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What happened to Maine’s summer meal programs post pandemic-era waivers  • Maine Morning Star

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What happened to Maine’s summer meal programs post pandemic-era waivers  • Maine Morning Star


Although Maine made school meals free for all students during the school year, providing access to free lunch and breakfast over the summer for school-aged children remains a challenge. That challenge is compounded by declining participation in summer meals, after the expiration of pandemic-era waivers brought back some barriers to access.

A new report from the national nonprofit, Food Research and Action Center, analyzed participation in summer meal programs for each state, including the number of sites, sponsors and total meals served, based on United States Department of Agriculture data. 

Experts said Maine’s summer meal program does better than most states in reaching children who need meals, but there continue to be significant barriers to access, predominantly due to the federal policies governing these programs. According to this report, released this month, participation in summer meals decreased nationally in 2023 as most programs returned to normal operations. 

In Maine, both sponsors and sites offering meals to school-aged children over the summer saw small declines from 2022 to 2023.

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“Maine is, in general, doing better than most other states at trying to feed the kids in the state who need it,” said Justin Strasburger, executive director of Full Plates, Full Potential, a statewide nonprofit organization working to address food insecurity. 

“But essentially, what you’re looking at is a very, very low bar that’s connected to a summer meals program that needs massive overhauls in terms of structure and approach.”

From 2020 to 2022, any school district, government agency or nonprofit organization could  sponsor a summer meals program, and get reimbursed by the federal government through USDA’s Summer Food Service Program. Sponsors also weren’t required to adhere to typical USDA rules of how to run their sites (for example, parents could pick up grab-and-go meals at any site, as opposed to requiring students to eat on site.)

During those years, participation in summer meals surged nationwide because of the waivers and ease of access. At the same time, breakfast and lunch were also free for all students during the year. 

After the pandemic, Maine became one of a handful of states to pass legislation making school meals free, which retained increased participation in breakfast and lunch during the regular school year statewide. However, the summer meals program returned to its regular policies, and participation declined.

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The number of sponsors — who can be school districts, or nonprofit and community organizations — decreased from 116 to 106, and the number of sites where families can access free meals over the summer also dropped from 446 to 410, according to the FRAC report. The drop in the number of sites serving summer meals from 2021 — when pandemic-era waivers were still in place – to 2022 is much more stark, with almost a 50 percent drop from 861 sites in summer 2021.

“My guess is that most of those stopped because they had been sort of operating through loopholes created by the pandemic,” Strasburger said. 

Meanwhile, according to Feeding America, 1 in 5 children face hunger in Maine.

Corresponding to this decline in sites and sponsors, the average daily participation numbers in summer meals as captured in the FRAC report declined sharply from 2021 to 2022, going from more than 22,000 to just over 14,000 and continued to drop in  2023. Last year’s average daily participation in summer meals was about 12,600.

Despite the decline in access, summer meals still serve a large number of students that qualify for free and reduced meals during the school year, especially compared with other states, according to the report. Over last summer, Maine served more than 400,000 summer meals, based on federal data. 

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Maine is ranked third in the country in terms of access to free summer meals according to a metric FRAC developed, comparing what percentage of students that qualify for free and reduced meals during the school year participate in summer meal programs. The state is somewhat successful because of the focus of state agencies, communities and sponsors on expanding access to summer meals, which isn’t the case in every state, according to Crystal FitzSimons, FRAC’s interim president. 

“The way they operate the program, the amount of outreach they do, the quality of the meals that they serve, those things all contribute to high participation,” she said.

The Maine Department of Education did not respond to multiple requests for comment about the summer meals program.

How federal policies limit Maine’s summer meal program

The way the USDA’s Summer Food Service Program is designed creates challenges in allowing all students to access summer meals, Strasburger said.

To qualify as a summer meals site, at least 50 percent of the children in the geographic area or participating in summer meals have to be eligible for free or reduced-price school meals. 

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However, since far fewer families are filling out free and reduced price meal applications ever since the state introduced universal free meals throughout the school year, this calculation is complicated in Maine. The rural nature of the state also adds to the issue of eligibility of free meal sites, according to FitzSimons. 

“Maine is a really hard state for summer food. It’s really rural, and it also doesn’t have the same kind of concentration of poverty that you might see in other rural states with higher rates of child poverty,” FitzSimons said. 

“So it’s harder to qualify sites because there’s plenty of kids who come from low income households in Maine, but the concentration of poverty is not as high.”

One of FRAC’s recommendations in its 2024 report includes lowering the federal eligibility  threshold to 40 percent, so more sites are able to offer summer meals.

