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Why Does This Building by the Subway Need 193 Parking Spots? (Yes, Exactly 193.)

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Why Does This Building by the Subway Need 193 Parking Spots? (Yes, Exactly 193.)

A rendering of the new apartment building at 975 Nostrand Ave. in Brooklyn. Underground parking spaces not shown.

Lemons Bucket

The apartment building under construction at 975 Nostrand Avenue in Brooklyn is the kind of project that city officials and economists say New York needs to solve the city’s severe housing shortage.

It will have 328 new homes at rents targeting young professionals, from studios up to three-bedrooms, with a grocery store on the ground floor.

But the ability to construct these homes, at this location, turns on a peculiar problem: How do you also find a place to park 193 cars on this lot?

The site is about one block from the subway.

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To fit ample parking here, the builders had to excavate 14 feet underground. And some of this cellar space is needed for utilities and storage.

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The remaining space is irregular. These are the structural columns supporting the apartments above.

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And here’s where you fit the cars.

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Actually, that’s only 146 of them. To accommodate the remaining cars, each spot here holds a two-car mechanical stacker.

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(This is the actual diagram submitted to the New York Department of Buildings for review.)

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This Brooklyn building is subject to a powerful but obscure force operating in communities all over the country: the parking minimum. Every one of its 193 parking spaces is prescribed by the city’s zoning code, in dizzying detail.

The project must provide, at minimum, half a parking spot for each housing unit; one parking spot for every 400 square feet of retail and art gallery inside; and one spot for every 300 square feet of space in part of the planned grocery store (the other part of the grocery store is exempt from parking, and we’re sorry but only a land use lawyer can explain this).

New York is now proposing to radically simplify requirements like this by ending parking mandates on all new housing citywide. The move could make it cheaper and faster to construct new homes amid a housing affordability crisis, and it would make New York the latest American city to toss out decades-old parking rules. But as a movement to end parking minimums gains traction across the country, what happens in New York will be revealing: In the least car-dependent big city in America, the instinct to accommodate cars may still prove stronger than fears about the shortage of homes.

“These rules were written at a time when cars defined everything,” said Dan Garodnick, the head of New York’s Planning Commission.

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It was a moment when cities were first racing to adapt to cars and compete with suburbs full of plentiful parking. “We are in a different era today,” he said.

That assessment will be put to the test in the coming weeks, as the City Council is set to vote on the change as part of a broader package of housing measures.

Mr. Garodnick is quick to clarify that the administration is not proposing to end parking in residential buildings — just the required minimums. Developers will still build parking, he reasons, where there’s demand for it (and in fact, today some build more than the minimum). But they’ll also have the option to build none.

Those opposed to the change are skeptical of its benefits: “I don’t see where less parking means there’s greater affordability,” said Fred Baptiste, the chair of Community Board 9, where 975 Nostrand sits. “It just means there’s less parking.”

Six Parking Spots Per Bowling Lane

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Cities and towns nationwide have had parking minimums sitting unquestioned in their zoning codes for half a century. But in recent years, dozens of cities have removed them. Buffalo was among the first in 2017. Austin, Texas, last year became the largest U.S. city to do so.

As housing has grown more expensive across the country, cities have increasingly realized that parking can make the problem worse, raising the cost and complexity of development, even discouraging the construction of homes.

Construction costs run from $10,000 per parking space in a surface lot to $70,000 per space in an underground garage. That gets baked into what developers must recoup from tenants and buyers, whether they own a car or not. The rules drive up the per-unit cost to build affordable housing (in New York, affordable units near transit are exempt from parking minimums, but the rules still apply elsewhere). And they often require more parking than people actually use.

The mandates began in the 1950s and ’60s as mass car ownership expanded beyond the capacity of on-street parking. Minimums in New York were introduced in 1950 for new residential buildings. The city’s 1961 zoning code (the one still in place today) raised the requirements and added them for offices, retail and other building types. In New York and elsewhere, the rules typically take the form of ratios that have been copied from one city to another, handed from one generation of engineers to the next without much study or skepticism.

