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In most cities which have legalized ADUs in some capability — as of 2018 there have been 68 in Higher Boston that allowed them, and a variety of others have legalized them since — solely a handful of items are permitted annually. Many locations nonetheless ban them outright.
The stress between statewide guidelines and native management of zoning is a continuing in Massachusetts housing coverage, and cities typically push again on mandates from Beacon Hill. However housing advocates fear that if the state can’t even craft coverage for one thing as modest as a yard cottage, it’ll by no means deal with the larger challenges.
“ADUs are the simplest low-hanging fruit,” stated Amy Dain, a marketing consultant and public coverage researcher who has studied suburban zoning. “All we’re actually speaking about is letting individuals use their current properties to create extra housing. It’s arduous for me to grasp why we are able to’t discover that agreeable.”
The place they’re getting constructed, these additional items take numerous kinds. There are the so-called tiny homes, broadly well-liked in California, that occupy a yard or sit alongside a home. And there are transformed basement or attic flats, extra generally present in cities. No matter type, any ADU will need to have its personal kitchen and toilet and meet sure code restrictions.
The few which have popped up have already proved their value.
Joe Casey and his sister, Mary, had been on the lookout for a couple of years to construct one thing for his or her aged mom in Joe Casey’s Abington yard earlier than they acquired the method rolling in 2021. They wished their mom to be shut throughout Massachusetts’ icy winters, they usually have been in luck; Abington’s ADU legal guidelines enable the items to be constructed for rapid members of the family.
The approval course of took a few 12 months, and in June, a crane lowered a 480-square-foot unit — grey, to match the home — into the yard. One month of development work extending the again deck and the roof, and their mom had offered her home in West Roxbury and moved in. The cash she earned in her house sale paid for the development prices.
“We’re simply so happy,” Joe Casey stated. “She will get to have her personal house, and I can make sure that she’s not slipping down the steps and getting damage.”
Mary, his 90-year-old mom, agreed.
“We haven’t completed setting the place up inside,” she stated, “nevertheless it appears like a house.”
There may be little organized opposition to tasks just like the Caseys’. However for the final a number of years, proposals to legalize ADUs statewide have did not make it via the Legislature. And when cities have allowed them, it has typically been in a restricted capability via particular allowing, not “by proper” legalization that will situation a blanket OK, inside sure parameters. Which means zoning boards, public hearings, and typically offended neighbors.
Resident considerations run the gamut. Some concern permitting accent items by-right will result in overdevelopment of their neighborhoods. Others fear their cities don’t have the infrastructure to help an inflow of small houses. And there are a choose few involved that the individuals shifting into extra inexpensive items will change the “character” of their neighborhoods. Passions can run excessive.
Chris Lee, founder and president of Yard ADUs, one of many solely firms in Massachusetts that makes a speciality of constructing these items, has seen it firsthand. A few of the conferences during which he has supported a resident proposing an adjunct unit have led to screaming matches. In a single excessive case, he stated, a girl who proposed a unit in a Western Massachusetts city moved after a public assembly over her proposal spiraled uncontrolled.
Contentious conferences apart, stated Lee, the approval course of may be prolonged and value $10,000 or extra. After which there are restrictions that supporters say are principally arbitrary — exorbitant lot measurement necessities, aesthetic limitations, and strict parking house thresholds.
“In a few of these cities, they’re authorized, however I’d say simply barely,” stated Lee, whose firm constructed Mary Casey’s ADU. “Every little thing is working in opposition to these owners, to the purpose the place most individuals simply don’t need to undergo the difficulty. It’s a disgrace, as a result of the necessity for these items is immense.”
To make sure, the native restrictions aren’t solely the results of resident protests. In lots of circumstances, Dain stated, cities merely lack the time and sources to put money into altering their zoning legal guidelines. A state regulation would remove that burden, she stated, whereas nonetheless giving municipalities some flexibility to set cheap restrictions.
“There’s definitely cheap rules communities may give you,” stated Brendan Crighton, a state senator from Lynn who proposed the statewide legalization measure. “However to the identical finish, that is an pressing disaster we’re coping with, and we have to begin getting items obtainable as rapidly as attainable. The native method merely isn’t working.”
There are a couple of exceptions. A handful of Boston-area suburbs, and several other cities in Western Massachusetts and on Cape Cod, have extra broadly permitted ADUs. However it’s slow-going. It took advocates on the Cape roughly three years and a housing pinch that was hammering longtime residents to persuade 12 of the 15 cities there to permit the items.
Now, as house costs in Higher Boston attain a file of $900,000 and the state lags greater than 100,000 items behind present demand, advocates say ADU laws can now not be an afterthought.
