Maine
Callahan Mine site home to one of Maine’s earliest aquaculture projects
The first restaurant to serve salmon raised in the flooded pit of the Callahan Mine Superfund site would be the historic Jed Prouty’s Inn and Tavern in Bucksport, biologist Bob Mant reported at a meeting of the Goose Pond Reclamation Society in the fall of 1972.
About 3,800 of the 4,200 juvenile Coho salmon had survived the summer, said Mant, and roughly half had reached a marketable size of between 10 and 12 ounces.
The 350,000 oysters that had been seeded were also growing nicely, added Mant, and seemed unbothered by the high levels of zinc in the water, which were double those in nearby Blue Hill Bay.
Mant’s experimental aquaculture project — one of the first of its kind in the state, along with an operation in Wiscasset — began just months after the last ore from the mine was extracted and the open pit was refilled with seawater.
Buildings on the site that once housed assay labs and mining equipment were now crammed with plastic trays of oyster spat and massive fiberglass vats containing thousands of salmon fry. The salmon and oysters would be started on land before being transferred to Goose Pond, where they would be suspended in nets and cages and grown to market size.
Not far from the experimental lab was the tailings pond, a massive pile of unwanted slurry at the mine site’s southern edge, on the banks of Marsh Creek. When it rained or snowed, heavy metals from the pile would leak into the creek and adjacent salt marsh — and into Goose Pond itself.
The idea for an aquaculture project in the former mine pit was the brainchild of Fred Beck, chief geologist for the Callahan Mining Corporation, who had been charged with overseeing the closure of the mine. Beck had recently traveled to Washington state, where he’d seen a pilot project run by Jon Lindbergh, son of the famous aviator Charles Lindbergh, growing salmon in Puget Sound.
“I thought that was kind of fascinating,” recalled Beck, sitting in his basement office in Yarmouth earlier this fall. “Why couldn’t the flooded open pit be used for doing net pen aquaculture, like they were doing out in Puget Sound?”
A potential deposit
Tiny, bucolic Brooksville is an unexpected place for a Superfund site. With a year-round population of less than a thousand residents, the town is perhaps better known for being the setting for Robert McCloskey’s 1952 children’s classic One Morning in Maine, or as the homestead of Helen and Scott Nearing, the revered grandparents of the back-to-the-land movement.
Famed organic farmers and authors Eliot Coleman and his wife Barbara Damrosch still live nearby, growing hardy vegetables in unheated greenhouses through the unrelenting Maine winter.
Perched on the northwest edge of Cape Rosier in the village of Harborside looking west into Penobscot Bay, Goose Pond spills out into Goose Cove, a small inlet nestled among some of Maine’s most staggeringly beautiful coastline.
Just across the water, with the tailings pond and bulldozers visible in the distance, birders have logged sightings of belted kingfishers, eagles, osprey, spotted sandpipers and hermit thrush. Walking paths thread their way through the woods on the pond’s eastern edge, now a 1,200-acre state park and nature sanctuary.
Beck came to Maine after abandoning a planned sailing trip around the world when his wife learned she was pregnant not long after the couple departed Wales.
After first taking a job with the Maine Geological Survey, Beck initially went to work as a consultant for Callahan before being hired as the company’s regional geologist. He spent his days in an office in Blue Hill, poring over old surveys and mining records, searching for unexplored or abandoned deposits and reporting his findings to the company’s office in New York.
Goose Pond was an obvious choice to go looking for a potential deposit, said Beck. The region had a history of mining going back to the late 1800s, and at one point was the state’s leading producer of base metals, with two mines, a smelter and even a stock exchange operating in Blue Hill.
The zinc and copper deposits in Harborside were discovered in the early 1880s. The Harborside Copper Mine, as it became known, produced around 10,000 tons of ore from three underground shafts between 1881 and 1883. The ore was barged across the bay to Castine, where they were piled on a dock and periodically picked up by coastal schooners to be brought to smelters in the south.
But metal prices faltered, and the boom was over almost as quickly as it began, with a final shipment of copper from the Douglass Mine in Blue Hill in 1918 marking the end of base metal mining in Maine for decades. The Harborside Copper Mine shut down in the late 1880s, and lay largely dormant until it was optioned by the Penobscot Mining Company of Toronto in 1956 and leased to Callahan a decade later.
