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When will emerging stocks finally emerge?

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When will emerging stocks finally emerge?

Many things have changed since I began as a fund manager in 1995. My bosses flew Concorde and we could smoke at our desks after 6pm as we pondered what to buy with our car allowance.

But so much more has stayed the same. When it comes to investing, US companies still trump all comers. Europe muddles along, as ever. And of course a new century dominated by emerging nations is due any second now.

When I say “just around the next corner” my children immediately assume the pub is miles away. So how anyone has managed to keep a straight face selling emerging market equities is one of the mysteries of finance.

Aside from a seven-year stretch beginning in 2002, developed market stocks have trounced them pretty much my whole career. So relentlessly dire have relative returns been, especially post-financial crisis, that when the word “emerging” is spoken, all I hear is a gurgling noise.

My ears have unblocked recently, however. First, because I’m conscious that beyond Asia and India my portfolio doesn’t have a penny in another emerging market (as defined by MSCI).

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No Latin America, Africa, nor all those places in central Europe you backpacked through after the Berlin Wall came down because they were basically free. That’s 15 per cent of the world’s 70,000 public companies, according to my Capital IQ database.

Second, I’m a contrarian. Global inflows into emerging market funds since January are 30 per cent down on this point last year, according to LSEG Lipper estimates, which in turn were two-thirds lower than 2021.

Then on Monday along comes Ruchir Sharma, chair of Rockefeller International, who wrote in this newspaper that “a major comeback is under way” and investors have “yet to respond”. He was persuasive.

To summarise, emerging economies are outpacing developed-world ones on an output per capita basis and no longer just because of China. Earnings are expanding faster, too — as are margins. All positive stuff, he said.

Sharma also reminded us that many western countries are heavily debt dependent, with expensive stocks to boot. Emerging economies in aggregate are less stretched. Likewise, their stock markets trade at deep discounts to developed equities.

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And yet and yet. The problem for me is that I remember reading such arguments back when I was wearing pinstripe suits (no belt, obviously) and Hermès ties. The buy-pitch never seems to change. 

Emerging nations have young and fast-growing populations! They want to buy more things! Companies are cheap and less reliant on dollar funding! Governments are reforming! The west’s apogee has passed!

So why haven’t these obvious facts — as true as when you could fly from London to New York in 3.5 hours as they are today — translated into emerging stocks outperforming old-world bourses?

They still might. But I fear the likes of Sharma misread the runes. Take the statistic that from next year more than 80 per cent of emerging nations will have output per capita growth exceeding that of the US — up from about half in the period between 2020 and 2024.

Sounds good apart from the fact this level was also reached in the first 15 years of this millennium, when emerging markets only outperformed their developed cousins for less than half the period. That’s also a quarter century of no relative progress.

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Meanwhile, median US household real income fell from $67,650 in 1999 to $63,350 in 2012 and real wages did nothing but move sideways. Over these years, however, the S&P 500 rose a fifth, a period which includes the dotcom bust and financial crisis.

Clearly there is more to equity prices than money in pockets — a point I have made often in this column. The mistake is equating volumes and value. Top line growth does not guarantee superior shareholder returns.

It doesn’t even guarantee rising profits. Think of what happens when demand surges for a product or service in Nigeria or Brazil (or anywhere for that matter). Capital flows in, competition increases, returns moderate.

And even that assumes all companies are trying to maximise their returns on capital. Often, bosses are more interested in empire building, market share, or paying themselves more. In many emerging markets, holders of equity are far down any priority list.

Another big mistake I think believers in emerging markets often make is also ubiquitous, but they make it with bells and sparkles on. And that is to forget that current prices discount the future many years and decades out.

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My pet crocodile knows that power, influence and wealth are shifting south and eastward — as my colleague Janan Ganesh reiterated in his column on Tuesday. The stats are clear. Demography is destiny.

Thus, the emerging world’s golden century is already reflected in prices to a large extent. Nor are valuations any more attractive just because they are at least 35 per cent lower on a forward price-to-earnings basis, say, than the developed world’s. Such claims are simplistic and mislead absolute investors, those focused on making money, as opposed to institutional investors more concerned with relative returns against a benchmark.

It’s not just that the MSCI world index, for example, is crammed full of insanely expensive technology stocks (the US now makes up 72 per cent of this index and IT a quarter), making any claim to be cheaper somewhat, er, rich.

The MSCI emerging markets index is itself skewed by a 25 per cent weighting to China which, due to an imploding real estate sector among other reasons, has a forward price/earnings ratio of nine times — flattering comparisons still further.

In other words, it is perfectly possible that the valuation discount between emerging and developing market stocks will narrow, but owners of the former still incur losses. Not good: investors such as me are not playing a relative game.

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If emerging equities are a bargain relative to history and their own fundamentals, however, that’s different. I will be exploring this next week.