A Sample of Minimum Parking Rules

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0.5 parking spots per unit plus 1 parking spot per employee

Senior Housing in Vallejo, Calif.

2 parking spots per dwelling unit

Manufactured Home in Knoxville, Tenn.

1 parking spot per 2 beds

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Monastery/Convent in Savannah, Ga.

1.25 parking spots per dwelling unit

Efficiency Apartment in Fargo, N.D.

1 parking spot per 4 rooms

Rooming House in New Orleans

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1 parking spot per 2 beds

Fraternity/Sorority in Baltimore

2 parking spots per dwelling unit plus garage

Single-Family Home in Oklahoma City

1 parking spot per million gallons of capacity

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Sewage Treatment Plant in Dallas

1 parking spot per 100 sq. ft.

Haunted House in Gilbert, Ariz.

1 parking spot per 8 occupants plus 1 spot per 2 employees

Cemetery in Carver, Mass.

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1 parking spot per 10 migrants at max capacity

Migrant Labor Camp in Queen Anne’s County, Md.

10 parking spots per 1 mile of trail

Nature/Bike Trail in Jefferson Hills, Pa.

1 parking spot per 250 sq. ft. of office/retail area

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Butterfly/Moth Breeding in SeaTac, Wash.

6 parking spots per lane

Bowling Center in Folsom, Calif.

1 parking spot per 50 sq. ft. of floor area

Night Club in Port Angeles, Wash.

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8 parking spots per green

1 parking spot per 10 children plus 1 per employee

Child Care Center in Charlotte, N.C.

1.2 parking spots per bed

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3 parking spots per court

Tennis Club in Rochester, N.Y.

1 parking spot per 100 sq. ft. of sanctuary seating area

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1 parking spot per 60 sq. ft. of batting area

1 parking spot per 50 sq. ft. water surface plus 1 spot per 2 employees

Swimming Pool in Allentown, Pa.

“People just assume these numbers are right because they’re in the zoning code,” said Tony Jordan, who runs the Parking Reform Network, which advocates ending minimums. “No, they’re just made up.”

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Beyond increasing construction costs, the rules have squeezed out of existence many common prewar urban housing forms, like four-unit apartment buildings on lots too small for parking. Mandates have meanwhile produced their own specific kinds of places: stores surrounded by surface lots, strip malls wrapped around parking, apartment complexes that have no ground-floor retail because the ground floor is full of cars.

And because the rules apply broadly, they can require parking in subsidized housing for low-income households least likely to own a car. They can force builders to construct 350 square feet of garage space for a 400-square-foot studio.

Given that cities have only recently begun to change these rules, there’s limited evidence of what happens after they’re gone. In the first years after Buffalo ended parking minimums, about half of new developments built fewer parking spaces than they were previously required to, supporting the idea that the standards are too high for some properties, too low for others.

Proponents also hope that by ditching parking mandates, cities communicate another message: “If you require a place to park a car, you’re automatically saying a car is welcome,” said Felicity Maxwell, a planning commissioner in Austin who voted to end minimums there last year. And many of the prewar buildings and neighborhoods cherished today are places that have long thrived without welcoming cars.

Compared with Austin and Buffalo, New York is proposing a half-measure: to end mandates only for housing (at 975 Nostrand, for example, the retail space would still require some parking). Mr. Garodnick demurred on whether ending all minimums would be a logical future step for the city.

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An Expensive Hole in the Ground

New York is also a particularly tough place to create parking. Land is so scarce and valuable that it seldom makes sense to use it just to park cars. 975 Nostrand was originally a single-story grocery store with a large parking lot. Now it will become home to 500 to 600 people, with a grocery store on the ground floor.

But making the best use of that limited space means developers frequently turn to the hardest possible parking solution: putting it underground.

