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What happened to Maine’s summer meal programs post pandemic-era waivers  • Maine Morning Star

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What happened to Maine’s summer meal programs post pandemic-era waivers  • Maine Morning Star


Although Maine made school meals free for all students during the school year, providing access to free lunch and breakfast over the summer for school-aged children remains a challenge. That challenge is compounded by declining participation in summer meals, after the expiration of pandemic-era waivers brought back some barriers to access.

A new report from the national nonprofit, Food Research and Action Center, analyzed participation in summer meal programs for each state, including the number of sites, sponsors and total meals served, based on United States Department of Agriculture data. 

Experts said Maine’s summer meal program does better than most states in reaching children who need meals, but there continue to be significant barriers to access, predominantly due to the federal policies governing these programs. According to this report, released this month, participation in summer meals decreased nationally in 2023 as most programs returned to normal operations. 

In Maine, both sponsors and sites offering meals to school-aged children over the summer saw small declines from 2022 to 2023.

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“Maine is, in general, doing better than most other states at trying to feed the kids in the state who need it,” said Justin Strasburger, executive director of Full Plates, Full Potential, a statewide nonprofit organization working to address food insecurity. 

“But essentially, what you’re looking at is a very, very low bar that’s connected to a summer meals program that needs massive overhauls in terms of structure and approach.”

From 2020 to 2022, any school district, government agency or nonprofit organization could  sponsor a summer meals program, and get reimbursed by the federal government through USDA’s Summer Food Service Program. Sponsors also weren’t required to adhere to typical USDA rules of how to run their sites (for example, parents could pick up grab-and-go meals at any site, as opposed to requiring students to eat on site.)

During those years, participation in summer meals surged nationwide because of the waivers and ease of access. At the same time, breakfast and lunch were also free for all students during the year. 

After the pandemic, Maine became one of a handful of states to pass legislation making school meals free, which retained increased participation in breakfast and lunch during the regular school year statewide. However, the summer meals program returned to its regular policies, and participation declined.

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The number of sponsors — who can be school districts, or nonprofit and community organizations — decreased from 116 to 106, and the number of sites where families can access free meals over the summer also dropped from 446 to 410, according to the FRAC report. The drop in the number of sites serving summer meals from 2021 — when pandemic-era waivers were still in place – to 2022 is much more stark, with almost a 50 percent drop from 861 sites in summer 2021.

“My guess is that most of those stopped because they had been sort of operating through loopholes created by the pandemic,” Strasburger said. 

Meanwhile, according to Feeding America, 1 in 5 children face hunger in Maine.

Corresponding to this decline in sites and sponsors, the average daily participation numbers in summer meals as captured in the FRAC report declined sharply from 2021 to 2022, going from more than 22,000 to just over 14,000 and continued to drop in  2023. Last year’s average daily participation in summer meals was about 12,600.

Despite the decline in access, summer meals still serve a large number of students that qualify for free and reduced meals during the school year, especially compared with other states, according to the report. Over last summer, Maine served more than 400,000 summer meals, based on federal data. 

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Maine is ranked third in the country in terms of access to free summer meals according to a metric FRAC developed, comparing what percentage of students that qualify for free and reduced meals during the school year participate in summer meal programs. The state is somewhat successful because of the focus of state agencies, communities and sponsors on expanding access to summer meals, which isn’t the case in every state, according to Crystal FitzSimons, FRAC’s interim president. 

“The way they operate the program, the amount of outreach they do, the quality of the meals that they serve, those things all contribute to high participation,” she said.

The Maine Department of Education did not respond to multiple requests for comment about the summer meals program.

How federal policies limit Maine’s summer meal program

The way the USDA’s Summer Food Service Program is designed creates challenges in allowing all students to access summer meals, Strasburger said.

To qualify as a summer meals site, at least 50 percent of the children in the geographic area or participating in summer meals have to be eligible for free or reduced-price school meals. 

