New Jersey
Five things to watch for in this Sunday’s debate between Andy Kim and Tammy Murphy – New Jersey Globe
This Sunday at 8 p.m., Rep. Andy Kim (D-Moorestown) and First Lady Tammy Murphy will meet for the very first debate of the 2024 Democratic U.S. Senate primary in New Jersey.
The pressure on Kim and Murphy, the only two candidates for indicted Senator Bob Menendez’s seat who met the debate requirements, is high. With county convention season revving up and many voters starting to tune into the race, it will be the first chance for both candidates to make the case to New Jerseyans as to why they should be elected to the Senate – and perhaps why their opponent shouldn’t be.
Here are five things to watch for at the debate, which will be hosted by the New Jersey Globe, On New Jersey, and Rider University; it will be streamed live on the New Jersey Globe, On New Jersey, Facebook Live, Twitter, and YouTube.
Can the Kim-mentum be stopped?
That may sound like a loaded question, but given how the last few weeks of the Senate campaign have gone, it really isn’t.
Since the start of the new year, Kim posted a double-digit lead in the first independent poll of the contest and convincingly won the race’s first Democratic county convention in Monmouth County. Murphy has a number of structural advantages that Kim doesn’t, including guaranteed party support in many of the state’s largest counties, but all the recent momentum has seemed to be in Kim’s favor.
The upcoming debate represents a chance for Murphy to flip the script. If she can articulate a clear message about why she should be a senator and Andy Kim should not – something she hasn’t really been able to do thus far – that could turn the narrative of the race around and help put her back in the driver’s seat.
On the other hand, if Murphy stumbles or if Kim far outshines her, then the current narrative might get even more entrenched. And the longer it takes Murphy to put a damper on Kim’s momentum, the harder it will be to eventually overtake him.
It’s worth noting that there’s a significant experience gap between the candidates when it comes to debating. While Murphy has long been a major player in New Jersey politics, this will be her first-ever political debate; Kim, meanwhile, is an experienced debater thanks to his three campaigns for a competitive congressional district.
How scorched-earth does Kim go?
Andy Kim’s a pretty nice guy; that’s common knowledge in New Jersey politics by now. But his campaign has nevertheless been perfectly willing to go on the attack against Murphy and the broader New Jersey Democratic establishment when it wants to.
Murphy, Kim argues, is being propped up by a “broken” political system that takes power away from the voters and leads to (alleged) corruption like Bob Menendez’s. And when Murphy’s campaign has made missteps – like when it tried to pressure the College Democrats into remaining neutral in the race, or when it announced an endorsement list featuring people who said they hadn’t endorsed anyone – Kim has pounced.
Now that Kim and Murphy are going to face each other directly on Sunday, we’ll see how much of that same heat Kim is willing to bring. Does he take Murphy directly to task for being so heavily aided by her connections to Gov. Phil Murphy and other “party elites”? Can he do so without harming his own nice-guy image?
It’s a tough needle to thread, because while Kim’s message about rigged politics might be resonating with the New Jersey electorate, he still wants to appeal to the local Democratic faithful who have a big say in deciding party endorsements in many counties. Those low-level party leaders may find Kim’s candidacy appealing, but many of them also quite like Phil and Tammy Murphy and their local Democratic organizations, so an overly negative messaging strategy could be risky.
As last Saturday’s convention vote in Monmouth County showed, Kim can indeed thread that needle successfully, but the upcoming debate will be his biggest stage yet – one potentially viewed by both a local and national audience.
Can Murphy land a hit on Kim?
In contrast to Kim’s consistent messaging against Murphy’s establishment support and the New Jersey political system, Murphy has not yet found a clear avenue of attack on Kim, who has been broadly well-liked and uncontroversial among Democrats during his three terms in Congress.
At various points during the campaign, Murphy and her allies have hit Kim on immigration, via a few unfavorable House votes Kim cast in 2019 and 2020; on abortion, arguing that a male politician can’t be trusted on the issue to the same extent that a female politician can; and on some mild resume inflation Kim did during his initial 2018 House race. All of those messages could be effective in certain circumstances, but none have seemed to really stick.
Sunday’s debate will be Murphy’s most high-profile opportunity yet to go on the offense against Kim and tarnish his currently very high favorability ratings among New Jersey Democrats. But will she find an anti-Kim message that actually lands? How harsh will she be?
And as with any attack line, there’s also the danger of going too far. When former Rep. Tom Malinowski (D-Ringoes) endorsed Kim last month, Murphy’s campaign responded by dredging up Malinowski’s stock-trading issues from his time in Congress – a move that mainly served to tick off Democrats in Malinowski’s old congressional district without conferring any obvious benefits for Murphy.
