Connecticut
Troconis jury sees smoke footage day Farber Dulos disappeared, hears about interview discrepancies
After addressing concerns that Michelle Troconis was allegedly reading court-sealed documents during her criminal trial in Stamford, the 23rd day of her trial continued Friday with testimony from a state police detective who interviewed Troconis three times in 2019.
In that final interview in 2019 — which the jury saw a recording of Friday — detectives point out inconsistencies in Troconis’ earlier statements to police and urge her to be honest.
Retired Connecticut Police Department Det. John Kimball returned to the stand Friday and first walked the jury through surveillance footage that showed a Jeep Cherokee and Chevrolet Suburban, which Troconis and her then-boyfriend, Fotis Dulos, were allegedly driving, going back and forth between their home at 4 Jefferson Crossing in Farmington and a property Dulos’ company owned at 80 Mountain Spring Road in Farmington on May 24. 2019, the day Jennifer Farber Dulos disappeared.
Judge in Troconis trial issues warning, delays contempt hearing over sealed custody report
In questioning Kimball about that footage, state prosecutor Sean McGuinness zeroed in on smoke that could be seen coming from a chimney at the home where Troconis was living with Dulos when his estranged wife went missing.
The jury had seen some of this video before, but this was the first time the chimney and smoke had been pointed out.
McGuinness asked Kimball if, in the three interviews Troconis did with investigators, she ever mentioned starting a fire that day — the Friday before Memorial Day weekend.
He said no.
According to weather reports, temperatures were in the high 60s to low 70s at about 7 p.m. that day.
“I don’t know too many people having a fire on a day like this,” McGuinness said.
Ned Gerard/Hearst Connecticut Media/Pool
Former Connecticut State Police Detective John Kimball returned to the stand Friday and first walked the jury through surveillance footage that showed a Jeep Cherokee and Chevrolet Suburban, which Troconis and her then-boyfriend, Fotis Dulos were allegedly driving on the day Jennifer Farber Dulos disappeared. (Ned Gerard/Hearst Connecticut Media/Pool)
Outside the courthouse Friday afternoon, Troconis’ defense attorney, Jon Schoenhorn, said that if the defense argues after the state rests its case, there “will be testimony that having fires is something she did regularly.”
Schoenhorn mentioned that Pawel Gumienny, an employee of Dulos’, testified earlier in the trial that he was helping Troconis bring up firewood to the house after Farber Dulos went missing and went on to say that the video of the fire was speculative.
Investigators did not search the home at 4 Jefferson Crossing until May 31.
“Whatever it is, whatever they are trying to claim from a couple of puffs of white smoke at various times on a very windy day again it is pure speculation just like a darkened figure riding a bicycle on Memorial Day weekend in the town of New Canaan,” Schoenhorn said, referencing surveillance video of a person in dark clothing riding a bike the morning of May 24.
Investigators allege that Dulos rode a bike to Farber Dulos’ home at 69 Welles Ave. in New Canaan, where he attacked her.
Kimball testified that smoke was seen coming out of the chimney on the east end of the house between 6:44 p.m. and 7:02 p.m., just before city surveillance cameras captured the couple driving along Albany Avenue in Hartford, where investigators allege Dulos was dumping evidence related to Farber Dulos’ disappearance.
Investigators tracked Dulos’ cell phone data to Albany Avenue, where surveillance video from Hartford’s city cameras shows Dulos driving his Ford F-150 Raptor and making stops to dump items into trash bins and a storm drain while Troconis drove in the passenger seat between 7:30 p.m. and 7:50 p.m.
Investigators combed through those trash bins and suctioned out the contents of the storm drain, finding altered license plates and blood-soaked clothes they believe Farber Dulos was wearing when she died. They also found zip ties, a box cutter, garbage bags, and other items, all with stains from a blood-like substance.
Troconis is charged with conspiring with Dulos to kill Farber Dulos, the mother of his five children with whom he was in the midst of a divorce and custody battle, and helping to cover up the crimes.
