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Way off the beaten track in Brazil’s diamond country

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Way off the beaten track in Brazil’s diamond country

Rain pummelled the roof of my tent, the sound mingling with the thunder of a nearby waterfall. After 10 days on the trail I had no clothes that weren’t damp and stinking. Ticks and mosquitoes had besieged my arms and legs. I lay in the dripping dark, wondering how it had come to this. Once upon a time, luxury travel was about gold taps and chocolates on the pillow. Of course, the genre has widened to include ever more exclusive and unusual experiences — but physical discomfort and insect bites were never part of the equation. 

I first encountered Gift of Go through its sprawling, lavishly illustrated website, which pitched the company as something of an antidote to a travel industry dedicated to commodifying adventure. Rather than selling “carefully crafted authenticity and readily collectible ‘once-in-a-lifetime’ experiences” this new company promised “true stories” and “the most compelling journeys on earth” — albeit at sky-high prices.

Paul Richardson and co-founder of Gift of Go Elisa Oliveira, centre, with some of the horsemen at a chapel in the village of Macacos © Eddie Lott

Gift of Go is the creation of Eddie Lott, 43, a Texan, and his wife Elisa Oliveira, 32, travel-industry newcomers based in the small town of Diamantina in northern Minas Gerais. Launched this year after three years of research and planning, the company’s trips include a 28-day expedition on foot and horseback in Brazil’s Serra do Espinhaço — a vast and little-visited mountain wilderness in the former diamond-mining region of Minas Gerais. Guests camp or stay in village houses, and pay a very luxurious-sounding $2,000 per person, per day, for the privilege.  

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Towards the end of 2023 I interviewed the couple several times by Zoom. Little did I know that in fact it was me who was being assessed — for my state of health, level of trekking experience, and general suitability to join them as a guinea pig on a condensed version of their 28-day trip, entitled “Diamonds/Wild Tales + Lost Trails”. Condensed it might be, but it was still a two-week journey through some very tough terrain indeed. 

Then the packing list arrived. It spoke volumes, but also opened up whole new vistas of doubt and trepidation. Sleeping mats, headlamps and heavy-duty bug sprays were all required. Clothes were to be soaked in liquid permethrin, a powerful insect repellent, to ward off ticks. Much of the modern language of hiking gear was foreign to me, but there were words even I could recognise — like “snakes”. A pair of wraparound gaiters for protection against the region’s venomous serpents, which tend to attack at shin-level, was apparently essential.  

I flew in to São Paulo and took a connecting flight to Belo Horizonte, state capital of Minas Gerais, where Lott and Oliveira picked me up for the four-hour drive north to Diamantina. For 200 years during the Portuguese colonial era this small town was a global centre of the diamond trade. The rivers of northern Minas were dredged for gold and precious stones using slave labour, these riches being funnelled directly into the coffers of the Portuguese crown. With the final decline of the local diamond trade in the late 20th century, the region fell into grinding rural poverty and chronic depopulation.

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A view of a vast green landscape and a distant mountain
The peak of Itambé as seen from Pico do Raio, with the landscape of the cerrado in between © Eddie Lott
A trail of two tyre tracks leading down a hill into the distance
A dirt track in the Serra do Espinhaço
A ball-shaped flower formed of thousands of stems with small white heads
A paepalanthus, emblematic flower of the Serra do Espinhaço © Eddie Lott

What remains is its huge and almost entirely unexploited natural landscape. Today the conservation areas of the Serra do Espinhaço include a national park, various state parks and other reserves, adding up to more than 150,000ha of protected land. Our great trek’s (very roughly) circular route would take us south and east out of Diamantina into the back country along the Jequitinhonha river valley, moving up into the highlands of Rio Preto State Park and plunging into the immensity of Sempre Vivas National Park before looping back towards Diamantina and civilisation. This was, explained Lott, not only among the most sparsely populated regions anywhere in Brazil, but had almost no tourist infrastructure either.