The other issue is also a federal program requirement that students must eat meals on-site, which a majority of Maine’s summer meals sites still have to follow. Sponsors are not required to provide educational or enrichment activities in conjunction with on-site meals, but it is best practice to do so, according to FitzSimons.

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“If you have a site that doesn’t have activity or enrichment, and you’re in a rural area,

it’s not going to make sense financially for the family to drive to a meal site for one meal for their child,” she said.

Some potential solutions to boost participation 

This summer, due to an updated definition of rural areas, Maine was able to expand grab-and-go meal sites, although they still can’t operate in densely populated centers. USDA also released a map of all summer meal sites, including grab-and-go locations.

This year, Maine also introduced a grocery credit of $120 per child for all qualifying children to supplement summer meals. The program, called SUN bucks, is not new at the federal level, but many states have implemented it this school year, as a way to continue serving students meals after pandemic-era waivers expired, FitzSimons said.

Nearly 100,000 students were automatically enrolled in SUN bucks this summer because they qualify for other programs, such as SNAP or TANF, according to the Maine Department of Education website.

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School-aged children can also qualify for the grocery credit if they are eligible for free and reduced meals during the school year.

The lack of accurate data in Maine

After Maine made all school meals free, the state has been struggling to accurately calculate how many students qualify for free and reduced meals, which is an important economic metric which then allows families to qualify for other benefits, including summer meals and grocery credits.

Since far fewer families are filling out free and reduced price meal applications ever since the state introduced universal free meals throughout the school year, the state department of education is working on alternative models to determine eligibility, for example, partnering with other state agencies to directly qualify students who are eligible for MaineCare.

Meanwhile, the FRAC report relies on free and reduced eligibility data to determine how well a state is doing with summer meals. According to the report, states should be reaching 40 students with summer meals for every 100 who received a school lunch during the 2022–2023 regular school year. 

In 2023, the report said Maine reached 31.8 children with summer lunch for every 100 children, which is the third highest in the country. However, since this calculation used free and reduced lunch data, which is undercounted, the actual ratio may be lower.

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As Democrats pick up the pieces after Graham Platner, many wonder: how did this happen?

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As Democrats pick up the pieces after Graham Platner, many wonder: how did this happen?


Almost exactly one year ago, Graham Platner, who has no political experience, was cherry-picked by out-of-state political activists.

According to a person familiar with the campaign, Daniel Moraff and Leanne Fan, who have made a name for themselves by recruiting populist candidates across the country, traveled to Maine and rented a house near Platner’s home in Sullivan to convince him to run for the US Senate. Throughout the process, Moraff became Platner’s “right-hand man”, the person described, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of backlash.

But homing in on Platner as a newcomer to oust long-serving Republican Susan Collins came at a cost. The Wall Street Journal recently reported that Moraff asked for an expedited, cheaper background check to be completed in a matter of days. The firm Moraff and his team contracted with also did not do a candidate interview or questionnaire, per the Journal’s report.

Volunteer Rebecca Hartwell before a town hall in Ogunquit, Maine, on 22 October 2025. Photograph: Sophie Park/Getty Images

The fallout of those decisions happened on a colossal scale. In a midterm year with record spending across the country, the Democratic party had come to pin its hopes on Platner to help clinch Senate control with his meteoric campaign and ability to unite independent and progressive voters alike with a clear, anti-establishment message.

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Controversies ensued, bringing with them straight-to-camera videos of Platner explaining and denying various scandals. Finally, an allegation that broke the dam this week: a woman he dated accusing him of sexual assault, of drunkenly forcing her to have sex with him after coming to her house uninvited. Asked in an interview on CNN whether Platner raped her, the woman, Jenny Racicot, replied: “By definition, yes, absolutely.”

His support collapsed. Platner waited days as calls grew for him to withdraw. Then on Wednesday, he released an 11-minute video announcing the end of his campaign that left Maine voters scrambling and betrayed, and the country wondering: how did this happen?

A primary election night watch party after Platner won the Democratic nomination, on 9 June in Blue Hill, Maine. Photograph: Robert F Bukaty/AP

“It feels like some of the first rules of politics may have been broken here,” said Andrew Feldman, a national progressive strategist. “We were seeing rookie mistake after rookie mistake, and now we find ourselves in this situation.”

David Farmer, a Democratic strategist based in Maine, said the vetting process for Platner was tantamount to “malpractice”.

“I’ve had to have these conversations with candidates in the past – where you sit down and you ask them really tough questions,” Farmer said. “What drugs have you used? Have you ever had an affair? You ever cheated on your wife? You ever cheated on anybody? It’s really uncomfortable and probing, and a miserable event for everybody involved.”

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The person familiar with the campaign said that Moraff and Fan “fell in love with an aesthetic without knowing the state” that ultimately did a “disservice” to Maine’s working-class voters.