“The Cape needed to attain an absolute disaster degree earlier than we may persuade individuals there was an actual want for this,” stated Alisa Magnotta, CEO of Cape Cod’s Housing Help Company, a neighborhood advocacy group. “I hope we is usually a lesson for the remainder of the state. We now have to get our head our of the sand earlier than this will get worse.”
Andrew Brinker may be reached at andrew.brinker@globe.com. Observe him on Twitter at @andrewnbrinker.
A new report says the Massachusetts Department of Children and Families mismanaged mental health care for children.
State Auditor Diana DiZoglio said her report found that DCF did not always obtain or renew court approval before children under its care were given antipsychotic medications. It also found the agency did not always document or update medications listed in children’s medical passports. And nearly all of the cases examined by the audit had information missing from their files.
DiZoglio said this shows procedures need to change.
“There are young lives attached to each of these case files and proper documentation can make all of the difference when it comes to a child’s protection,” she told NBC10 Boston Friday.
In a statement, a representative for the department said it appreciated DiZoglio’s “attention to the safety and health of children in foster care” and that it was working on addressing the documentation gaps her report identified.
“We also recognize the importance of consistently updating current medical information in the child’s electronic case record and are exploring adjustments to policy and practice,” the statement said. “Since the audit period ended in June 2021, DCF gained access to monthly MassHealth Pharmacy claims data, which is used to create electronic medication records and, any time prescribers recommend anti-psychotics for a child, DCF conducts a medical review to assesses the appropriateness of the medication.”
Politics
Donald Trump is on his way back to the White House following his decisive win Tuesday, and his sweeping campaign promises could yield some big impacts in Massachusetts.
For one thing, there’s no love lost between Trump and Gov. Maura Healey, who took the first Trump administration to court 96 times during her tenure as state attorney general (and won in 77% of those cases, per The Boston Globe). Likewise, current Attorney General Andrea Campbell said her office is ready to pounce.
Trump’s vows to overhaul education and reshape health care hit home for Massachusetts, which prides itself on being a national leader in both sectors. His mass deportation plans could devastate some communities in the Bay State, where 18.1% of residents were born in another country.
Here’s a (non-exhaustive) roundup of five areas where Trump’s policies could impact Massachusetts.
Trump has promised to “carry out the largest deportation operation in American history.” His hardline approach focuses largely on the U.S.-Mexico border, with vows to strengthen U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and increase penalties for illegal border crossings and overstayed visas. And that could have serious impacts in Massachusetts, which had about 325,000 unauthorized immigrants as of 2022, per Pew Research Center data.
The ongoing migrant crisis has become a hot-button issue in Massachusetts in recent years, with frequent battles over shelters and other forms of state aid. Immigration policies were also a key issue in the lawsuits Healey filed or joined against the federal government as AG.
Trump is likely to face more legal challenges this time around, and the Massachusetts Immigrant and Refugee Advocacy Coalition has vowed to “fight against xenophobic policies and rhetoric.”
“Policies such as carrying out mass deportations, revoking humanitarian parole programs, and ending Temporary Protected Status are unjust and un-American,” Executive Director Elizabeth Sweet said in a statement Wednesday. “MIRA will not stand by quietly while our immigrant communities are under attack. We will tirelessly work to protect our immigrant population, and their right to due process here in Massachusetts and across the country.”
Also prepared is Boston-based Lawyers for Civil Rights, which filed a class action lawsuit against Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and others on behalf of a group of migrants flown to Martha’s Vineyard in 2022.
“At Lawyers for Civil Rights, we have been down this road before,” LCR Executive Director Iván Espinoza-Madrigal said in a statement. “Time after time, we have filed lawsuits against the Trump Administration — as we would against any official, blue or red, who tramples on the Constitution.”
The MBTA has benefitted substantially from federal funding during President Joe Biden’s time in office, and General Manager Phil Eng has said he will seek federal grants and assistance as the T tries to stave off a “fiscal cliff” projected for next year.
Yet the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, which has provided millions of dollars in funding for the MBTA and Massachusetts transportation projects, expires in 2026. The law’s future beyond then isn’t clear, and Project 2025 — a possible blueprint for Trump’s second term written by his allies — proposes further attacks on federal transit funding.
According to the Center for American Progress, a liberal-leaning public policy research organization, Project 2025 would defund transit maintenance and increase costs for commuters in part by eliminating critical Federal Transit Administration funding. The MBTA sorely needs those funds; last year, the agency said it would cost about $24.5 billion to bring the T’s infrastructure into a state of good repair, thanks to years of underinvestment.
Trump has long taken aim at the Affordable Care Act, colloquially known as Obamacare, and in September’s presidential debate said his team is “looking at different plans” to possibly replace it. If he gets his way with proposed health care policy changes, that could mean higher costs for Americans, including some in Massachusetts.