Early on an April morning we left São Gonçalo do Rio das Pedras, a low-rise colonial village where a rustic pousada would be the last conventional accommodation I’d be seeing for a while, heading into wide-open country where white sand trails once used by mule-riding tropeiros (commercial travellers) meandered between rocky uplands. Accompanying us was Julio Brabo, a local geologist, geographer and trail guide with a wide-ranging knowledge of the Serra do Espinhaço in all its grandeur and complexity. Understanding these surroundings meant learning from Brabo about the various biomes we’d be traversing, such as mata atlântica, the broadleaved forest typical of southern and eastern Brazil, and cerrado, a rocky savannah of tremendous biodiversity. 

After a long wet summer a blazing sun had kick-started the Serra into exuberant life. The cerrado was exploding in blasts of purple, yellow, white, and Barbie pink. By the side of the trail lay a bunch of small white sempre-viva flowers with a button-like shape and long thin stems, seemingly left there to dry. Sempre-viva is highly valued by the international floristry trade, said Brabo, and gathering the flowers provides a source of revenue for the hardscrabble rural communities on the outer edges of the Serra.

Water tumbles off the side of a cliff sending white spray into the air
One of the many hidden waterfalls in Sempre Vivas National Park © Eddie Lott
Men sit drinking around a camp fire in the dark
Julio Brabo, a geologist and trail guide with a wide-ranging knowledge of the Serra do Espinhaço, with some locals
A coffee cup and a flask perched on a rock
Coffee served in a cave used by flower-pickers © Eddie Lott

Our walking fell into a quick, steady rhythm. The four of us moved ahead in single file, scrambling up rough hillsides of quartzite rock, fording streams and picking through boggy meadows. As we went, Lott told me tales of his days as a backpacking wanderer in Central and South America, his recycling business in Dallas, Texas, and his career as a singer-songwriter (his 2015 album “Blame It On My Wild Soul” is still streaming on Spotify). Oliveira, an architect by training, was born and raised in Minas Gerais.

Lott had driven through the region in 2013 and, when he stopped at a gas station, took a photo of the lush green surroundings. When the image popped up as an automated “memory” on his phone a few years later, he decided to return to explore. “That was the start of my relationship with the Espinhaço,” he says. “It was hard going, but amazing and beautiful. It was so remote. And best of all, there was nobody here.”


From the top of Pico do Raio at 1,405 metres, massive views stretched to a bluish horizon. The silence up here was deep and viscous. Flocks of yellow and black swallowtail butterflies fluttered ecstatically around the summit. After a hard climb my breath came in gasps, my heart thumping over billows of nausea. If this was described in the itinerary as an “easy” 25km day, I reflected nervously, how on earth would I cope with a difficult one?

A man sits at the wheel of a van
Gift of Go’s support vehicle, a 1989 Toyota Bandeirante, with driver Natanael ‘Xaxau’ Nardis © Eddie Lott

The answer would come soon enough. Out in this untrammelled wilderness there would be moments of exhaustion, but also of exhilaration, such as I’d never known in a lifetime of travel. Some nights we slept in tents in forest clearings or on white-sand river beaches. Other times our lodgings were dirt-floored adobe houses in remote hamlets. Especially when the going got tough, I privately wondered about Gift of Go’s business model and its potential clientele — both willing and able to take on this spartan travel regime, and happy to pay for it to the tune of $2000 a day, or even more for the bespoke trips on offer. For many years Lott had had in mind the idea of offering “transformative journeys” in off-the-map places. The course he took at the Boulder Outdoor Survival School (BOSS), a survival-skills centre in the Utah desert where he shared water rations with multi-millionaire executives, suggested there might be a niche market for this kind of hardcore adventure tourism.

Day five was a 31k monster. After reveille at 4am and a breakfast of sweet black coffee and biscuits, we set off along a valley where giant mango trees stood like oaks and humpbacked cattle grazed the verdant meadows. Grey crags in phantasmagorical, eroded forms thrust themselves out of the landscape; up ahead loomed the forbidding, flat-topped peak of Itambé (2052 metres).

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“Where in Europe does this scene remind you of?” asked Lott. I racked my brain, but his question went unanswered. Everything here was new and strange; nothing lay within my frame of reference.

