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House GOP lawmakers grill ex-New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo over COVID nursing home deaths

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House GOP lawmakers grill ex-New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo over COVID nursing home deaths

Former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo faced a tough grilling from House GOP lawmakers Tuesday over his handling of COVID-19 in nursing homes during the height of the pandemic. 

Cuomo visited Capitol Hill for a closed-door interview with the House select subcommittee investigating the coronavirus pandemic. 

Lawmakers zeroed in on a March 25, 2020, executive order by the governor that restricted nursing homes from refusing to admit or readmit residents “solely based on confirmed or suspect[ed] diagnosis of COVID-19.” 

A report released in March 2022 by the New York state comptroller found Cuomo’s Health Department “was not transparent in its reporting of COVID-19 deaths in nursing homes” and it “understated the number of deaths at nursing homes by as much as 50%” during some points of the pandemic.

CUOMO FINALLY FORCED TO TELL WHOLE TRUTH ABOUT COVID-19 DECISIONS THAT COST THOUSANDS OF LIVES

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Rep. Brad Wenstrup, chairman of the COVID-19 select subcommittee, grilled former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo behind closed doors Tuesday. (Getty Images)

Cuomo has pushed back on these claims, insisting New York’s health department was following Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) guidance issued by the Trump administration before Cuomo’s order. 

A report released in March 2022 by the New York state comptroller found former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s Health Department “was not transparent in its reporting of COVID-19 deaths in nursing homes.” (AP Photo/Richard Drew, File)

In his opening remarks, Cuomo said “any serious review must stop asking political questions and start asking fact-based ones.” He pointed out that New York was “No. 39 in terms of pro rata nursing home deaths [despite the state] being ground zero for COVID.” 

He also accused the Trump administration of targeting Democrat-led states “despite both red and blue states issuing” the same guidelines. 

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GOP lawmakers held a post-hearing press conference at which they accused Cuomo of deflecting blame. 

LIBERAL NY TIMES COLUMNIST ADMITS MEDIA, PUBLIC HEALTH WERE ‘TOO DISMISSIVE’ ON LAB LEAK THEORY

“I felt like the governor was defensive throughout most of the day, often putting blame on other people rather than himself. [He] didn’t seem to be taking a lot of responsibility for the things that were happening,” Chair Brad Wenstrup, R-Ohio, said. 

Rep. Mike Lawler, R-N.Y., called Cuomo a “phony” and a “fraud” who “put our most vulnerable population at risk, resulting in the death of over 15,000 seniors.

“And it was Andrew Cuomo who covered it up,” Lawler added. “It wasn’t just the directive which was bad enough and idiotic and resulted in the death of the 15,000-plus seniors. It was Andrew Cuomo, for political purposes, who directed the state government to cover up the death toll.” 

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Former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo has been accused of mishandling his state’s response to COVID-19. (AP Photo/Mary Altaffer, File)

GOP conference Chair Elise Stefanik, R-N.Y., said Tuesday’s deposition “was a step in delivering accountability and delivering long overdue answers to those families who are still mourning the loss of their loved ones.” 

Speaking to reporters after the deposition, Cuomo said the federal government was ultimately to blame for the severity of the pandemic. 

“We have two very different opinions on what happened during COVID,” Cuomo told a reporter. “I think the federal government failed this nation. And it was abysmal. How did COVID get to the U.S. in December and nobody knew? How did it take so many months before we had … basic testing in place? How did we have a president running around saying, ‘It’s going to be gone when the weather gets warm?’ … who then admits to a reporter that he purposely downplayed it?” 

Rich Azzopardi, a spokesman for Cuomo, told Fox News Digital the governor “presented fact-based evidence that New York, at the end of the day, was the 39th state for pro rata in nursing home deaths in 2020 despite the fact that it started off the hardest hit.” 

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“We worked day and night to protect New Yorkers and save lives even though the ‘experts’ kept changing the facts on the ground. We were grappling with international PPE shortages and no national response,” Azzopardi said. “The fact that this partisan farce was allowed to go on, and they continue telling their fact-less stories, especially in order to help their marginal members who weren’t even at the hearing, tells you what a joke this was.” 

Wenstrup subpoenaed Cuomo in March to appear before his committee. A letter accompanying the subpoena said Cuomo’s testimony “is vital to our investigation into the effectiveness of federal guidance and regulations implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic regarding the protection of nursing home residents.”