Platner’s campaign did not respond to the Guardian’s request for comment on the methods used to check the former nominee’s background.

A rising star and an early redemption arc

Platner’s early campaign days – after he announced his run in August of last year – saw a rare rush of grassroots excitement as he criss-crossed the state for town halls, with backing from Bernie Sanders and an ad produced by Zohran Mamdani’s 27-year-old media strategist, Morris Katz.

An oyster farmer and marines veteran, Platner issued plain-spoken warnings that Maine’s working class had been hollowed out – healthcare was unaffordable, young people couldn’t buy homes – and said he’d survived only because of the veterans’ benefits he receives from being “blown up” too many times in combat. His searing indictment of the political establishment matched the anti-Washington mood and anger many Democrats felt toward their party’s leaders.

“His tone, his look, his voice, his message captured a frustration with Washington, a frustration with economic injustice,” Farmer noted.

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Bernie Sanders and Graham Platner in Orono, Maine, on 24 May. Photograph: Robert F Bukaty/AP

Democratic leaders had someone else in mind: the 78-year-old term‑limited governor Janet Mills. But Mills hadn’t yet announced her run. In the meantime, 41-year-old Platner positioned himself as the gruff local businessman hardened by tours in Iraq and Afghanistan, pushing for generational change. Once Mills entered, he quickly framed her as emblematic of the status quo, arguing that a Chuck Schumer‑backed candidate would mirror Collins‑style “fake moderation”.

The Democratic establishment was skeptical of Platner from the outset, concerned that he brought too much baggage to the race against a seasoned incumbent. But progressives say the party is also to blame for pushing Mills as an alternative. If she had been elected, Mills would have been the oldest freshman in Senate history.

Platner brushed off his earlier scandals: Reddit posts from 2013 to 2021 where – among other things – he called white rural Americans “stupid” and “racist”, questioned why “Black people didn’t tip” and said sexual‑assault survivors should “take some responsibility … and not get so fucked up”. While apologetic, he characterized the posts as side-effects of severe PTSD and disillusionment from combat.

He tried to get ahead of more controversy by revealing a covered-up skull-and-crossbones tattoo that resembled a Totenkopf, a symbol known for its use by the Nazi SS. Platner said it came from a night drinking with military buddies in Croatia 18 years earlier. “I’m not a secret Nazi,” he told the Pod Saves America hosts.

In this photo provided by WGME, Platner points to a cover-up tattoo that had previously been an image recognized as a Nazi symbol, in Portland, Maine, on 22 October. Photograph: AP

Platner and his allies in Congress argued the uproar was overblown. At the time, Platner told the Guardian that Mainers related to his struggle and didn’t see the posts or tattoo as disqualifying. Many voters also said they could look past his mistakes and viewed his redemption arc as genuine. “If what the voters wanted were people who were grown in vats and had never done or said anything that they might regret their entire lives, we’d have a very different country,” Moraff told the Journal in May.

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But inside his campaign, cracks had started to appear. In October, Platner’s political director, Genevieve McDonald, and his finance director both left his team. The latter, Ronald Holmes III, said his “professional standards” no longer “fully aligned with those of the campaign”. McDonald said Platner’s failure to fully disclose the extent of his Reddit posts led to her departure. She went on to question whether Platner really didn’t know the meaning of his tattoo.

Bracing for the worst

There was lingering concern among Maine locals and political operatives that more would come out about Platner’s past. One voter at a town hall in April asked him – point‑blank – if there were examples of sexual misconduct in past relationships that could emerge and endanger his chances. Another said that she was extremely wary about how untested Platner was.

Ultimately, his star continued to outshine the septuagenarian governor’s lackluster campaign. Mills, citing dwindling financial resources, eventually dropped out of the race, giving Platner a glidepath to the nomination.

And then – 10 days before the Democratic primary – reports revealed that Platner’s wife, Amy Gertner, had confided in McDonald about sexually explicit messages he’d sent outside their marriage, disclosures she made in an attempt to get ahead of any opposition research.

Platner with his wife, Amy Gertner, during a primary election night watch party, on 9 June in Blue Hill, Maine. Photograph: Robert F Bukaty/AP

In extraordinary fashion, Platner was summoned to Washington DC to answer lawmakers’ questions about the latest controversy. Shortly after the meeting, the New York Times reported that previous partners described “unsettling” and “toxic” behavior. One of the women, Lyndsey Fifield, a conservative operative who dated Platner from 2013 to 2015, alleged he frequently grabbed her by the shoulders, once yanked her out of a taxi by her wrist, and during one argument twisted her arm behind her back, shoved her into a bedroom and held the door shut until she was “calm”. Fifield also cast doubt on Platner’s claim that he was unaware that his tattoo was a Nazi symbol, telling the Times that he referred to it as “my Totenkopf”.