A view down a sloping rock face towards hills and a sunset
Sunset at the Santa Bárbara waterfall © Eddie Lott
Riding gear hanging on nails on the wall of a shed, with bound flowers
Still-life at a remote farm, with drying sempre-viva flowers
A couple stand in the bright-green frame of a window of their home
Santos and Maria Conceiçao, at their home in Bica d’Agua, a stop enroute © Eddie Lott

A rushing sound in the distance might be one of two things: a breeze blowing through the waving indaiá palms, or a fast-flowing river with waters whose natural tannins stained them the colour of Coca-Cola. Sometimes we’d stop beside one of these rivers to sling off our backpacks, fill up our water bottles, and nibble on Brazilian trail food like banana bars and biscoitinho, a weirdly addictive tapioca puff.

Dusk was falling when we pitched up at the house of Santos Evaristo and Maria da Conceiçao Aguiar, an elderly couple belonging to the Espinhaço’s ever-decreasing population of subsistence farmers. From the valley bottom came the rumble of a waterfall. At the farmhouse Maria bustled barefoot around her earth-floored kitchen. On a wood-fired range sat bubbling pans of frango caipira (chicken stew), costelinha (braised pork ribs), fried okra, beans, and the polenta-like maize porridge angú — the ribsticking repertoire of traditional mineiro cooking. Ravenous with hunger, we piled our tin plates high while Santos, wearing a battered cowboy hat and a grizzled moustache, handed round jam jars full of home-made cachaça.

Men try to free a jeep tilted sideways in a gully
The back-up Bandeirante, a 1989 Toyota 4×4 with a Mercedes engine, gets stuck in the mud in Sempre Vivas National Park © Eddie Lott
A man cuts his way through dense growth
Eddie Lott in bushwhacking mode in Sempre Vivas National Park © Eddie Lott

We would need all the sustenance we could get. Jewel in the crown of northern Minas’ conservation areas is the mighty Sempre Vivas National Park, which covers an area the size of Los Angeles but whose inhabitants could be counted (said Lott) on the fingers of two hands. It was here, I found, that the demands of the trek were at their harshest. In the taquaral, a dense bamboo forest at the heart of the park, the trails had grown over and Lott began bushwhacking to left and right with a machete like a real-life Indiana Jones. Careful with the unha de gato, said Oliveira: the fearful spines of the “cat’s claw” creeper can rip your flesh open. Despite the permethrin, clumps of tiny ticks had begun to appear around my waist and thighs.

Unlike the usual run of high-end adventure operators, Gift of Go doesn’t do glamping, Aman-style luxe-in-the-middle-of-nowhere, or surprise-and-delight dinners with white linen tablecloths in stunning locations. (Though Lott’s veggie risotto, cooked on a calor-gas burner poised on a boulder, wasn’t bad at all.) Bathing possibilities were reduced (or increased) to a dip in the river. Toilet facilities involved wandering a discreet distance from the camp with a trowel in hand, keeping a weather eye out for snakes.

Two men walk along a trail some distance apart. A cow stands at the side of the road
Walking along a hidden valley on day three © Eddie Lott
Water runs down the side of rocks into a dark green pool
A remote waterfall in Pico do Itambé State Park © Eddie Lott

Yet there were many compensations. Various sections of the trek were undertaken on mules and horses provided by local cowboys, and one evening we made a memorable four-hour descent from the high plains of Sempre Vivas to the village of Curimataí, my sure-footed mule picking its way down a perilous stony gorge under a refulgent moon.   

Another great pay-off was chasing waterfalls. The Serra do Espinhaço is prodigal in the number and magnificence of its cachoeiras or waterfalls, some of which are so inaccessible they may not have been visited for years. At one nameless wonder, reached by a tortuous trail through thick scrub, we clambered down to lounge at the base of the falls, awestruck by the water’s howling roar and the savage beauty of this lost world.

In the mud-spattered settlement of Quartéis we spent our last night on the fringes of the Espinhaço. In our two weeks of tramping the trails of the Serra, extraordinary as it seemed, we’d seen not a single fellow traveller. This was the land that not only time, but also tourism, had forgotten.

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We stumbled back into Diamantina on a Saturday night when the town was brimful of visitors for the Vesperata, a festival with local bandsmen playing from the balconies. Feeling out of place in our sweaty, grimy clothes, we wandered the cobbled streets, thinking how overdressed and overfed these party people looked and how the Espinhaço’s ragged, rugged wilderness already seemed half a world away.