Digging in a tidal estuary
Callahan determined that the only way to make the deposit profitable would be to extract the metals in an open pit, dug below the pond’s surface.
According to Beck, who is writing a book about the history of the Callahan Mine, the company planned to fund the project with proceeds from its Galena silver mine in northern Idaho, at the time one of the nation’s most productive silver mining operations.
The state of Maine owned the land beneath Goose Pond, which meant Callahan would need permission to drain and excavate it. Four state agencies approved Callahan’s plans and the State Supreme Court also signed off, as did lawmakers and then-Maine Governor John Reed, citing a promise of jobs and a million dollars in annual payroll. The law declared the mine to be “of public interest to the state.”
The law required Callahan to “return the water to the aforesaid tidal estuary upon termination of mining,” but made no mention of any other reclamation or funds.
A lease signed the following year between Callahan and the Maine Mining Bureau, the state agency responsible for permitting at the time, did require that the company work with the agency to rehabilitate the land. But the document had few details, requiring only that reclamation be “the subject of further discussion and negotiation between the parties.”
No money or testing of the soils was required in advance, nor was the company required to take any precautions to ensure the waste rock in the tailings pile didn’t leach toxins.
“It did give us some good jobs for three or four years, and that was it,” said John Gray, who worked as an assayer at the mine when it was in operation and whose family has lived in Brooksville for generations. “And then — I don’t think we really realized how much damage was done.”
Nationwide, mining law at the time was in its infancy. Most regulations applied only to coal mines, which had seen a number of high-profile disasters over the years. It wasn’t until 1966, the year the Maine Legislature gave Callahan approval to drain the estuary, that Congress passed a law establishing procedures for developing safety and health standards for metal and nonmetal mines. It would be another decade before The Mine Safety and Health Act was passed.
Locals in Brooksville were largely supportive of the mine, said Gray, who still lives nearby. An electrician by trade, Gray took a job at the assayer for Callahan, submerging ground rock samples in chemical baths to coax the metals out in solution, then drying them under large heaters and reporting back to the mine manager. Assayers could turn around a sample in an hour, if necessary.
“It was a pretty good job,” said Gray, akin to working at one of the larger paper mills. “It was not quite as good pay as that, but it was pretty good for the area.”
Not everyone was excited about the prospect of digging for heavy metals in a tidal estuary.
Opposition to the project was led by realist painter Albert Sandecki, who had purchased a summer home abutting the Callahan property in 1964.
In a letter shortly after the company began digging, Sandecki warned of the consequences.
“The future value of the entire area is jeopardized by the fact that the Callahan Corporation has not been required by state or local officials to provide a contract or performance bond to insure restorative measures,” Sandecki wrote.
“It is common documented knowledge from other states that open pit mines present these problems, and there is no reason to assume that this project will be any different in its resultant destruction to scenery, wildlife, and future values of the area.”
‘That’s the way it was’
After getting approval from the state, Callahan quickly set to work constructing two dams — one at the mouth of the estuary to prevent the tides from entering and another at the head of the pond to divert the fresh water drainage from 1,600 acres of adjacent forest and salt marsh. In early 1968, the company drained the water and set about digging a pit that would ultimately descend 340 feet, covering nearly 10 acres of land.
It was evident early on that the mine was creating environmental problems. Without tidal currents to periodically scour the cove, silt was settling in the area below the pond, Beck wrote in a paper in 1970.
Residents began complaining of wells going dry in the area around the pond, or being infiltrated with saltwater. Tests of clams and other shellfish in the cove revealed higher than expected heavy metal content, but since the area had not been studied in advance, there was no established baseline.
“It can only be assumed that the mine is one of the contributors,” Beck wrote.
Brooksville escaped the scourge of acid mine drainage, which can occur in base metal mines and devastate the surrounding environment, only because the metals in Harborside happened to occur in a matrix of talc carbonate, which immediately buffered any acid produced by the surrounding metals. But this was largely luck, as no testing was done in advance.