The author is a former portfolio manager. Email: stuart.kirk@ft.com; Twitter: @stuartkirk__

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Brass bands in Beijing make way for sticker shock at home as Trump returns to escalating inflation

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Brass bands in Beijing make way for sticker shock at home as Trump returns to escalating inflation

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump returned from the spectacle of a Chinese state visit to a less than welcoming U.S. economy — with the military band and garden tour in Beijing giving way to pressure over how to fix America’s escalating inflation rate.

Consumer inflation in the United States increased to 3.8% annually in April, higher than what he inherited as the Iran war and the Republican president’s own tariffs have pushed up prices. Inflation is now outpacing wage gains and effectively making workers poorer. The Cleveland Federal Reserve estimates that annual inflation could reach 4.2% in May as the war has kept oil and gasoline prices high.

Trump’s time with Chinese leader Xi Jinping appears unlikely to help the U.S. economy much, despite Trump’s claims of coming trade deals. The trip occurred as many people are voting in primaries leading into the November general election while having to absorb the rising costs of gasoline, groceries, utility bills, jewelry, women’s clothing, airplane tickets and delivery services. Democrats see the moment as a political opportunity.

“He’s returning to a dumpster fire,” said Lindsay Owens, executive director of Groundwork Collaborative, a liberal think tank focused on economic issues. “The president will not have the faith and confidence of the American people — the economy is their top issue and the president is saying, ‘You’re on your own.’”

The president’s trip to Beijing and his recent comments that indicated a tone-deafness to voters’ concerns about rising prices have suggested his focus is not on the American public and have undermined Republicans who had intended to campaign on last year’s tax cuts as helping families.

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Trump described the trip as a victory, saying on social media that Xi “congratulated me on so many tremendous successes,” as the U.S. president has praised their relationship.

Trump told reporters that Boeing would be selling 200 aircraft — and maybe even 750 “if they do a good job” — to the Chinese. He said American farmers would be “very happy” because China would be “buying billions of dollars of soybeans.”

“We had an amazing time,” Trump said as he flew home on Air Force One, and told Fox News’ Bret Baier in an interview that gasoline prices were just some “short-term pain” and would “drop like a rock” once the war ends.

Inflationary pain is not a factor in how Trump handles Iran

Trump departed from the White House for China by saying the negotiations over the Iran war depended on stopping Tehran from developing nuclear weapons. “I don’t think about Americans’ financial situation. I don’t think about anybody. I think about one thing: We cannot let Iran have a nuclear weapon,” Trump said.

That remark prompted blowback because it suggested to some that Trump cared more about challenging Iran than fighting inflation at home. Trump defended his words, telling Fox News: “That’s a perfect statement. I’d make it again.”

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The White House has since stressed that Trump is focused on inflation.

Asked later about the president’s words, Vice President JD Vance said there had been a “misrepresentation” of the remarks. White House spokesman Kush Desai said the “administration remains laser-focused on delivering growth and affordability on the homefront” while indicating actions would be taken on grocery prices.

But as Trump appeared alongside Xi, new reports back home showed inflation rising for businesses and interest rates climbing on U.S. government debt.

His comments that Boeing would sell 200 jets to China caused the company’s stock price to fall because investors had expected a larger number. There was little concrete information offered about any trade agreements reached during the summit, including Chinese purchases of U.S. exports such as liquefied natural gas and beef.

“Foreign policy wins can matter politically, but only if voters feel stability and affordability in their daily lives,” said Brittany Martinez, a former Republican congressional aide who is the executive director of Principles First, a center-right advocacy group focused on democracy issues.

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“Midterms are almost always a referendum on cost of living and public frustration, and Republicans are not immune from the same inflation and affordability pressures that hurt Democrats in recent cycles,” she added.

Democrats see Trump as vulnerable

Democratic lawmakers are seizing on Trump’s comments before his trip as proof of his indifference to lowering costs. There is potential staying power of his remarks as Americans head into Memorial Day weekend facing rising prices for the hamburgers and hot dogs to be grilled.

“What Americans do not see is any sympathy, any support, or any plan from Trump and congressional Republicans to lower costs – in fact, they see the opposite,” Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer of New York said Thursday.

Vance faulted the Biden administration for the inflation problem even though the inflation rate is now higher than it was when Trump returned to the White House in January 2025 with a specific mandate to fix it.

“The inflation number last month was not great,” Vance said Wednesday, but he then stressed, “We’re not seeing anything like what we saw under the Biden administration.”

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Inflation peaked at 9.1% in June 2022 under Biden, a Democrat. By the time Trump took the oath of office, it was a far more modest 3%.

Trump’s inflation challenge could get harder

The data tells a different story as higher inflation is spreading into the cost of servicing the national debt.

Over the past week, the interest rate charged on 10-year U.S. government debt jumped from 4.36% to 4.6%, an increase that implies higher costs for auto loans and mortgages.

“My fear is that the layers of supply shocks that are affecting the U.S. economy will only further feed into inflationary pressures,” said Gregory Daco, chief economist at EY-Parthenon.