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However, since far fewer families are filling out free and reduced price meal applications ever since the state introduced universal free meals throughout the school year, this calculation is complicated in Maine. The rural nature of the state also adds to the issue of eligibility of free meal sites, according to FitzSimons. 

“Maine is a really hard state for summer food. It’s really rural, and it also doesn’t have the same kind of concentration of poverty that you might see in other rural states with higher rates of child poverty,” FitzSimons said. 

“So it’s harder to qualify sites because there’s plenty of kids who come from low income households in Maine, but the concentration of poverty is not as high.”

One of FRAC’s recommendations in its 2024 report includes lowering the federal eligibility  threshold to 40 percent, so more sites are able to offer summer meals.

The other issue is also a federal program requirement that students must eat meals on-site, which a majority of Maine’s summer meals sites still have to follow. Sponsors are not required to provide educational or enrichment activities in conjunction with on-site meals, but it is best practice to do so, according to FitzSimons.

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“If you have a site that doesn’t have activity or enrichment, and you’re in a rural area,

it’s not going to make sense financially for the family to drive to a meal site for one meal for their child,” she said.

Some potential solutions to boost participation 

This summer, due to an updated definition of rural areas, Maine was able to expand grab-and-go meal sites, although they still can’t operate in densely populated centers. USDA also released a map of all summer meal sites, including grab-and-go locations.

This year, Maine also introduced a grocery credit of $120 per child for all qualifying children to supplement summer meals. The program, called SUN bucks, is not new at the federal level, but many states have implemented it this school year, as a way to continue serving students meals after pandemic-era waivers expired, FitzSimons said.

Nearly 100,000 students were automatically enrolled in SUN bucks this summer because they qualify for other programs, such as SNAP or TANF, according to the Maine Department of Education website.

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School-aged children can also qualify for the grocery credit if they are eligible for free and reduced meals during the school year.

The lack of accurate data in Maine

After Maine made all school meals free, the state has been struggling to accurately calculate how many students qualify for free and reduced meals, which is an important economic metric which then allows families to qualify for other benefits, including summer meals and grocery credits.

Since far fewer families are filling out free and reduced price meal applications ever since the state introduced universal free meals throughout the school year, the state department of education is working on alternative models to determine eligibility, for example, partnering with other state agencies to directly qualify students who are eligible for MaineCare.

Meanwhile, the FRAC report relies on free and reduced eligibility data to determine how well a state is doing with summer meals. According to the report, states should be reaching 40 students with summer meals for every 100 who received a school lunch during the 2022–2023 regular school year. 

In 2023, the report said Maine reached 31.8 children with summer lunch for every 100 children, which is the third highest in the country. However, since this calculation used free and reduced lunch data, which is undercounted, the actual ratio may be lower.

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Two charged with assault after boater dies overboard in Hurricane Sound

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Two charged with assault after boater dies overboard in Hurricane Sound


VINALHAVEN, Maine (WGME) — Two boaters are charged and a third is dead after he went overboard in Downeast Maine.

Just before 5 Thursday, Maine Marine Patrol says a boater fell overboard in “Hurricane Sound” near Vinalhaven.

He’s identified as 57-year-old Marshal Ames.

Marine Patrol says before they arrived, a good Samaritan from Hurricane Island was able to reach Ames and began CPR, but he was pronounced dead by first responders.

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Officers say when the other crewmembers arrived on shore, they got into a fight with them.

The crew members, 39-year-old Geoffrey Barrett and 27-year-old Theodore Lane, are facing charges including assault.

The Maine State Police major crimes unit is now part of the investigation.



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Local control is holding education back in Maine | Opinion

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Local control is holding education back in Maine | Opinion


Scott A. Harrison, Ed.D., M.B.A., is a senior advisor at The Harrison Group, a consultancy based in Yarmouth.

Maine has long valued local control in education. That tradition reflects an important belief that communities should have a strong voice in shaping their schools. But local control should not prevent us from asking a harder question: Are there core functions that could be delivered more effectively through a single statewide framework?