“In hindsight, of course, we see things that should have been done that weren’t by both government and industry,” said Beck.
“It’s required now by the [Maine Department of Environmental Protection] to do a lot of testing of soils, of water, of groundwater, surface water and so forth before you even dig a shovelful of dirt. But that wasn’t part of the equation back in those days. It’s too bad it wasn’t, but that’s the way it was.”
Callahan built settling ponds and a pipe to help disperse the silt and tried recycling the effluent water in the on-site processing mill, with the hopes of creating a closed system that could be a model for other underwater mines. The company also drilled new wells for those whose wells had gone dry, moving some away farther from the sea.
But the tailings pond, where unwanted slurry was dumped after metals were floated out, remained unlined on the bottom and open to the elements, allowing zinc and copper and lead to leach into the adjacent salt marsh and soils. Waste rock piles and ore processing areas had no protective lining underneath or caps on top, unthinkable under modern mining regulations.
“I’m sure there are people who think I’m an evil person,” said Beck, whose company, Maine Environmental Laboratory, now helps state agencies and nonprofits test soil and rocks for mineral content.
“I’ve always been a strong environmentalist. Most geologists, I think, are,” he said. “Callahan, I think, did their best under the conditions that existed at the time.”
A new purpose
After operating for four years and extracting 5 million tons of rock (including 800,000 tons of valuable ore), Callahan shut down the mine in Harborside, having exhausted the deposit. The company attempted some revegetation of the site, hiring a landscape renewal specialist who experimented with a variety of plants, including zinc-tolerant red fescue grasses from Wales.
But the plants struggled to take, said Beck, who had been given the unenviable task of managing the cleanup after the mine manager left for a job in Brazil.
Maine had passed a law in 1969, a year into Callahan’s operation, requiring mining companies to post bonds and submit a comprehensive site rehabilitation plan before beginning mining operations. But Callahan had been grandfathered in and was thus not required to submit any reclamation money to the state.
Callahan offered to remove the concrete dam and dredge the cove as part of the requirements of its mining lease, but state agencies initially refused, fearing that disturbing the area and allowing tidal flow would make any metal contamination worse.
Eventually, Beck said, the Department of Inland Fisheries and Wildlife agreed that part of the dam should be removed to allow for some tidal flow. Photos of the day the water flowed in show the sea cascading hundreds of feet into the mine pit, a towering, ephemeral waterfall.
Once the pond had refilled, Beck wondered whether there was a way to repurpose the mine site. The minerals leaching into the pit from the mine site were sulfides, insoluble in seawater, meaning the water itself was free from toxic metals, which Beck and his team confirmed repeatedly with tests. He wondered whether salmon might do well in the pit’s deep, cold waters.
Bob Mant, a promising young biologist trained at Princeton University and at the University of Maine, agreed to head up the project, which he named Maine Sea Farms.
In 1974, two years after the mine closed, Callahan, which had initially backed the project, struggled to find additional investors, according to documents Beck gave to The Maine Monitor, and sold the site to Mant for $25,000.
The experiment became, for a time, the largest pen salmon operation on the eastern seaboard, handling millions of fish, according to testimony Bob’s wife Linda gave to Congress in 1977. The on-site laboratory equipment was repurposed to test for metals in the fish, and Mant hired two local men to help him run the operation.
The salmon and oysters were repeatedly tested for heavy metals but found to have escaped contamination, likely because the minerals in which the metals occurred were insoluble in water, settling instead into the silt below, said Beck.
The fish were sold to restaurants as far south as Boston, said Beck, who ate a few of them himself.
But Mant was a better biologist than he was a businessman, said Beck, and struggled to keep the business afloat; Maine Sea Farms lasted just five years before going bankrupt. The equipment was sold off and the buildings eventually torn down.
For years after that the mine was mostly quiet, said Gray. People would walk through the site and pick up shiny pieces of ore, and children occasionally played on the tailings pond.
“It was kind of fun,” said Gray, “And nobody seemed to get hurt, so it was pretty good.”
A cautionary tale
In 2002, three decades after the Callahan mine closed and after many years of testing, the Environmental Protection Agency designated the former mine and salmon farm as a Superfund site. Initially funded by taxes on petroleum and chemical companies, the goal of the Superfund program was to create a dedicated fund for cleaning up hazardous waste, even when a responsible party couldn’t be identified.