Do any clear policy differences emerge between the candidates?
So far, the race between Kim and Murphy has been a thoroughly non-ideological one. Both are relatively mainstream Democrats with liberal stances on most major issues: abortion rights must be safeguarded, climate change must be combated, democracy must be protected, and Donald Trump must be defeated.
When given the opportunity, neither has spelled out particularly clear policy differences they have with their opponent; the campaign has instead focused largely on process issues related to Menendez, county party endorsements, and so on. (In fact, three months after Murphy launched her campaign, her website still does not have an issues section.)
Sunday’s debate will give both candidates a chance to change that, and tell voters how – if at all – they might vote differently than one another if elected. There are a few issues in particular that seem primed to become potential flashpoints between the two.
One is the war between Israel and Hamas. Neither Kim nor Murphy have called for a ceasefire in Gaza – unlike Larry Hamm and Patricia Campos-Medina, two other Democratic candidates running on more unabashedly progressive platforms – but on such a nuanced issue, important differences of opinion may still emerge.
Another is health care. Murphy said at the Monmouth convention that she supports Medicare for All, while Kim has not signed on to the Medicare for All Act during his time in the House, a potentially important distinction for more progressive voters.
How large does Menendez loom?
Menendez will not be a participant in Sunday’s debate; he could have been if he had formally declared his candidacy for re-election before February 11, but he chose not to do so.
Even in absentia, though, the three-term senator is likely to loom large. Kim launched his campaign explicitly in response to Menendez’s alleged crimes, and polling shows that New Jersey voters are heavily invested in the charges against him.
It will be interesting to see how Kim and Murphy handle the issue of Menendez, who until recently was one of the most powerful Democrats in the state (and, on certain issues, in the entire country.) Do they use the platform of the debate stage to attack Menendez, who has dismal approval ratings?
Or do they simply acknowledge that Menendez has very little chance of winning regardless, and instead move on to engaging with their real opponent: one another?
New Jersey
NJ officers surprised with Eagles playoffs tickets for saving boy who fell through ice
Officers in Gloucester County, New Jersey, got a big surprise on Friday morning.
A representative from Dunkin’ gave them free tickets to this weekend’s Eagles playoff game as a huge thank you for their courageous actions last weekend.
It was a tense scene in Woolwich Township when officers used ropes and went into a frozen body of water to save a child who had fallen through the ice.
“As soon as he started screaming that he couldn’t feel his hands, I just went out there and tried to go get him,” Sgt. Joseph Rieger said. “Immediately thought of my own son and what I would have done with my own son- just go out and get him as soon as I could.”
The boy was screaming and was not able to grab onto the rope that the officers had thrown to him.
“I try to get him the rescue rope but he can’t hold it because his hands aren’t working. So I go to grab him out of the awter and we both go into the water. So I was able to stand up and throw him on top of the ice and start breaking my way back,” Rieger explained.
The team was able to get the 13-year-old out of the frozen water with no one getting hurt.
Then, Dunkin’ showed up to the police department for Law Enforcement Appreciation Day and praised their actions by giving them tickets to Sunday’s Eagles playoff game against the 49ers.
“This is my job. It was what I signed up to do so getting this kind of attention, I’m not used to it. I’m very appreciative and very excited,” Rieger said.
The officers said that if there’s anything to take away from this story, it’s to stay off of the ice.
Thankfully, the boy they saved is doing just fine and stopped by the police department earlier this week to thank them.
“It was awesome. It was nice to see that he was safe. He learned his lesson. He was very appreciative,” Rieger said.
New Jersey
Police investigate fatal stabbing in Mercer County
EWING TWP., N.J. (WPVI) — Police are searching for a suspect who fatally stabbed a man in Mercer County, New Jersey.
It happened around 5:20 p.m. Thursday on the unit block of New Hillcrest Avenue in Ewing Township.
When police arrived, they found a 40-year-old man lying in the street with several stab wounds to the torso.
He was transported to Capital Health Regional Medical Center, where he later died.
The victim has been identified as Jimmy Chase from Philadelphia.
So far, no arrests have been made.
Anyone who has any information on this case is asked to call Mercer County detectives at 609-989-6406.
You can also submit an anonymous tip online at MercerCountyProsecutor.com.
Copyright © 2026 WPVI-TV. All Rights Reserved.
New Jersey
The arrest of New Jersey’s royal governor changed the colony forever
4-minute read
New Bridge Landing actor talks about ‘immersive’ war reenactment
John Koopman has been portraying George Washington for 20 years. He brought along Bear, his horse, to portray Washington’s horse Nelson.