“Further, this investigation may inform legislation to enhance the federal scientific guidance process, including the drafting, publication, and implementation of guidances originating from CMS or CDC,” the letter said.

Fox News Digital’s Elizabeth Elkind contributed to this report.

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Pennsylvania

Sandra “Sandy” J. Kulka, Transfer, PA

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Sandra “Sandy” J. Kulka, Transfer, PA


TRANSFER, Pa. (MyValleyTributes) – Sandra “Sandy” J. Kulka, age 68, of Transfer, Pennsylvania, passed away on Friday, April 24th, 2026, peacefully.

She was born June 24th, 1956, in Mercer, Pennsylvania, to Gerald Stainbrook and Violet (Patton) Stainbrook.

Sandy was a graduate of Hickory High School.

She was a homemaker and later in life worked as a custodian at Hermitage School District until her retirement. She enjoyed spending time with her five grandchildren and beloved pets, Teddy and Bella.

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Sandy is survived by her three children, April Redfoot and her husband Daniel, Becky Kulka and Samuel Kulka, all of Greenville, Pennsylvania; a brother, Dennis Stainbrook and his wife, Margaret Kern of Transfer, Pennsylvania; and her five grandchildren.

She was preceded in death by her husband, Patrick Kulka; her sister, Gail Hall; and her parents, Gerald and Violet Stainbrook.

In following Sandy’s wishes there will be no services.

Memorial contributions can be made in her name to Strayhaven Animal Shelter, 94 Donation Road, Greenville, PA 16125

John Flynn Funeral Home and Crematory, Inc. is serving the family with arrangements.

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To send flowers to the family or plant a tree in memory of Sandra J Kulka, please visit our floral store.



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Vermont

9 Great Road Trips to Take in Vermont

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9 Great Road Trips to Take in Vermont


Vermont is packed with scenic roadways that cross the state’s small villages, ski resorts, mountain ranges, and the islands of Lake Champlain. Along the way, these drives connect historic landmarks such as the Arlington Covered Bridge and access to state parks, battlefields, and working farms. The routes also tie together the region’s cultural threads, from Revolutionary War sites near the Green Mountain National Forest to Robert Frost’s former home in Shaftsbury. These nine road trips capture both the landscape and heritage of Vermont.

Molly Stark Scenic Byway

Aerial view of Brattleboro, Vermont.

The Molly Stark Scenic Byway follows Route 9 for about 48 miles. Running east to west from Brattleboro to Bennington, this southern Vermont route is known for views of small towns, covered bridges, and mountain lakes. It passes through portions of the Green Mountain National Forest. The byway is named after Revolutionary War General John Stark’s wife, and the route generally follows the corridor associated with his 1777 march to the Battle of Bennington.

In Brattleboro, the Creamery Covered Bridge was originally built in 1879 and later reconstructed. It is closed to vehicle traffic but open to pedestrians. The Brattleboro Museum & Art Center holds exhibitions by regional and international artists. Molly Stark State Park in Wilmington includes a short hike up Mount Olga.

Lake Champlain Byway

Aerial view of Burlington, Vermont.
Aerial view of Burlington, Vermont.

The Lake Champlain Byway stretches for about 184 miles in the northwest part of the state. It follows a network of routes including US 2, US 7, and several connecting state highways. Running north to south, the byway begins in Alburgh near the Canadian border, continues through Burlington and Vergennes, and ends in Orwell.

Following the shoreline of Lake Champlain, this drive runs near Alburgh Dunes State Park and Grand Isle State Park on an island in the middle of the lake. Vergennes Falls Park, on Otter Creek, has a boat launch and a scenic waterfall right in town.

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Vermont Route 100

Gold Brook Covered Bridge in Stowe, Vermont.
Gold Brook Covered Bridge in Stowe, Vermont.

Sometimes called the “Skier’s Highway” for its proximity to the state’s top ski resorts, Vermont Route 100 runs about 216 miles. It starts in the north near Newport and heads south to Stamford at the Massachusetts border, running north-south through much of central Vermont alongside the Green Mountain National Forest.

In Stowe, Stowe Mountain Resort and Smugglers’ Notch State Park offer outdoor recreation. Stowe is also home to the Gold Brook Covered Bridge, built around 1844 and still spanning Gold Brook. Next on the route in Plymouth, Coolidge State Park has rustic campsites and picnic areas near President Coolidge’s birthplace. Ludlow is another stop for skiers at Okemo Mountain Resort. In Weston, the Vermont Country Store sells gifts, apparel, and traditional New England goods such as maple syrup.