Cleanup work began in Brooksville in 2011. Contaminated rock and soil was consolidated, and a new system was designed and constructed to manage the tailings. The tailings pond was stabilized and lined and a cover was installed to help prevent heavy metals from leaching out when it rains or snows.
Drainage systems were installed and erosion controls put in place, and nearby properties were rid of soil contaminated with PCBs, which are thought to have stemmed from the dumping of electrical transformers on the land after Maine Sea Farms closed.
In the intervening decades, Maine mining law changed dramatically. Companies are now required to conduct years of water and soil testing before applying for mining permits, and must set aside funds for reclamation in advance. It has been more than 40 years since the state has had any active metal mines, and many experts consider Maine to have the most stringent mining laws in the United States.
Those laws were written in large part out of a desire not to repeat what happened with Callahan. During discussion of the most recent mining law changes, which were approved earlier this year, proponents and detractors alike invoked Callahan as a cautionary tale.
The last phase of the cleanup, which the EPA announced in August, is expected to end in 2026 with a final cost of around $55 million, and will include dredging the mouth of the estuary at Goose Cove and covering a large pile of waste rock.
The site is now owned by Smith Cove Preservation Trust, a nonprofit based in Ohio. An officer of the trust, James Beneson, told The Weekly Packet in August that his family has been visiting the area for decades and would like to see the property reforested and restored “to some sort of wild state.”
Today the pond itself bears little evidence of the scar beneath its surface, apart from signs warning those looking to cool off in its waters to swim at their own risk. A pocket wetland has been reestablished near the tailings impoundment.
Visitors to Holbrook Island Sanctuary, which occupies the pond’s eastern shore, could be forgiven for not noticing the Superfund site at all, save for the occasional clink of bulldozers in the distance.
“Nature in many ways is remarkably resilient,” EPA representative Ed Hathaway told a crowd gathered in Brooksville this summer. “In many cases, if you remove the real toxic threats, nature will regenerate.”
This story was originally published by The Maine Monitor, a nonprofit civic news organization. To get regular coverage from the Monitor, sign up for a free Monitor newsletter here.
Maine
Wife of Colombian father killed by ICE in Maine says they had planned to grow old together
“Do we accept the idea that innocent, loving partners and loving and devoted fathers of 3-year-olds can be collateral damage to this government’s policies? Do we agree that this is just an acceptable cost of doing business?” Gideon said. “We truly believe that people need to understand what the real costs are.”
“I want to be clear about something. Johan Sebastián, before he was shot to death, had been accused of committing no crime. He was in this country lawfully, and he was following a lawful process that’s prescribed by our federal government,” the attorney said, adding that Durán had been issued a work permit and a Social Security number under the Trump administration.
ICE has said it was conducting “targeted surveillance on the last known address of an illegal alien with a final order of removal” around 7 a.m. Monday, an agency spokesperson said.
“The vehicle attempted to flee the scene and fearing for public safety an officer discharged his weapon,” the ICE spokesperson said.
Durán, who was born and raised in Bucaramanga, Colombia, had come to the U.S. in 2023 to seek better opportunities for him and his family, relatives said.
A spokesperson with the Department of Homeland Security told NBC News in an email that Durán “illegally entered the United States” through the southern border nearly three years ago “and was released into the country under the Biden Administration.”
Entering the U.S. without proper authorization is a misdemeanor, but living in the country without legal permission is a civil violation and not a criminal offense.
At work, and everywhere he went, Durán carried an infectious joy, Rojas said.
As a father, he was devoted. Aside from working cleaning and delivery jobs to provide for his family, he took their daughter, Dulce — or “gordita” (chubby) as he lovingly called her — to the park every afternoon, Rojas said.
Durán always indulged his little girl whenever she had a craving for nuggets and fries, Rojas said, adding he would often marvel in tears every time he realized his daughter “was getting bigger.”
Rojas recalled a conversation she had with Durán a few months ago, wondering who their little girl would grow up to be. Durán said he would have a hard time sending off his daughter to school for the first time, she said.