One of the most important is educator evaluation and professional growth. Maine law already recognizes the importance of this work. Under Title 20-A, Chapter 508 (Educator Effectiveness), districts must implement performance evaluation and professional
growth systems that evaluate educators, assign effectiveness ratings and support
professional growth.

The law further requires superintendents to use those ratings to inform key human capital decisions, including recruitment, hiring, induction, mentoring, professional development, compensation, assignment and dismissal. In short, educator evaluation is not intended to be a compliance exercise. It is intended to be a primary lever for the continual improvement of teaching and learning.

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In 2012, LD 1858 sought to advance that vision by giving districts broad flexibility to design their own systems. Districts could choose instructional frameworks, establish measures of effectiveness and determine how evaluators would be trained and calibrated. The goal was to balance local autonomy with professional accountability.

More than a decade later, however, the evidence suggests that flexibility alone has not produced consistent results.

My research involving 130 educators across four Maine school districts found only modest perceptions of performance evaluation and professional growth systems’ effectiveness.

On a four-point scale, average ratings ranged from 2.48 to 2.99. While educators generally agreed that districts provide individualized growth plans and can differentiate levels of instructional effectiveness, they rated several critical implementation areas notably lower, including instructional coaching, evaluator training, feedback quality, evaluator calibration and the use of evaluation data to inform professional learning and personnel decisions.

Although the sample was relatively small, the findings closely mirror what I have observed while working with predominantly rural Maine districts over the past decade.

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The qualitative findings were equally revealing. Teachers and administrators described systems that are often cumbersome, inconsistently implemented and difficult to sustain. Educators reported spending significant time developing goals and documenting evidence, while administrators acknowledged that competing priorities frequently reduce evaluation to a compliance exercise rather than a meaningful opportunity for growth.

Participants cited insufficient training, inconsistent expectations, limited coaching support and weak connections between evaluation results and professional learning. Perhaps most significant, though not surprising given the realities of today’s schools, the primary obstacle appears to be not commitment, but capacity — the time, expertise and tools required to implement these complex systems with fidelity.

Designing and sustaining high-quality evaluation systems requires expertise in instructional leadership, observation and feedback, adult learning, professional development, data use and evaluator calibration. While some districts have built this capacity, many — particularly smaller and rural systems — have not. Even where expertise exists, time remains a major barrier.

Effective evaluation depends on regular observation, coaching, feedback and calibration. Yet for principals balancing instructional leadership with the daily demands of running a school, carrying out these responsibilities consistently can be extraordinarily difficult.

As a result, Maine has effectively asked more than 250 districts to independently build and maintain highly complex educator effectiveness systems. The outcome is predictable: uneven quality and implementation, and variable impact on teaching and learning.

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This raises an important policy question: Should every district continue to design, train, calibrate and maintain its own evaluation system, or would educators and students be better served by a common statewide framework supported by regional and state expertise?

A statewide approach would not eliminate local control. Districts would continue to make decisions about hiring, staffing, curriculum, budgeting and school improvement priorities. Instead, the state would provide shared infrastructure: a common instructional and evaluation framework, validated tools, evaluator training, calibration supports, professional learning resources and implementation assistance.

The benefits extend beyond evaluation. A common framework would create stronger alignment across Maine’s educator pipeline. Colleges and universities could align coursework, clinical experiences and assessments to the exact same standards used in schools while sharing responsibility for educator success beyond initial placement.

Preparation programs, districts and the state would become partners in a continuous system of educator development, creating mutual accountability for results and a stronger return on Maine’s investment in teacher preparation.

Such alignment matters. As systems thinker Peter Senge observed, people working within the same system tend to produce similar results. If we want more consistent outcomes for students, we must pay closer attention to the systems shaping educator practice.

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A statewide approach would not eliminate local control. Districts would continue to make decisions about hiring, staffing, curriculum, budgeting and school improvement priorities.