“When you go below grade in New York City, you are talking about the most expensive and the most risky part of a project,” said Sam Charney, principal of the developer Charney Companies. His worst construction horror story involved a mixed-use building that required two levels of underground parking in a corner of bustling Williamsburg in Brooklyn. He thought the parking actually necessary was none.

Before Charney Companies built The Dime in Williamsburg, it first dug this 30-foot-deep hole (while propping up the neighboring properties) for a two-story underground garage.

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Charney Companies LLC

Excavation is costly and onerous. Neighboring buildings must be underpinned. Buried oil tanks and boulders get in the way. Below the water table, everything must be waterproofed. And all of this adds months to construction, during which time developers are carrying large loans.

Parking stackers help save space by lifting cars up so others can park underneath. But then garages require parking attendants to operate them — and that’s another cost someone has to pay.

All of this is further complicated by the fact that the exact quantity of parking required depends on how the land at a given site is zoned.

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Here are just the few blocks around 975 Nostrand:

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Buildings across the street from each other are often zoned differently.

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And each zone has its own minimum parking ratios for housing.

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Source: New York City Zoning & Land Use Map

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Certain zones also exempt parking on the first five or 15 housing units, incentivizing builders to stay below that cutoff — or to carve lots up into several smaller buildings with fewer total housing units.

“You really don’t want to build a bigger building than you can provide parking for,” said David West, an architect.

These trade-offs for developers don’t garner a lot of sympathy with New Yorkers who have a more prosaic concern: where to park after a long work day or when there’s a hungry child in the back seat. The community board that encompasses the Nostrand development opposes getting rid of the minimums, as do politicians representing parts of the city that don’t have good transit access.

“For Staten Islanders, it’s almost impossible to not have at least one car per household,” said Joseph Borelli, who represents southern Staten Island as minority leader of the City Council.

Source: New York Times survey; New York City Zoning Application Portal

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The City Planning Commission expects that the greatest change to come from ending parking mandates would be in the “inner outer” boroughs — not in the lowest-density neighborhoods that have opposed it the most, but in places like Nostrand Avenue in Crown Heights. That’s where the gap is widest today between the quantity of parking required and the demand for it around public transit. In the densest parts of the city — much of Manhattan, and Long Island City in Queens — parking minimums are already waived (Manhattan, in fact, has had parking maximums since 1982, in a bid to reduce car travel and improve air quality).

Some suggest the city should more narrowly tailor its proposal rather than sweep away requirements citywide. But that would be an extension of what New York has done for years — carving out piecemeal exemptions for certain geographies, lot sizes, affordability levels and building amenities, until it has arrived at an intricate web of parking rules.

To proponents of ending minimums, the citywide simplicity is part of the point: The requirements aren’t just arbitrary near the subway; they are arbitrary everywhere because a prescribed ratio can never be just right for every lot. And even on Staten Island, lifting the minimums might allow someone to build an accessory dwelling unit — without extra parking — in the backyard. That would serve the city’s housing goals too.

At 975 Nostrand, where the developer Hudson Companies is about a year away from completing the building, the managing director of development, Marlee Busching-Truscott, struggled to estimate exactly how much parking would have been built if that number weren’t dictated by a zoning table. This is one of the other distortions of parking mandates. Developers typically try to study the market for nearly every facet of a project — the mix of apartment sizes, the targeted rents, the building amenities, the outdoor spaces, the kitchen finishes. But they don’t do that basic exercise for something as costly and sizable as a parking garage, because they have little choice in the matter.

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Though Ms. Busching-Truscott couldn’t say exactly how the building would have taken shape without parking minimums, “I don’t think we would have gotten to 193 spaces that would have required having a fully excavated cellar and a chaotic layout.”

That result speaks to the building’s essential paradox: “This is transit-oriented development,” she said, “that you’re still building around the car.”

New York

How a Parks Worker Lives on $37,500 in Tompkinsville, Staten Island

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How a Parks Worker Lives on ,500 in Tompkinsville, Staten Island

How can people possibly afford to live in one of the most expensive cities on the planet? It’s a question New Yorkers hear a lot, often delivered with a mix of awe, pity and confusion.