Dulce now asks for her father every night, Rojas said, breaking down in tears. “And I don’t have the strength to tell her that dad isn’t coming, that she can’t give him a hug and tell him ‘I love you.’”
Gideon said that “there will come a time when those responsible for Johan Sebastián’s needless death will have to answer for what they did. But today is not that day. … Today is about Johan Sebastián and who he was as a person.”
Maine
In Maine, Bobby Charles vs. Hannah Pingree is the race that matters | Opinion
Ralph Benko served as a deputy general counsel in the Reagan White House and worked closely with the George W. Bush administration as a contractor in its domestic policy initiative to find and rescue human trafficking victims. He lives in Maryland.
“As Maine goes, so goes the nation” was, for about a century, a political maxim. Recently, the political junkies in the capital were obsessing about the Platner vs. Collins race.
Wrong race!
Understandable, for those card-carrying members of the Columnist Party. The U.S. Senate majority, a very big deal, may hinge on that race. And that race was spiced up by the salacious and unseemly stories about the winner of the Democratic primary.
With that said, hey, junkies? Platner vs. Collins always was the wrong race to put on the marquee of your political theater. The real bellwether race is the governor’s contest between Bobby Charles and Hannah Pingree.
The political dynamics that have emerged or are emerging is less Republican vs. Democrat and more establishment insiders (Hannah Pingree, former speaker of the Maine House, whose family name has been a prominent fixture in Maine politics for over 30 years) vs. popular insurgents (Bobby Charles, on his first electoral foray).
Charles is fashioning his affordability program via a classic center-right Republican free market platform. Pingree is fashioning her affordability solution via a classic center-left Democratic public works and pro-regulatory platform.
Full disclosure, as chairman of the 190,000-Facebook follower Capitalist League, I lean center-right. My own preferences revealed, there is more to this race than programmatic preferences.
The Charles vs. Pingree race is the perfect microcosm of the national political culture.
I was a lifelong Democrat until the sensible Democratic Party left me for left field. And there they go again. The progressive Mills-Pingree-Platner party ghosts the FDR/JFK/Bill Clinton Democrats.
Bobby Charles — who worked in the Reagan White House and later directly for Colin Powell — is a modern Reaganesque figure, aligning himself with the sensible Maine population, including independents and traditional Democrats, offering common-sense policies.
Charles is running on the Republican line. Yet he has the kind of “man of the people” values that FDR embodied and Middle America embodies.
Yes, there is a lot of crazy going on in the GOP now. Charles, however, embodies classical Republican radical pragmatism. He’s not an ideologue, and is exempt from the fanaticism that so plagues our politics today. Charles is neither a zealot nor a moderate. He’s simply … capable.
Meanwhile the Democrats now, wholesale, are nominating “democratic socialists.” Wait, what? History has repeatedly shown that socialism doesn’t work, locally or nationally.
The further left you move, the more it never works. Remember Jimmy Carter’s misery index? (That’s what forced me out of my once beloved Democratic Party.)
Insanity is doing the same thing and expecting different outcomes. Let’s do sane for a change.
Hannah Pingree presents as an honorable and capable public servant. That said, she will, if elected, be badly constrained by the romantic-but-dysfunctional emerging narrative of her party, now in thrall to its fanatical base, listing so far to portside that it is about to capsize the ship of state.
Maine is one of the states most guided by common sense. Its voters will embrace the candidate with a proven agenda for affordability and security rather than a member of the party who is admittedly charming but impractically romantic (Bernie, AOC, Zohran, etc).
While the nation scratched its head at Maine’s oddly out of sync “oyster farmer” there was, and is, a more meaningful race afoot. Many who have known Bobby Charles for decades and watched him serve his country unflinchingly think he, considered a dark horse, is the odds-on favorite to pull an upset and bring common sense and real management skills to Maine’s governance.
So, political junkies? Now that Platner vs. Collins has ended, please turn your attention to the true marquee Maine race, Charles vs. Pingree. For as Maine goes, so goes the nation.