On a bitter January morning in 1776, Patriot militia from the 1st New Jersey Regiment slogged through slush to the Proprietary House in Perth Amboy. Their target was William Franklin, the Crown’s highest-ranking civilian official between New York and Philadelphia.
Franklin was not a visiting British officer or a passing bureaucrat. He was the royal governor of New Jersey, and his arrest was a milestone that destroyed the bridge back to reconciliation.
His father, Benjamin Franklin, was already a figure of international renown. Printer, scientist, inventor and diplomat, he moved easily between Philadelphia and London. William had grown up in that orbit, trained in law and politics.
Unlike his father, who increasingly sympathized with the colonial cause, William sided with the Crown. He saw loyalty to Britain as vital to protect law, order and property.
Story continues below photo gallery.
In the months before militiamen arrived at his door, Franklin steadfastly refused to yield authority as governor. While local Committees of Observation enforced boycotts and intercepted mail, Franklin continued issuing proclamations, corresponding with British officials and loyalists and asserting that the government was still under control of the Crown.
By early January, patience had ended among members of the state’s revolutionary committees. Allowing Franklin to operate inside New Jersey was no longer seen as tolerable.
Shoemakers, tanners and farmers
The men sent to detain him were not professional soldiers in the British sense. In the 1872 “Official Register of the Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War,” historian William Stryker wrote that the 1st New Jersey Regiment was drawn largely from Essex, Bergen and Elizabethtown.
Stryker noted that shoemakers and tanners from Newark, men who had watched their businesses tighten under British currency and customs policies, made up a significant portion of the early volunteers.
Alongside them were Dutch-descended farmers from the Hackensack Valley, many of whom viewed Franklin’s land agents and surveyors as a threat to their claims, historian Adrian Leiby wrote in the 1962 work “The Revolutionary War in the Hackensack Valley.”
It also had members of the Elizabeth-Town Rifles, whose officers lived within sight of the British fleet in New York Harbor.
The group included men who had previously served during British campaigns during the French and Indian War, when Franklin held a captain’s commission. In her 1990 biography “William Franklin: Son of a Patriot, Servant of a King,” historian Sheila Skemp wrote that some had trained with him, while others had marched beside him.
Mission led by Lord Stirling from Basking Ridge
Primary source journals from the regiment describe the uncomfortable silence of the Jan. 8 mission, led by William Alexander, an aristocrat from Basking Ridge known as Lord Stirling. In the 1847 volume “The Life of William Alexander,” William Alexander Duer wrote that before the war, Stirling and Franklin had shared wine, discussed land deals and attended the same elite galas.
The group did not storm the Proprietary House. Contemporary journals describe a solemn encirclement. Guards were placed at the gates. According to the “New Jersey Archives” published in 1886, Franklin was informed by Stirling rather plainly that he “received orders… (and) to prevent your quitting the Province… I have therefore ordered a guard to be placed at your gates.”
Franklin objected immediately, calling the arrest a “high insult” and illegal.
The 1886 “New Jersey Archives” record that he argued that nobody in New Jersey possessed the right to restrain the king’s appointed governor, but it was no use. Authority had shifted.
Franklin signed a parole agreement restricting his movement. Within weeks, it nonetheless became clear that he had no intention of complying.
Seized and transported to Connecticut
He continued corresponding with loyalist figures and acting as governor in all but name. The Provincial Congress responded by ordering his removal from New Jersey. In June 1776, Franklin was seized again and transported under guard to Connecticut.
While Franklin remained imprisoned, events in New Jersey continued. Royal government collapsed. A new governor, William Livingston, assumed office. New Jersey moved formally into rebellion.
Franklin was released in a 1778 prisoner exchange and sent to British-occupied New York City. He did not return to New Jersey. Instead, he took up a new role as president of the Board of Associated Loyalists, an organization tasked with coordinating loyalist refugees and retaliatory actions against Patriot strongholds.
In research for the Online Institute for Advanced Loyalist Studies, Todd Braisted wrote that this organization operated as a paramilitary arm of the Loyalist cause.
From Manhattan, Franklin drew on his detailed knowledge of New Jersey’s geography and leadership. Raids authorized under the board targeted farms, barns and ironworks. Loyalist parties crossed the Hudson at night, seizing property and prisoners in Bergen and Essex counties.
Leiby documented that survivors later testified that attackers called out names as they approached, which provided evidence of the advanced knowledge Franklin had gathered as governor.
Franklin’s actions during these years ensured that he could never return. When the war ended, he relocated permanently to Britain, where he died in 1813.
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