We surveyed hundreds of New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save. We found that many people — rich, poor or somewhere in between — live life as a series of small calculations that add up to one big question: What makes living in New York worth it?

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Sara Robinson boarded a Greyhound bus from Oregon to New York City to attend Hunter College in the early 2000s, bright-eyed and eager to pick up odd jobs to fuel her dream of living there.

For a long time, she made it work. But recently, that has been more challenging than ever.

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Right around her 40th birthday, Ms. Robinson began to feel financially squeezed in Brooklyn, where she had lived for years. Ms. Robinson (no relation to this reporter) was also feeling too grown to live with roommates.

“As a child,” she said, “you don’t think you’re going to have a roommate at 40.” She decided to move into a place of her own: a one-bedroom apartment in the Tompkinsville neighborhood of Staten Island.

After she moved, the preschool where she’d worked for over a decade closed. Now, she works two jobs. She is a seasonal employee for the state Office of Parks, Recreation and Historic Preservation, working from Tuesday to Saturday. And on Monday nights, she sells concessions at the West Village movie theater Film Forum, which pays $25 an hour plus tips.

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Ms. Robinson, now 45, loves her job as an environmental educator at a state park on Staten Island. Her team runs the park’s social media accounts and comes up with event programming, like a recent project tapping maple trees to make syrup.

But the role is temporary. Her last stint was from June 2024 to January 2025. Then she was unemployed until August 2025. Ms. Robinson’s current contract will be up in April, unless she gets an extension or a different parks job opens up.

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Ms. Robinson’s biweekly pay stubs from the parks department amount to about $1,300 before taxes. She barely felt a difference, she said, while she was out of work and pocketing around $880 every two weeks from her unemployment checks. (Her previous parks gig paid $1,100 a check.)

Living in New York’s Greenest Borough

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“It used to be, ‘There’s no way I’m moving to Staten Island,’” Ms. Robinson said. “But the place is close to the water. I’m three minutes from the ferry. The rest is history.” She lives on the third floor of a multifamily house, above an art studio and another tenant. Her rent is $1,600 a month, plus $125 in utilities, including her phone bill.

“If my situation changes, I don’t know if I could find something similar,” she said. “So much of my New York life has been feeling trapped to an apartment. You get a place for a good price, and you’re like, ‘I can’t leave now.’”

Staten Island is convenient for Ms. Robinson’s parks job, but it’s become harder to justify living in a borough where she knows few people. It takes more than an hour to get to friends in Brooklyn, an especially hard trek during the winter. After four years of living on Staten Island, Ms. Robinson feels somewhat isolated.

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“All my friends on Staten Island are senior citizens,” she said. “It’s great. I love it. But I do want friends closer to my age.”

One of Ms. Robinson’s friends, Ray, took her on nature walks and taught her about tree identification, sparking an interest in mycology, the study of mushrooms. This led to a productive — and free — fungi foraging hobby during unemployment. She has found all sorts of mushrooms, including, after a month of searching, the elusive morel.

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The Budgeting Game

Ms. Robinson doesn’t update her furniture often, but when she does, she shops stoop sales in Park Slope or other parts of Brooklyn.

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“It’s like a treasure hunt,” she said. “You could make a whole apartment off the street, off the stuff that people throw away.”

She also makes a game out of grocery shopping, biking to Sunset Park in Brooklyn or Manhattan’s Chinatown to go to stores where there are better deals. She budgets about $300 for groceries each month.

Ms. Robinson bikes almost everywhere, sometimes traveling a little farther to enter the Staten Island Railway at one of the stations that don’t charge a fare. She spends $80 a month on subway and ferry fares, and $5 a month for a discounted Citi Bike membership she gets through a credit union, though she usually uses her own bike. She is handy and does repairs herself.

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There are certain splurges — Ms. Robinson drops $400 once or twice a year on round-trip airfare to Seattle, where her family lives. She also spent $100 last year to see a concert at Forest Hills Stadium in Queens.