Maine
“I’m Ashamed of My Country”: Biddeford, Maine Locals Grieve Neighbor Killed by ICE
A poster of Joan Sebastián Durán Guerrero, the man killed by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement, is displayed at a memorial in Biddeford, Maine.Robert F. Bukaty/AP
The day after hundreds of locals poured into the streets of Biddeford, Maine in protest of ICE’s killing of 26-year-old Joan Sebastián Durán Guerrero on Monday, I drove through the former mill town. It seemed eerily still, as if in shock. When the horrors of Minneapolis and Houston come to your small corner of New England, what can you do?
In Mechanics Park in Biddeford, a small but diligent group presented one answer: you keep showing up.
“When I woke up this morning, I knew that this was the place I should go right to,” said Wayne Miller, 71, a retired pilot of 35 years and resident of Beverly, Massachusetts. “This is my backyard. This is my neighborhood.”
He paused, then started to cry. “I’m ashamed of my country. I love the country. I’m ashamed.”
Miller was standing with a sign that read “Dissent while you still can” at the corner of Mechanics Park in Biddeford, where the protest and vigil for Guerrero had been held the day before. A nearby chain-link fence served as a memorial, lined with flowers, signs, and letters of grief and apology for Guerrero and his family. One read, “3-year-olds should be watching Bluey, not their fathers being executed.” Above a “No Trespassing” sign, someone had placed another: “Biddeford was built by immigrants.”
I spoke with Miller and others who had come out on Tuesday to continue expressing their grief for their neighbor, the second person killed by federal agents in less than a week.
“It’s one thing to see a news story from a distance,” said Tessa, 28, a waitress and resident of Biddeford. “But watching it happen close to home, it really recontextualizes the safety that you feel walking around in your neighborhood.”
For Linda Henry, 27, a retired firefighter and Gloucester, Massachusetts resident, it was only a matter of time. “I know that it doesn’t matter where you live. It’s going to happen, you know. ICE is going to come.”
“I’m ashamed of my country. I love the country. I’m ashamed.”
Guerrero was a Colombian citizen who lived in Biddeford, Maine with his partner and 3-year-old daughter. He is one of at least nine people killed by federal immigration agents since the start of Donald Trump’s second term. Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin claims Guerrero “weaponized” his vehicle during a traffic stop. But similar claims by DHS have quickly fallen apart after video footage of shootings has come to light.
Reports say that not only was Guerrero authorized to legally work in the US, but he wasn’t the target of ICE’s operations that day.
Katie, a 48-year-old educator from New Hampshire, shared her anger. “A gun is not a license to kill. These agents have no business drawing their guns,” she said. “They aren’t judge, jury, and executioner, and they don’t have the right to be killing people the way that they are.”
“We were taught from the time we were little, ‘liberty and justice for all.’ We were taught that the United States was a place for everyone, and the current regime has changed that,” Katie continued.

Most of the protesters were standing with signs on the sidewalk along the adjacent intersection, shouting “ICE OUT” while passing cars honked. Near the memorial, a man on a bike caught my eye. He was off to the side, alone, quietly reading the letters addressed to Guerrero.
He introduced himself as Diego, 30, a restaurant worker and Biddeford resident. “I knew the guy. He was always around,” he said. “I was working and I was about to cry, to be honest. Because it’s injustice, you know? I’m an immigrant, and this country was built for immigrants.”
“We work, we pay taxes. We also need rights, as everybody does,” he said. “It’s not about left or right. It’s not about a political party. It’s about human rights.”
He told me that while he’s never felt disrespected by his neighbors and the people of Biddeford are good, the government is not the same. He said he feels unsafe and his community of immigrants feels like it’s hiding.
“How many need to die for us to understand?” Diego said. “He’d got a kid, a little daughter. And that’s the most devastating. Because, you know, if I do something wrong, I can say ‘I’m sorry, I apologize.’ But he’s dead. There’s no apology that can bring him back, you know? He’s dead. I can’t even believe it, I can’t even believe this is happening.”
When I asked Diego why he had stopped on his bike, he said out of solidarity—for Guerrero, for his partner and daughter. And when I asked what he would say to his community, he said, “Thank you for all the solidarity of people. Thank you for all the understanding. And I hope we can stop the violence.”
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