On June 2 and June 6, 2019, investigators interviewed Troconis about Farber Dulos’ disappearance. First at the New Canaan Police Department, then in her attorney’s office.
Lead detective testifies about discrepancies in Troconis’ timeline on day of Farber Dulos’ disappearance
The jury has seen video recordings of those two interviews, and on Friday saw part of her third interview, in which she admitted she hadn’t been entirely truthful during the first two.
“This is our third conversation and that’s two more conversations than most people have,” Kimball said at the start of the third and final interview on Aug. 13.
“We need you to be 100 percent honest,” said Connecticut State Police Det. Corey Clabby.
The detectives said that they wanted to give Troconis the chance to tell the truth and clarify some things.
“This really is an opportunity,” Kimball said.
He then asked Troconis: “Are you ready to admit that you weren’t 100% honest in the first two interviews?”
Troconis paused briefly, then said “Yes.”
In her earlier interviews, Troconis told investigators that on the morning Farber Dulos disappeared, she showered with Dulos. McGuinness asked Kimball about this while he was on the stand Friday. Kimball said that during the interview on June 2, 2019, Troconis indicated that “Fotis Dulos was there with her when she woke up, he entered the shower with her,” he said. And that she later saw him in his office.
But in August, she told investigators she did not see him until that afternoon.
“When you turned your alarm off in your bedroom, was Fotis there?” Clabby asked.
“No,” she replied.
“He was not there?” he clarified.
“No,” she said
“You didn’t take a shower with him?”
“No,” Troconis answered.
Ned Gerard/Hearst Connecticut Media/Pool
Former Connecticut State Police Detective John Kimball watches video of his questioning of Michelle Troconis as he testifies on Friday at Stamford Superior Court. (Ned Gerard/Hearst Connecticut Media/Pool)
In the video, Troconis went on to say she did not see him at all that morning.
“I didn’t see him in the room, in the shower, or the room, I didn’t,” she said. “I did not see him in the morning in the house.”
She said during the interview that maybe she had just assumed he was home.
“Back then I always thought he was in the house but thinking I never saw him, I never heard his voice. So obviously he wasn’t … probably he wasn’t in the house.”
Kimball on Friday also testified that on June 6, 2019, Troconis said she had not seen Dulos’ phone that morning. She thought Dulos had it with him, she’d said. But in the third interview, that changed.
“The defendant just indicated that she saw Mr. Dulos’ phone in the Fore Group office, correct?” Kimball asked after pausing the video of the interview.
“That’s correct,” Kimball said.
Later in the interview, Clabby pressed Troconis about the phone being left at home.
He asked her if she thought it was odd that Dulos left his phone at home “the day his wife goes missing” and urged her to tell the truth.
“There’s no way you just didn’t know,” he said.
Detectives then told Troconis that she was facing multiple years in prison.
“Help yourself and tell us what you know, because we all believe you know a lot more.”
During the part of the video the jury saw Friday, detectives also pointed out other inconsistencies in Troconis’ account of May 24.
In her June 2019 interviews, Kimball said Troconis never mentioned answering a call to Dulos’ phone that morning. But in the August 2019 interview, she described answering a call from Dulos’ friend in Greece — a call that investigators learned was prearranged at the urging of Kent Mawhinney, Dulos’ lawyer who is also charged as a co-conspirator in Farber Dulos’ death.
They also asked Troconis at length about whether she briefly had the keys to Gumienny’s Toyota Tacoma that afternoon. That truck has dominated a good portion of testimony in her trial, as investigators allege Dulos drove that truck to New Canaan and back on the day Farber Dulos went missing.
When Gumienny took the stand, he testified that he saw the keys to his Tacoma handing from the passenger door of his truck at 80 Mountain Spring Road that afternoon. He left for a few minutes, and when he came back with Dulos, the keys were gone. He said Dulos called Troconis and she brought the keys back. In the video shown Friday, Troconis admitted to having the keys but said they were in the Jeep she was driving.