Green Mountain Byway

A scenic byway through rural Vermont.
A scenic byway through rural Vermont.

At 71 miles long, the Green Mountain Byway follows the peaks and passes of the northern Green Mountains. It sits in the north-central part of the state and takes in views of forests and Vermont’s highest peak at Mount Mansfield. Following a combination of Routes 100, 100C, 108, 15, and 15A, the byway passes through towns such as Stowe and Hyde Park.

The Green River Reservoir State Park in Hyde Park covers about 5,500 acres and is well suited for paddling and swimming. Farther along, drivers can stretch their legs at Little River State Park or take a tour of the ice cream production line at the Ben & Jerry’s Factory in Waterbury.

Smugglers’ Notch

Curving road at Smugglers' Notch State Park, Vermont.
Curving road at Smugglers’ Notch State Park, Vermont.

Smugglers’ Notch, an approximately 3.5-mile stretch, sits within the larger Green Mountain Byway. It follows Route 108, a winding mountain road with rocky terrain and hairpin turns between Stowe Mountain Resort and Smugglers’ Notch Resort. The route was historically used for smuggling goods, particularly during the early 19th century Embargo period and later during Prohibition. This section of Route 108 is closed from late fall to mid-May due to unsafe road conditions.

Although short and seasonal, this stretch is good for fall leaf viewing and for warm-weather visits to the resorts. Both Stowe and Smugglers’ Notch offer spring and summer activities including hiking, climbing, and disc golf. Smugglers’ Notch State Park is part of the more than 44,000-acre Mount Mansfield State Forest, making it a useful pull-off for picnics and nature watching.

Stone Valley Scenic Byway

Aerial view of Manchester, Vermont.
Aerial view of Manchester, Vermont.

Located on Route 30, on the southwestern side of the state, the Stone Valley Scenic Byway connects Poultney and Manchester and runs about 30 miles. It winds through Poultney, Wells, Pawlet, Rupert, and Dorset while passing historic landmarks and mountain peaks.

In Hubbardton, the Hubbardton Battlefield State Historic Site marks a 1777 Revolutionary War battle. Poultney’s Lake Saint Catherine State Park covers 117 acres and is set up for camping and swimming. In Manchester, the American Museum of Fly Fishing preserves the history of the sport through art, rod design, and antique gear.

Connecticut River National Byway

Connecticut River Byway from Mount Sugarloaf.
Connecticut River Byway from Mount Sugarloaf. Image credit: Wikimedia Commons.

The Connecticut River Byway runs about 500 miles in total across Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont. The Vermont portion follows Route 5 alongside Interstate 91 for roughly 250 miles along the Connecticut River. The route parallels the New Hampshire border and offers occasional views toward the White Mountains to the east and Vermont’s own hills to the west. This drive goes through St. Johnsbury, Windsor, and Bellows Falls before ending near the Massachusetts border.

In St. Johnsbury, the Fairbanks Museum and Planetarium holds a broad natural history collection. A section of the Appalachian Trail passes near Norwich, with trailheads accessible from the byway. In Weathersfield, Wilgus State Park sits right along the Connecticut River with camping, canoe access, and short woodland trails.

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Crossroads of Vermont Byway

Hot air balloon inflating in Quechee, Vermont.
Hot air balloon inflating in Quechee, Vermont.

The Crossroads of Vermont Byway runs about 50 miles on Route 4. It starts in the center of the state and heads east from Rutland to Quechee near the New Hampshire border, passing through Killington, which has access to a section of the Appalachian Trail, and Woodstock.

In Killington, Gifford Woods State Park is a small 114-acre property near the base of the Killington and Pico peaks. Next on the route is Billings Farm & Museum, a working dairy farm and agricultural exhibit in Woodstock. The Simon Pearce restaurant and glassblowing flagship and the Vermont Institute of Natural Science are both in Quechee.

The Shires of Vermont Byway

Farm with red barn in Arlington, Vermont.
Farm with red barn in Arlington, Vermont.

The Shires of Vermont Byway, historic Route 7A, spans about 33 miles between the Taconic and Green Mountains, close to the Batten Kill River. The roadway is named for the “shires,” or county seats. Bennington County has two of them, Manchester in the north and Bennington in the south. The route runs through Arlington and Shaftsbury in the southwestern part of the state.