She said she has many financial saving graces. She has no student loans and no car to make payments on. She doesn’t get health insurance from her jobs, but she qualifies for Medicaid.

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She mostly eats at home, though sometimes friends will treat her to dinner. She repays them with tickets to Film Forum movies.

Nothing Beats the Twinkling Lights

Ms. Robinson’s friends often talk about leaving the city — and the country.

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Two friends have their eyes set on Sweden, where they hope to get the affordable child care and social safety net they are struggling to access in New York.

Ms. Robinson can’t see herself moving elsewhere in the United States, but she is entertaining the idea of an international move if she can’t hack it on Staten Island.

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Yet the pull of the city is hard for her to resist.

“I just get a rush when I’m riding the Staten Island Ferry across the bay,” she said. “You see all the little twinkling lights. It’s this feeling of, ‘everything is possible here.’”

That feeling, plus the many friendly faces Ms. Robinson sees every day — the ferry operators, the conductors on the Staten Island Railway, her co-workers at Film Forum — are what tie her to New York.

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“My savings are not increasing, so there’s that,” she said. “But I’ve been OK so far. I think I’m going to figure it out.”

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How the Editor in Chief of Marie Claire Gets Styled for a Trip to Italy

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How the Editor in Chief of Marie Claire Gets Styled for a Trip to Italy

Nikki Ogunnaike, the editor in chief of Marie Claire magazine, did not grow up the scion of an Anna Wintour or a Marc Jacobs.

But, she said, “my mom and dad are both very stylish people.”

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They got dressed up to go to church every week in her hometown Springfield, Va. Her mother managed a Staples; her father, a CVS. “Presentation is important to them,” she said.

Since landing her first internship with Glamour magazine in college, Ms. Ogunnaike, 40, has held editorial roles there and at Elle magazine and GQ. She has been in the top post at Marie Claire since 2023.

She recently spent a Saturday with The New York Times as she prepared for Milan Fashion Week.

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How a Physical Therapist and a Retiree Live on $208,000 in Harlem

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How a Physical Therapist and a Retiree Live on 8,000 in Harlem

How can people possibly afford to live in one of the most expensive cities on the planet? It’s a question New Yorkers hear a lot, often delivered with a mix of awe, pity and confusion.

We surveyed hundreds of New Yorkers about how they spend, splurge and save. We found that many people — rich, poor or somewhere in between — live life as a series of small calculations that add up to one big question: What makes living in New York worth it?

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It has never really occurred to Marian or Charles Wade to live anywhere but the city where they were born and where they raised their children.

New York is in their bones. “We have our roots here, and our families enjoyed life here before us,” Ms. Wade said.

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And they feel lucky. Between Mr. Wade’s pension, earned after more than 40 years as an analyst at the Manhattan district attorney’s office, and his Social Security benefits, along with Ms. Wade’s work as a physical therapist at a psychiatric center, they bring in about $208,000 a year.

Still, it’s hard for the couple not to notice how much the city has changed as it has become wealthier.

About 10 years ago, Ms. Wade, 65, and Mr. Wade, 69, sold the Morningside Heights apartment they had lived in for decades. The Manhattan neighborhood had become more affluent, and tensions over how their building should be managed and how much residents should be expected to pay for upkeep boiled over between people who had lived there for years and newer neighbors.

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They found a new home in Harlem, large enough to fit their two children, who are now adults struggling to afford the city’s housing market.

All in the Family

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Ms. Wade knew it was time to leave Morningside Heights when she spotted her husband hiding behind a bush outside their building, hoping to avoid an unpleasant new neighbor. They had bought their apartment in 1994 for $206,000, using some money they had inherited from their families, and sold it in 2015 for $1.13 million.

The couple found a new apartment in the Sugar Hill section of Harlem for $811,000, and put most of the money down upfront. They took out a loan with a good rate for the remaining cost, and had a $947 monthly payment. They recently finished paying off the mortgage, but they have monthly maintenance payments of $1,555, as well as two temporary assessments to help improve the building, totaling $415 a month.

