate Erin McClelland and runs the Armstrong County Democratic Committee, told Spotlight PA that additional money from Shapiro likely would have made little difference given the party’s weak performance across the board.

Shapiro gave no money to McClelland, a political outsider. She raised far less than Kenyatta, for instance, but ultimately got only 20,000 fewer votes than he did.

But Pascal, who noted he was speaking for himself and not McClelland, does think there’s at least one area where Shapiro could have done more.

“The one glaring thing in the results was that turnout was down in the Southeast, and particularly in Philadelphia and Montgomery Counties,” he said.

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Shapiro is from Montgomery County. He previously represented a state House district there and served as county commissioner.

“Given the governor’s political strength in the southeast,” Pascal added, more spending there to increase voter engagement “could have been a place where he could at least have saved Bob Casey.”

Casey, Pennsylvania’s senior Democratic U.S. Senator, lost his race by just more than 15,000 votes.

According to Shapiro’s campaign, the governor appeared at 25 public events in Southeast Pennsylvania between late July — when President Joe Biden dropped his reelection bid — and Election Day.

The extent of the work that a governor, or any other political figure, does for their party during an election doesn’t all show up in public reports. A governor can join fundraising calls to help persuade donors, appear at national events to talk about important races in their state, or share intelligence about likely donors with various campaign committees — among other intangibles.

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Bonder, Shapiro’s spokesperson, said that’s what Shapiro was doing. “His work to make key endorsements, stump at events, raise money, film digital and TV ads, and more was unmatched in Pennsylvania,” he said.

For instance, the Saturday before the election, Shapiro appeared at two canvass kickoffs for swing district Democratic candidates — one in Bucks County and one in Northampton County.

At the former, Shapiro warmed up the dozens-deep crowd gathered in a suburban park for state Rep. Brian Munroe, D-Bucks, extolling them that “you have the power in your hand” to ensure that Democrats win up and down the ballot before introducing Munroe to cheers.

Munroe would go on to win by 1,100 votes, one of the key wins that preserved House Democrats’ majority. He told Spotlight PA he thinks there were a number of reasons he came out on top — but having Shapiro in his corner definitely didn’t hurt.

When Munroe was knocking doors in the weeks leading up to the election, he got a strong sense of the governor’s broad appeal.

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“I met a significant number of Republicans who said when (Shapiro) was in the running for vice president, they would have loved to see him in the role,” Munroe said.

Of complaints that Shapiro could have done more, Bonder said, “While I understand that some people in politics level bad faith criticisms in order to see their names in the paper, the reality is no one in this commonwealth worked harder than Gov. Josh Shapiro this fall to show up, raise money, film ads, and support and elect candidates who will protect real freedom and get stuff done.”

Jeff Coleman, a Republican operative, argued that Shapiro’s national visibility gave his donors exactly what they wanted: They wrote checks because they believe in his long-term political prospects.

“When you are writing a check to Gov. Shapiro, you are writing it to whatever the next chapter looks like,” Coleman said. “You are writing a check with the hope you are going to be part of history. That’s the type of brand his team built.”

Consultants also noted that the big cash reserve Shapiro has could allow him to put dollars into next year’s judicial retention elections, during which three justices elected as Democrats will run for new 10-year terms.

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Kate Huangpu of Spotlight PA contributed reporting for this story.

Spotlight PA is an independent, nonpartisan, and nonprofit newsroom producing investigative and public-service journalism that holds power to account and drives positive change in Pennsylvania. Sign up for our newsletters at spotlightpa.org/newsletters.

Before you go, if you learned something from this article, pay it forward and contribute to Spotlight PA at spotlightpa.org/donate. Spotlight PA is funded by foundations and readers like you who are committed to accountability journalism that gets results.

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Manhunt for attempted murder suspect ends in Pennsylvania

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Manhunt for attempted murder suspect ends in Pennsylvania


PITTSBURGH, Pa. (WTAJ) — A Minnesota man wanted for attempted murder was caught in Pennsylvania, according to U.S. Marshals. Theodore Jaymes was apprehended in the East Liberty section of Pittsburgh (5400 block of Baywood Street) Dec. 11, after U.S. Marshals in Western Pa. were asked to assist Marshals from Minnesota. According to a release, U.S. […]



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