Detectives told her they knew that was not true.
She stumbled over an answer but ultimately said she didn’t know how she had ended up with the Tacoma keys.
They also highlighted other details that Troconis did not tell detectives about in the first interviews, like how she picked Dulos up from a car wash in the days after Farber Dulos went missing.
Outside the presence of the jury Friday afternoon, attorneys went back and forth in a heated exchange regarding witnesses the defense is expected to call to the stand next week to testify about memory.
McGuinness raised concerns that the defense had not provided reports about the witnesses’ expected testimony.
The defense countered that the court would be denying Troconis her constitutional right to present a defense if they were prevented from calling those witnesses, as memory is “the sole basis of the defense.”
McGuinness said that because the defense had provided them with the witnesses’ lengthy resumes but not reports regarding their testimony, the state would not have enough time to prepare to cross-examine those witnesses.
“We’re going to get a report dumped on our lap on Monday night and we’re going to be expected to cross next week and it’s not fair,” McGuiness said.
Judge Kevin A. Randolph ruled that the defense will be required to send the court reports from the witnesses by midnight Friday.
Troconis’ trial is set to resume at 10 a.m. Tuesday after Monday’s Presidents’ Day holiday.
Connecticut
Opinion: CT needs a climate superfund, and it needs one now
The principle behind the Climate Superfund is simple: we must make fossil fuel companies pay for the climate damage they have created, rather than leaving those costs to our neighbors and families.
Without a Climate Superfund, Connecticut will continue to build financial burdens from climate change, including disaster relief, infrastructure repairs, and public health costs that will disproportionately impact low-income and vulnerable communities.
Critics of the Climate Superfund often raise the concern: won’t the fee to fossil fuel companies simply be passed along to residents in the form of higher energy bills? That’s an important question to address, and one that several economists have already answered.
As Nobel Prize–winning economist Joseph Stiglitz explained in a letter to New York’s governor, the Climate Superfund fee is based on companies’ past pollution, not their current production. That means it’s considered a fixed cost, which is something oil companies can’t simply pass on to consumers without risking their profits. In other words, this policy makes polluters pay their fair share for the damage they’ve already done without raising gas prices for the rest of us.
Additionally, the global prices of crude oil is set through supply and demand in a global market. Even large fossil fuel companies cannot raise pump prices in Connecticut without losing market competitiveness or incentivizing consumers to change behavior.
In New York, the Climate Superfund bill will raise $3 billion annually over 25 years without increasing energy costs to residents. When similar settlements have occurred, including the federal Superfund law for toxic waste, there was no evidence of increased costs for customers.
The Climate Superfund will advance clean, affordable energy in Connecticut. Many households, especially in low-income communities, already spend a disproportionately large share of their income on utilities. A superfund can increase the state’s capacity for financial aid, such as utility assistance to alleviate energy poverty. Additionally, if funds from the climate superfund are directed towards retrofits, weatherization, and clean heating technology in low-income communities, this could help lower long-term energy costs and reduce energy burdens.
The Climate Superfund should be designed to provide stronger governance in how funds should be spent including prioritized funding for environmental justice neighborhoods and community engagement in project selection. This helps advance “energy democracy,” where communities have a voice in how funds are spent and can shape their local energy systems.
Some communities in Connecticut are disproportionately impacted by sea-level rise, flooding, heat waves, and storm damage, including those communities with older infrastructure, coastal neighborhoods, and low-income populations. A Climate Superfund recognizes these inequities and seeks to remediate historic harms by directing resources to mitigation, adaptation, and resilience projects that keep people safe and help our communities thrive.
Opponents to the Climate Superfund believe that this is a tax that will impact consumers and businesses. However, these claims are based on the assumption that firms can freely pass these costs onto energy users. This has not been shown in existing superfund models.