Speaking to The Boston Globe, Massachusetts Nurses Association Executive Director Julie Pinkham also raised concerns that a growing crisis in the state’s health care system could fester or worsen under Trump’s second term. She also pointed out that the health care workforce here has long been overburdened and needs higher federal reimbursements for insurance programs for many patients, according to the Globe.
“From the standpoint of people delivering care, this isn’t good,” Pinkham told the newspaper. She also reportedly expressed fear the new administration could jeopardize the state’s health reforms and ability to treat low-income patients.
Trump has hinted that Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a vaccine critic who holds no medical or public health degrees, could have a “big role” in his second administration. RFK Jr. has said “entire departments” of the Food and Drug Administration “have to go,” and his comments have stoked fear and uncertainty among public health experts and the pharmaceutical and biotech industries, which have a large footprint in Greater Boston.
Experts have also warned that Trump’s second term will likely mean more threats to reproductive rights. Abortion remains legal and protected by state law in Massachusetts, and Healey has taken steps to stockpile the abortion medication mifepristone amid federal turmoil. But experts told the Globe some New England abortion providers are likely to lose significant federal funding under the new Trump administration and may need state leaders to cover the shortfall.
Lora Pellegrini, president of the Massachusetts Women’s Political Caucus, told GBH Trump’s election stokes other fears concerning reproductive care.
“We could see a complete federal ban on abortion, contraception, IVF that would impact all the states, including Massachusetts, so that’s pretty shocking and I’m not sure everyone fully understands that,” Pellegrini told the news outlet.
Trump also made attacks on transgender Americans central to his campaign, often targeting gender-affirming care.
Trump has threatened to issue an executive order targeting offshore wind development, a cornerstone of Massachusetts’s clean energy and climate goals.
“He’s going to shut down offshore wind,” Healey said in August, according to CommonWealth. “He’s going to shut down all clean energy technology. He’s going to shut down the move toward renewables. And if that were to happen, we would end up with a sicker, less healthy population. The consequences on our economy would be devastating.”
Trump’s election raises concerns about the state’s likely loss in federal support for clean energy, a sector that contributed more than $14 billion to Massachusetts’s gross state product in 2022, according to the Massachusetts Clean Energy Center. In fact, Trump has vowed to increase U.S. production of fossil fuels, and the Republican platform includes a promise to “DRILL, BABY, DRILL.”
Trump has said he wants to close the federal Department of Education and give more control to individual states, though he wouldn’t be able to do so unilaterally. One of his core campaign promises is to “cut federal funding for any school pushing critical race theory, radical gender ideology, and other inappropriate racial, sexual, or political content on our children,” potentially teeing up a battle with more liberal-leaning states like Massachusetts.
Trump’s election will likely impact the state’s robust higher education sector, too, given his plan to “reclaim” universities from “Marxist maniacs.” According to the Globe, Trump and his allies propose replacing universities’ existing oversight agencies with new ones that would defend “the American tradition and Western civilization,” and they’ve hinted at plans to target campus diversity initiatives. A second Trump term also spells some uncertainty for Massachusetts student loan borrowers.
But there’s a chance Massachusetts won’t feel the educational impacts quite as deeply as some other states, John Baick, a history professor at Western New England University, suggested in comments to MassLive last month.
“The basic reality is that we’re going to be a pro-education state. And to put it rather bluntly, it’s similar to the idea of reproductive rights and a woman’s right to choose,” Baick told the news outlet. “What happens in Washington, D.C. may affect the country pretty dramatically, in some states pretty dramatically, but Massachusetts will basically be okay.”
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Schools are closed in two Massachusetts cities on Friday as teachers go on strike. Teachers in Beverly and Gloucester plan to picket as they continue to negotiate a new contract.
Well, they’ve been in negotiations without a contract since February – and have reached an impasse.
So instead of being in the classrooms today, teachers will be picketing outside these schools.
In Gloucester, they’re looking for an 18-25% raise over the course of a new contract, and up to 52 days of paid parental leave, among other issues.
But Gloucester’s mayor says the city is facing up to a $7 million budget shortfall, and it’s impossible to give teachers everything they’re asking for.
Meanwhile in Beverly, teachers say they’re underpaid, schools are understaffed, classrooms are overflowing, and teachers are burned out and heading to other districts.
The Department of Labor Relations is now involved, and so negotiations will be through a mediator going forward.
“None of us wants to do this, but at this point we have no choice,” said Julia Brotherton, of the Beverly Teachers Association. “Beverly schools are in crisis. Critical paraprofessional positions regularly go unfilled because the city pays only poverty wages.”
The Beverly School Committee said in a statement, “We want to make it clear that the School Committee does not condone the illegal actions of the Beverly Teachers Association…We understand that this is a severe disruption to the lives of our students and families…”
Meanwhile, Gloucester has a playoff football game Friday night that could be in jeopardy and might not happen due to the strike. We should find out later in the day whether that will happen.
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