In Arlington, the West Arlington Covered Bridge, built in 1852 and crossing the Batten Kill River, is one of Vermont’s older covered bridges. The Robert Frost Stone House Museum in Shaftsbury holds a collection of the poet’s works in the 18th-century stone house where he wrote many of his best-known poems. His gravesite is nearby in Old Bennington, at the First Congregational Church. The Bennington Battle Monument, completed in 1891, commemorates the Revolutionary War’s Battle of Bennington.

Exploring Vermont by Road

Vermont’s scenic drives cover both long cross-state journeys and shorter excursions. Some routes run through the Green Mountains and along Lake Champlain; others take in food-and-craft stops like the Ben & Jerry’s Factory or the Vermont Country Store. Many of these routes are located within driving distance of one another, and most are popular during fall foliage season.



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New York

Democrats Weigh Whether a Lawmaker’s Ethnicity Counts More Than Ideology

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Democrats Weigh Whether a Lawmaker’s Ethnicity Counts More Than Ideology

Outside a Sikh temple in the Little Punjab section of Queens, hundreds of people lined up around the block, waiting to receive plates of hot chickpea curry and deep-fried bhatura bread. It was the third Sunday in April, and the temple had prepared thousands of meals to celebrate the Indian harvest festival Vaisakhi.

Inside, the local assemblywoman, Jenifer Rajkumar, who had traded her signature red dress for one in harvest yellow, was working the crowd.

“Who here likes to have a Punjabi representative in office?” she asked the congregants, referring to herself. About half of them raised their hands.

Ms. Rajkumar registered faint disapproval. Everyone should raise their hands, she said, because “as a community, we have never been more powerful.”

She had a point. Last November, many of the people in the room had helped elect Zohran Mamdani as the first South Asian American to become the mayor of New York City. But as Ms. Rajkumar seeks another term in office, her race may test whether this community’s support of Mr. Mamdani was rooted more in identity or ideology.

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Her Democratic primary opponent, David Orkin, is a democratic socialist who is also courting the mayor’s supporters, and earlier that afternoon, he had also visited the temple. He was accompanied by an entourage of progressive South Asian volunteers who helped to ingratiate him with the local community.

Ms. Rajkumar, who had brought her mother along, gave an impassioned speech; Mr. Orkin helped make the festival’s bread.

The June primary contest has grown fractious, with each candidate accusing the other of election fraud and Mr. Orkin recently suing to kick Ms. Rajkumar off the ballot. The primary may also be a measure of the Democratic Socialists of America’s growing momentum in New York.

Mr. Orkin is the first Democrat to primary Ms. Rajkumar, the incumbent, since she won her seat in 2020, when she and Mr. Mamdani made history as the first South Asian Americans elected to the State Assembly.

But this year, the same progressive South Asian and Indo-Caribbean networks that helped elect Mr. Mamdani as mayor are trying to rally an energized South Asian electorate around Mr. Orkin, potentially dividing voters in Queens who might otherwise gravitate toward backing Ms. Rajkumar.

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Mr. Orkin, an anti-Zionist Jew, has now become a familiar figure at South Asian temples and community events in Queens, being squired about by members of DRUM Beats, the political arm of Desis Rising Up & Moving, and the newly formed Hindus for Human Rights Action.

“During Ramadan I probably went to like eight iftars,” Mr. Orkin said. “Every Friday, I’m going to masjid and doing jummah prayer, and then I think we’re gonna get into a practice of, every Sunday, going to a gurudwara.”

Andrew Singh, an Indo-Caribbean DRUM Beats organizer who lives around the block from Ms. Rajkumar’s office, spends much of his free time phone-banking for Mr. Orkin and introducing him to congregants at local temples, so as to “not let the identity politics get in the way,” he said.

Ms. Rajkumar is running on more than her identity. She came to office after serving as the state’s first director of immigration affairs under Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo, where she created a $31 million fund to provide legal services for immigrants.

As a second-term lawmaker, she successfully championed legislation in 2023 that made Diwali — a festival observed by Hindus, Sikhs, Jains and Buddhists — a public school holiday in New York, an achievement noted by many people interviewed for this article.

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More recently, Ms. Rajkumar gained broader attention for her frequent and often perplexing appearances at news conferences and events held by Eric Adams, Mr. Mamdani’s predecessor as mayor. She also unsuccessfully ran for public advocate last year, losing to the incumbent, Jumaane Williams, by more than 50 percentage points in the Democratic primary.