A common framework would establish a shared language and clearer expectations throughout the career continuum. It would also make continuous improvement easier. Rather than asking hundreds of districts to independently revise complex systems, the state could evaluate implementation, refine practices, share lessons learned and respond to emerging research. Educators have experienced too many short-lived initiatives that consume considerable time and effort before fading away.

A coherent statewide system would provide greater stability and more meaningful long-term improvement. The question is not whether local control matters. It does. The question is whether every district should be expected to independently build and sustain complex systems that require specialized expertise, significant resources and ongoing refinement.

If Maine is serious about improving outcomes for students, it should rethink which functions are best managed locally and which are better supported through statewide infrastructure. Educator effectiveness is one example. There are likely others.

In a previous op-ed here, I argued that Maine should reconsider whether teacher compensation is best negotiated district by district. The same question applies here. When critical human capital systems are essential to student success, a coherent statewide framework may be better positioned to advance equity, efficiency and effectiveness while preserving local decision-making where it matters most.

The goal is not less local control, but a smarter balance between local autonomy and statewide support — one that strengthens schools and improves outcomes for every student, regardless of geography.

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Maine gubernatorial candidates trade barbs on first day of general campaign

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Maine gubernatorial candidates trade barbs on first day of general campaign


PORTLAND (WGME) — It’s now a three-way race for the Blaine House.

After more than a week, the ranked choice tabulation was run very early Friday morning, with Hannah Pingree declared the winner for the Democrats, and Bobby Charles the winner for Republicans.

Democratic candidate for governor Hannah Pingree (WGME)

Moving forward, Independent Rick Bennett is also in the governor’s race.

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As a moderate, Bennett could draw votes from both parties.

If Friday is any indication, the next four and a half months will be contentious, with the three candidates pointing fingers at each other.

Charles criticized ranked choice voting and says if elected, he will end it.

“Maine voters deserve to know the results of their elections on the day that they cast their vote,” Charles said.

Pingree disagrees, saying election officials made sure every vote counted.

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“Maine’s election officials did their job, and they did it right,” Pingree said.

The two nominees traded jabs Friday.

“The Democrats have just nominated an insider,” Charles said. “A deep Augusta insider.”

Republican candidate for governor Bobby Charles (WGME)

Republican candidate for governor Bobby Charles (WGME)

It was Charles’ own primary opponents who labeled him a Washington insider.

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“I will say it’s ironic that Bobby Charles is talking about positive change,” Pingree said.

Then there’s State Senator and former head of the Maine Republican Party Rick Bennett, running as an Independent.

Charles calls him a Democrat.

Pingree calls him a Republican.

“I think the choice here is clear,” Bennett said. “We have Hannah Pingree, who I respect, but she’s a continuation of the Mills administration. She was in charge of housing policy. We still have a housing crisis. Bobby Charles, as you know, has spent most of his life in the bureaucracy in Washington and then lobbying for corporate interests in Washington. Maine people are tired of a political system that puts the parties first and results second.”

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Independent candidate for governor Rick Bennett (WGME)

Independent candidate for governor Rick Bennett (WGME)

Charles says he wants to bring integrity to the State House.

“You either want change, integrity, lower taxes, the drug traffickers out of here, the needles out of here, the energy costs down,” Charles said. “No more fraud. I am sick and tired of all the things we’re putting up with. In my view, a betrayal of trust and a betrayal of integrity.”

Pingree says Congressional Republicans and the President are the ones making life difficult for Maine families.

“This is about healthcare that we can afford, whether you’re in a rural hospital in Houlton or urgent care in Portland. It is about Maine’s potential,” Pingree said. “A real future for our kids and the people who are working all across Maine just to get by. It’s also about continuing to stand up to Donald Trump. His attacks, his wars, his economic chaos that is making life harder for every single Mainer every single day.”

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As an Independent, Bennett did not have to compete in a primary.

Also, unlike the primary, there is no ranked choice in the general election for state races, so no ranked choice this fall in the governor’s race.



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