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Their two children each moved home shortly after graduating from college.

The couple’s son, Jacob Wade, 28, split an apartment with three roommates nearby for a while, but spent down his savings and moved back in with his parents. He is searching for an affordable one bedroom nearby and plans to move out later in the year. Their daughter, Elka Wade, 27, came home after college but recently moved to an apartment in Astoria, Queens, with roommates.

Until their daughter moved out a few weeks ago, she and her brother each took a bedroom, and Mr. and Ms. Wade slept in the dining room, which they had converted into their bedroom with the help of a Murphy bed and a new set of curtains for privacy.

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There is very little storage space. A piano occupies an entire closet in their son’s bedroom, because the family has no other place to fit it.

The setup is cramped, but close quarters have their benefits: When their daughter, a classically trained cellist, was living there, she often practiced at home in the evenings. “I love listening to her play,” Ms. Wade said.

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Three Foodtowns and a Thrift Shop

The Wades do what they can to keep their costs low. They’ve decided against installing new, better insulated windows in their drafty apartment. They don’t go on vacations, instead visiting their small weekend home in rural upstate New York. And they’ve pulled back on takeout food and retail shopping.

Instead, Mr. Wade surveys the three Foodtown supermarkets near their home for the best deals, preferring one for produce and another for meat. The weekly grocery bill has been around $500 with both kids living at home, and the family usually orders delivery twice a week, rotating between Chinese and Indian food, which typically costs $70, including leftovers.

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For an occasional splurge, they love Pisticci, a nearby restaurant where the penne with homemade mozzarella costs $21.

The couple owns a car, which they park on the street for free. But they often use public transportation to avoid paying the $9 congestion pricing fee to drive downtown, or when they have a good parking spot they don’t want to give up. They have a senior discount for their transit cards, which allows them to pay $1.50 per subway or bus ride, rather than $3.

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Ms. Wade stopped shopping at the stores she used to frequent, like Eileen Fisher and Banana Republic, years ago. Instead, she visits a thrift store called Unique Boutique on the Upper West Side. She was browsing the aisles a few months ago, before a big Thanksgiving dinner, and spotted the perfect dress for the occasion for just $20.

But she has one nonnegotiable weekly expense: a private yoga lesson in an instructor’s apartment nearby, for $150 a session.

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Elka Wade, a cellist, often practices at home, to the delight of her parents. Bess Adler for The New York Times

Swapping Mortgage Payments for Singing Lessons

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For every member of the Wade family, life in New York is all about the arts.

The children each attended the Special Music School, a public school focused on the arts. Their son, an actor, teacher and director, works part time at the Metropolitan Opera and the Kaufman Music Center, a performing arts complex in Manhattan. His sister works in administration at the Kaufman Center.

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Mr. Wade is still close with friends from high school who are now professional musicians, and the couple often goes to see them play at venues like the Bitter End in Greenwich Village, where shows typically have a $12 cover and a two-drink minimum.

The couple has cut back on going to expensive concerts — they used to try to see Elvis Costello every time he came to New York, for example — but have timeworn strategies for getting affordable theater tickets.

They recently splurged on tickets to “Oedipus” on Broadway for themselves and their daughter, who they treated to a ticket as a birthday gift. The seats were in the nosebleed section, but still cost $80 apiece.

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The couple has a $75 annual membership to the Film Forum, which gives them reduced price tickets to movies. They occasionally get discounted tickets to the opera through their son’s work, and when they don’t, they pay for family circle passes, which are usually $47 a head, plus a $10 fee.

Ms. Wade, who grew up commuting from Flushing, Queens, to Manhattan to take dance lessons, sometimes takes $20 drop-in ballet classes during the week at the Dance Theater of Harlem, just a few blocks away from the apartment.

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Recently, when the couple paid off their mortgage, Ms. Wade celebrated by giving herself a treat: weekly private singing lessons, for $125 a session.

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