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Platner rejected Fifield’s claims and branded them as “politically motivated”.

While some voters were deterred, Platner still ended up clinching more than 70% of the vote in the primary. National Democrats, however, were left to grapple with a catch‑22: what would be an insurmountable scandal? And would it be worse than if Collins, who had helped overturn Roe v Wade and backed several key Trump policies, was re‑elected to a sixth term?

“It’s like a frog being in a pot of boiling water. If you raise the temperature slowly, you don’t know it’s boiling until it’s too late,” said Farmer.

The final straw

When Politico published their story on Monday, outlining Jenny Racicot’s claims that Platner raped her nearly five years ago, the condemnation came hard and fast. Endorsements evaporated and calls for Platner to withdraw were immediate. As he denied the allegations in a lo-fi self tape, it became clear this would be the red line for those who had stood by him until this point.

“The messenger was not the right person to match the inspiring message,” said Adam Green, executive director of the Progressive Change Campaign Committee. “It is really unfortunate for the overall project of trying to challenge corporate power and shake up a broken political system.”

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Platner during an interview in South Portland, Maine, on 6 March. Photograph: Bloomberg/Getty Images

It would be another two days before Platner published another video announcing his decision to end his campaign, claiming the allegations against him were part of a coordinated political attack.

Troy Jackson, who campaigned alongside Platner while running for the Democratic nomination in the Maine gubernatorial race, and is now one of several candidates running to replace him, told MS Now: “Graham told me point-blank that there was nothing in his past that I had to worry about. And he lied to me. And he lied to a lot of us.”

Now, as Democrats battle with the feeling of deja vu from Joe Biden’s withdrawal from the 2024 presidential race, it’s left some unnerved about whether the Maine Senate race is still winnable. “It’s so upsetting because it feels like we’ve been completely bamboozled by a candidate that so many people believe in,” said Feldman.



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Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact

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Maine Resiliency Center launches survey to gauge Lewiston shooting’s impact


LEWISTON (WGME) Nearly three years after the Lewiston mass shooting, the Maine Resiliency Center is asking the public to share how the tragedy has affected them and the community.

The nonprofit has launched a survey to better understand the impacts of the mass shooting in October 2023 and to help guide future support efforts.

The director of the Maine Resiliency Center said the ripple effects have spread widely and the organization wants to hear from anyone who has been affected.

“You could have been a service provider who is providing therapy or counseling for people; you could have been a funeral home director or city employee; you could be someone who lives in this community and knows somebody who is directly impacted or you could be directly impacted yourself. All of those opinions and information are really valuable to us as we look to support the broader community moving forward,” the director said.

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To take part in the survey, go to maineresiliencycenter.org.



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Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot

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Maine’s high court keeps transgender athlete referendum off 2026 ballot


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Our political journalists are based in the Maine State House and have deep source networks across the partisan spectrum in communities all over the state. Their coverage aims to cut through major debates and probe how officials make decisions. Read more Politics coverage here.

AUGUSTA, Maine — The Maine Supreme Judicial Court on Friday upheld Secretary of State Shenna Bellows’ decision to keep a referendum banning transgender girls from female school sports off the November ballot.

The high court ruled Bellows was “not only authorized but was constitutionally bound” when she moved in May to throw out more than 1,500 signatures gathered by out-of-state circulators who never agreed to submit to Maine’s jurisdiction.

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The unanimous ruling from the six-justice panel closes out a monthslong legal fight that began when Bellows’ office invalidated more than 12,000 signatures submitted by Protect Girls’ Sports in Maine, leaving the petition 532 signatures short of the 67,682 needed to qualify.

The group, backed heavily by Republican megadonor Richard Uihlein, had argued Bellows overstepped her authority by enforcing a settlement that ended a 2023 First Amendment lawsuit over Maine’s ban on out-of-state circulators, rather than letting Maine voters decide whether to loosen the state’s residency rules for petition circulators.

The court rejected that argument, finding Bellows was bound by the Maine Constitution’s residency requirement for circulators except where a federal injunction narrowly excused her from enforcing it, and that four nonresident circulators who never checked a box consenting to Maine jurisdiction fell outside that carveout.

Justices also rejected the campaign’s fallback argument that one circulator’s belated affidavit, filed months after the Feb. 2 filing deadline, should have salvaged her roughly 61 signatures, citing a state law requiring circulator affidavits to be filed when the petition is.

The decision effectively ends the campaign’s bid for the 2026 ballot, though the court noted proponents could still gather the roughly 500 additional signatures needed to try again for the 2027 ballot.

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