Additionally, some critics argue that this bill is not constitutional since the government cannot retroactively charge companies after the fact. However, long-standing ‘polluter pays’ principles in U.S. law have been upheld in court, including the federal superfund law (CERCLA) that has followed this model for toxic waste sites since the 1980s. Additionally, the superfund is not a ‘punishment,’ but rather a cost recovery mechanism to fix public harms from climate damages, and it is proportional based on each company’s share of historic greenhouse gas emissions.
Connecticut is already paying for climate change through storm and flood costs, infrastructure damage, and public health impacts like asthma. These costs fall most heavily on taxpayers, especially households that already face high financial burdens.
The Climate Superfund provides an alternative to make polluters pay, not residents. If Connecticut acts now by passing this state legislation, we can build more climate-resilient towns and cities without increasing environmental burdens to those that can least afford them.
Join our efforts by signing our petition at act.sierraclub.org and urge our state leaders to pass a Climate Superfund.
Sydney Collins is an environmental activist in New Haven.
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Connecticut
CT officials focus on tax cuts as new election cycle starts
Republicans have staunchly defended unprecedented state efforts in recent years to shrink Connecticut’s massive legacy of pension debt, even though it’s leached billions from education, health care and other core programs in the process.
But the GOP has begun to modify that stance, willing to scale back that effort if — and only if — those dollars go back to middle-class households in the form of big tax cuts.
Citing high energy costs, inflation above federal targets and Congress cutting deeply into human services, Republicans say Connecticut families need more help badly now, but not through new state programs.
And with many Democrats already renewing their push for a new child-based income tax cut and the next state election less than 12 months away, the 2026 General Assembly session could be swamped with tax-cutting ideas.
GOP: CT households must benefit directly from big surpluses
“For my constituents, it’s about over-taxation,” House Minority Leader Vincent J. Candelora, R-North Branford, said during a floor debate last month. “We are seeing billions and billions of dollars flow into our coffers.”
The GOP leader was referring to the aggressive series of state budget caps that have generated unprecedented surpluses averaging more than $1.8 billion, or 8% to 9% of the General Fund, every year since 2017. About $4 billion from those bounties has been used to bolster budget reserves, but the bulk, about $10 billion, has been dedicated to whittling down the massive pension debt Connecticut amassed over seven decades prior to 2011.
The primary beneficiaries of those payments, Candelora said, involve tens of thousands of state employees, municipal teachers and retirees from those two fields.
“But what about the other 3.4 million people, the people that are telling us we can’t afford to continue to pay property taxes in the state of Connecticut?” he added. “I think we need to start looking at the people that are slipping into poverty, slipping into need, because everything in the state of Connecticut has become unaffordable.”
In late October, House Republicans called for a $700 increase in the state income tax credit that covers a portion of households’ municipal property tax bills.
With the potential to restore $500 million annually, all to the middle class, it would rival the 2023 income tax cuts ordered by Gov. Ned Lamont and the Democratic-controlled General Assembly for the most generous relief package in state history.
But it also would mean this fiscal year’s projected surplus — another big windfall projected at $2 billion — would be about 25% smaller. That means less to pay down pension debt, which still exceeds $33 billion, according to Lamont’s budget office, and isn’t projected to be eliminated until the mid-2040s.
But Candelora said Connecticut could afford a big tax cut and still make big annual inroads on its debt problem. The $10 billion in surplus funds its deposited into the pensions since 2020 were in addition to the more than $3 billion in required payments Connecticut makes annually through regular budgeting. Prior to 2020, Connecticut never had contributed surplus to its pensions.
And since Lamont and his fellow Democrats in the legislature already have diverted some funds away from surplus and into new spending, why couldn’t Republicans deflect some to cut taxes on households in need, the North Branford lawmaker added.
Lamont and Democrats dedicated $300 million from last fiscal year’s surplus to launch a new program to expand affordable child care. That initiative also has a claim on a portion of future surpluses.
And despite repeated warnings that Medicaid costs were exploding, Democrats underfunded the program by $284 million last fiscal year, effectively leaving the problem to be solved using surplus dollars.