Daco noted that last year’s tariff increases were now translating into higher clothing prices. With the Supreme Court ruling against Trump’s ability to impose tariffs by declaring an economic emergency, his administration is preparing a new set of import taxes for this summer.

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Daco stressed that there have been a series of supply shocks. First, tariffs cut into the supply of imports. In addition, Trump’s immigration crackdown cut into the supply of foreign-born workers. Now, the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz has cut off the vital waterway used to ship 20% of global oil supplies.

“We’re seeing an erosion of growth,” Daco said.

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Top Drug Regulator Is Fired From the F.D.A.

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Top Drug Regulator Is Fired From the F.D.A.

Dr. Tracy Beth Hoeg, the Food and Drug Administration’s top drug regulator, said she was fired from the agency Friday after she declined to resign.

She said she did not know who had ordered her firing or why, nor whether Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. knew of her fate. The Department of Health and Human Services did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

The departure reflected the upheaval at the F.D.A., days after the resignation of Dr. Marty Makary, the agency commissioner. Dr. Makary had become a lightning rod for critics of the agency’s decisions to reject applications for rare disease drugs and to delay a report meant to supply damaging evidence about the abortion drug mifepristone. He also spent months before his departure pushing back on the White House’s requests for him to approve more flavored vapes, the reason he ultimately cited for leaving.

Dr. Hoeg’s hiring had startled public health leaders who were familiar with her track record as a vaccine skeptic, and she played a leading role in some of the agency’s most divisive efforts during her tenure. She worked on a report that purportedly linked the deaths of children and young adults to Covid vaccines, a dossier the agency has not released publicly. She was also the co-author of a document describing Mr. Kennedy’s decision to pare the recommendations for 17 childhood vaccines down to 11.

But in an interview on Friday, Dr. Hoeg said she “stuck with the science.”

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“I am incredibly proud of the work we were doing,” Dr. Hoeg said, adding, “I’m glad that we didn’t give in to any pressures to approve drugs when it wasn’t appropriate.”

As the director of the agency’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research, she was a political appointee in a role that had been previously occupied by career officials. An epidemiologist who was trained in the United States and Denmark, she worked on efforts to analyze drug safety and on a panel to discuss the use of serotonin reuptake inhibitors, the most widely prescribed class of antidepressants, during pregnancy. She also worked on efforts to reduce animal testing and was the agency’s liaison to an influential vaccine committee.

She made sure that her teams approved drugs only when the risk-benefit balance was favorable, she said.

The firing worsens the leadership vacuum at the F.D.A. and other agencies, with temporary leaders filling the role of commissioner, food chief and the head of the biologics center, which oversees vaccines and gene therapies. The roles of surgeon general and director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are also unfilled.

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Supreme Court is death knell for Virginia’s Democratic-friendly congressional maps

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Supreme Court is death knell for Virginia’s Democratic-friendly congressional maps

The U.S. Supreme Court

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Andrew Harnik/Getty Images

The U.S. Supreme Court refused Friday to allow Virginia to use a new congressional map that favored Democrats in all but one of the state’s U.S. House seats. The map was a key part of Democrats’ effort to counter the Republican redistricting wave set off by President Trump.

The new map was drawn by Democrats and approved by Virginia voters in an April referendum. But on May 8, the Supreme Court of Virginia in a 4-to-3 vote declared the referendum, and by extension the new map, null and void because lawmakers failed to follow the proper procedures to get the issue on the ballot, violating the state constitution.

Virginia Democrats and the state’s attorney general then appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, seeking to put into effect the map approved by the voters, which yields four more likely Democratic congressional seats. In their emergency application, they argued the Virginia Supreme Court was “deeply mistaken” in its decision on “critical issues of federal law with profound practical importance to the Nation.” Further, they asserted the decision “overrode the will of the people” by ordering Virginia to “conduct its election with the congressional districts that the people rejected.”

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Republican legislators countered that it would be improper for the U.S. Supreme Court to wade into a purely state law controversy — especially since the Democrats had not raised any federal claims in the lower court.

Ultimately, the U.S. Supreme Court sided with Republicans without explanation leaving in place the state court ruling that voided the Democratic-friendly maps.

The court’s decision not to intervene was its latest in emergency requests for intervention on redistricting issues. In December, the high court OK’d Texas using a gerrymandered map that could help the GOP win five more seats in the U.S. House. In February, the court allowed California to use a voter-approved, Democratic-friendly map, adopted to offset Texas’s map. Then in March, the U.S. Supreme Court blocked the redrawing of a New York map expected to flip a Republican congressional district Democratic.

And perhaps most importantly, in April, the high court ruled that a Louisiana congressional map was a racial gerrymander and must be redrawn. That decision immediately set off a flurry of redistricting efforts, particularly in the South, where Republican legislators immediately began redrawing congressional maps to eliminate long established majority Black and Hispanic districts.

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