Ms. Rajkumar has always said that her Indian parents’ rags-to-riches journey was what inspired her to work in government. Her family was one of millions that had been dispossessed during the 1947 Partition of India, and her parents, both doctors, “came to America with $300 and a suitcase.”

Her back story, as well as her work in the Legislature, has earned the respect and continued support from members of the Bangladeshi American Society, including many who also backed Mr. Mamdani’s mayoral candidacy.

“The vote that we did with Mamdani is totally different,” explained Mohammad Ali, the head of the Bangladeshi American Society. He and a dozen other local leaders who have supported Ms. Rajkumar said that they voted for Mr. Mamdani not because of his socialist platform, but, at least in part, because they felt they knew him.

Mr. Ali characterized Ms. Rajkumar as “a true friend to our community.”

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But her track record has failed to impress DRUM Beats, whose leaders say she has not meaningfully delivered for her working-class constituents.

“Vast parts of the community know that she is just like every other politician,” said Simran Thind, a Punjabi organizer who recently took Mr. Okrin to two Sikh temples during Vaisakhi. “She shows up, she says a few words in our language and she leaves.”

The organization’s executive director, Fahd Ahmed, said that, early on, it had been willing to try to work with Ms. Rajkumar. Then the assemblywoman formed a close alliance with Mr. Adams, and any hope that they could reconcile their differences evaporated.

“It just reinforced what we were already assessing her to be: pro-police, pro-real estate, pro-corporation, highly focused on personal relationships,” Mr. Ahmed said.

Ms. Rajkumar defended her relationship with Mr. Adams, saying that she “got to be involved in every single issue in this city,” adding, “everyone saw me everywhere.”

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It was also a practical calculation, she said, allowing her to “deliver for my constituents in ways they had never been delivered for before,” like making Diwali a school holiday. She compared her appearances with Mr. Adams to Mr. Mamdani’s visits to the Trump White House.

Some left-leaning groups remain dubious.

In March, Mr. Orkin, 34, met with progressive organizers at Saar Indian restaurant in Midtown Manhattan, where he chatted over masala coated canapés and happily accepted the endorsement of Hindus for Human Rights Action.

The posters decorating the walls of the restaurant championed “A Free Palestine,” but the Hindu group, which has modeled itself after Jewish Voice for Peace Action, aims to fight right-wing Hindu nationalism in the Indian diaspora.

The group’s political director, Ria Chakrabarty, explained that its decision to endorse Mr. Orkin was motivated by its distrust of Ms. Rajkumar. Since 2020, Ms. Rajkumar has been accused — including by Mr. Mamdani — of welcoming right-wing Hindu nationalist ideology into her orbit, by accepting campaign donations from people and groups supportive of India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi. (Ms. Rajkumar and the Coalition of Hindus of North America have characterized those accusations as discriminatory for singling out the Hindu donors of a Hindu politician.)

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“Five years ago, she might not have been as unpalatable,” Ms. Chakrabarty said. “But this is, for us, a moment of real clarity.”

When Mr. Orkin addressed the gathering that night at Saar, he acknowledged the seeming incongruity of his own presence.

“Probably to some of you I am just a random white guy,” he said. But as a longstanding member of Jewish Voice for Peace, he said he was also someone who could understand the perspective of the progressive Hindus and noted the importance of “speaking out against Hindu nationalism and its very obvious connections to Zionism.”

A resident of Ridgewood, in the district’s more liberal northern enclave, Mr. Orkin spent the last three years working as a staff attorney at the immigrant-advocacy nonprofit Make the Road New York. He is openly gay, Jewish, Mexican on his mother’s side, and speaks fluent Spanish. He got the idea to run for office last July, after campaigning for Mr. Mamdani, and his background was appealing enough to DRUM Beats that the group endorsed him on Day 1 of his campaign.

Amit Pratap Shah, a leader of the Ridgewood Nepalese Society, said that “at a very grass-roots level, when it comes to support, we have to first look at who can be the best candidate for our community.” He said that he voted for Mr. Mamdani and supported Ms. Rajkumar, but added that his Nepali cultural center welcomes diverse voices and “it’s up to our community members to decide what they want to support.”

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At the moment, Mr. Shah said, he thought that Ms. Rajkumar was the favorite because “people know her.” Then he reconsidered. Mr. Orkin, he allowed, “also visited our community center.”

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