“I think I’ve been dragged into this conversation unwillingly by the Democrats,” Candelora added.
House Republicans likely won’t be alone in supporting tax cuts.
Senate Minority Leader Stephen Harding, R-Brookfield, has “serious concerns” about redirecting any funds away from paying down a pension debt, but “if we’re going to do anything [else] with those funds … it needs to be returned to [households] in the form of tax relief.”
The GOP’s two gubernatorial contenders, former New Britain Mayor Erin Stewart and state Sen. Ryan Fazio of Greenwich, both agreed Connecticut can help its middle class and save diligently to reduce debt.
Given the huge budget surpluses Connecticut has reported since 2017, “it’s hard to not ask the question: Are we being overtaxed?” Stewart said.
And while she praised the bipartisan legislative effort eight years ago that helped Connecticut save more, stop tax hikes, and begin reducing debt, the former mayor added it’s still too expensive for many to live here.
“I see that every day,” she added. “Often times, both parents are working and they’re just scrounging by.”
“At some point, middle-class taxpayers are the forgotten people of Connecticut,” Fazio said, adding relief would provide an economic assist as well. “All the evidence suggests that income tax cuts spur more economic growth than other forms of tax cuts.”
Democrats have their own tax-cutting ideas
Republicans also won’t be the only ones putting tax-cut proposals on the table.
Many progressive and moderate Democrats in the General Assembly have been pushing for the past four years to create a permanent state income tax credit for low- and middle-income households with children.
The most popular plan, raised back in 2021 by then-Rep. Sean Scanlon, a Guilford Democrat who now serves as state comptroller, would provide $600 per child, up to $1,800 per household.
The United Way of Connecticut, another leader in the fight for a state child tax credit, vowed to continue the battle in September when it released its latest affordability analysis, showing a record-high 581,000 Connecticut households, about 40%, couldn’t afford a basic “survival” budget.
The United Way estimates it cost a family of four — two parents and two children — $116,000 to cover basic survival needs, including food, housing, utilities, child and health care and transportation in 2023.
Lamont’s budget spokesman, Chris Collibee, said the governor “will listen to any ideas that reduce taxes, increase taxpayers and make our state a more attractive place to live and work.”
Rep. Maria Horn, D-Salisbury, co-chairwoman of the tax-writing Finance, Revenue and Bonding Committee, said this week she anticipates many state tax relief proposals aimed at the middle class in the next session, especially since the GOP-led Congress focused the bulk of federal tax cuts it ordered last July on the nation’s wealthiest households.
“That creates a structure where the very wealthy are receiving a tax benefit and the middle and less privileged classes are not,” she said.
Can CT afford to cut taxes and bolster human services?
But both Horn and House Speaker Matt Ritter, D-Hartford, warn frequently that any tax cuts must be sustainable. In other words, don’t promise so much relief it must be scaled back one year later if the economy slips.
And state legislators are more worried about budget stability now than perhaps any other time since they installed new caps eight years ago. That’s because Congress ordered more than $1 trillion in cuts to Medicaid and other human service programs to help finance federal tax relief.
Connecticut expects to lose hundreds of millions of dollars in annual federal assistance, although the bulk of those cutbacks likely won’t take effect until 2027 or 2028.
Rep. Josh Elliott of Hamden, a progressive who is challenging Lamont for the 2026 Democratic gubernatorial nomination, said many lawmakers still want to put more dollars directly into working families’ hands.
But Elliott, a founder of the legislature’s Tax Equity Caucus, added tax relief is a good tool — but not the only one — to help families.
It does a family little good to save $700 on state income taxes if Connecticut cuts municipal aid so much that same household faces an $800 increase in town property taxes.
Similarly, it state budget policies drive up community college tuition, slash rental and winter energy assistance and ignore rising health insurance costs, then tax cuts help little or not at all.
“It’s not one or the other,” Elliott said. “It seems that there’s a hypocrisy on the part of the Republicans that they are only willing to affect [costs] with tax cuts.”
Connecticut
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