A large crowd gather in a square lit at night, listening to and dancing to music
The Vesperata music festival in Diamantina © Eddie Lott

I would miss our little gang of four. Lott and Oliveira plan to maintain the intimate, hands-on vibe of their fledgling company, guiding the trips in person and keeping guest numbers down to a single individual or small group. But what about the price? Is this simply a company selling backpacking to the very well-off? While admitting the rates might be “uncommon”, Lott argues they are fair given the client/staff ratio and remote locations. Each trip has five full-time staff and between five and 15 more part-time helpers, horsemen, cooks and so on. “Each one is highly personalised and crafted — and we only guide very few per year.” For Gift of Go’s next phase he is turning his attention to two more of the world’s untouristed places: the Darién Gap on the Panama/Colombia border, and the lonely deserts of Big Bend Country where in south west Texas bumps up against northern Mexico. 

Certainly this trek in the Brazilian highlands had been unlike any journey I’d undertaken. The challenges it posed had left me tired and four kilos lighter than when I’d started, but there was also a deep satisfaction and a new confidence in my capacity for physical endurance. I thought of those Shakespeare plays where characters go into a wood and emerge lightly bruised by their adventures, but permanently wiser.

Paul Richardson was a guest of Gift of Go (thegiftofgo.com)

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Bus riders to Montgomery retrace old steps while fighting a new fight

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Bus riders to Montgomery retrace old steps while fighting a new fight

A man sings a spirtual song during a voting rally, Saturday, May 16, 2026, in Montgomery, Ala.

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MONTGOMERY, Ala.— In 1965, Black Americans peacefully demonstrated for voting rights and were beaten by Alabama state troopers before returning two weeks later to complete their march under federal protection. Keith Odom was a toddler then.

Now 62 years old, the union man and grandfather of three retraced some of their final steps. On Saturday, he came from Aiken, South Carolina, to Atlanta, where he joined several dozen other activists on two buses to Montgomery, Alabama. A few hours later, he stepped off his bus and onto Dexter Avenue, where the original march concluded.

“The history here — being a part of it, seeing it, feeling it,” said Odom, who is Black.

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His voice trailed off as he saw the Alabama Capitol and a stage that sat roughly where the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. concluded the original march.

Odom lamented that he and his fellow bus riders were not simply commemorating that seminal day in the Civil Rights Movement. Instead they came to renew the fight. The 1965 effort helped push Congress to send the Voting Rights Act to Democratic President Lyndon B. Johnson to sign, securing and expanding political power for Black and other nonwhite voters for more than a half-century.

Saturday’s “All Roads Lead to the South” rally was the first mass organizing response after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling that severely diminished that landmark law. Striking down a majority Black congressional district in Louisiana, the justices concluded in a 6-3 ruling that considering race when drawing political lines is in itself discriminatory. That spurred multiple states, including Alabama, to redraw U.S. House districts in ways that make it harder for Black voters, who lean overwhelmingly Democratic, to elect lawmakers of their choice.

“I’m not trying to live a life that’s going backwards,” Odom said. “I want to go forward, for my grandchildren to be able to go forward.”

Keith Odom, a forklift driver from Aiken, S.C., looks out from his bus seat as he arrives in Montgomery, Ala., for a voting rights rally Saturday, May 16, 2026.

Keith Odom, a forklift driver from Aiken, S.C., looks out from his bus seat as he arrives in Montgomery, Ala., for a voting rights rally Saturday, May 16, 2026.

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An old political battle is new again

The passenger rosters and the scene when riders arrived in Montgomery sounded the echoes and rhymes of past and present.

“I talked to my grandmother before I came, and she was so excited,” said Justice Washington, a Kennesaw State University student named because her mother and grandmother had faith in the American system. “My grandmother told me she did her part, and now it’s time for me to do mine.”

No one on the Atlanta buses had reached voting age when the Voting Rights Act became law. The youngest attendee was born as Democrat Barack Obama was elected the first Black president in 2008.

Kobe Chernushin is 18, white and just graduated high school in Atlanta’s northern suburbs. He is an organizer with the Georgia Youth Justice Coalition and spent the day filming Khayla Doby, a 29-year-old executive for the organization, doing standups for the group’s followers on social media.

“I believe in the power of showing up,” he said.

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The buses launched from the congressional district in Georgia once represented by John Lewis, bloodied on the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Alabama, when he was 25. Lewis died in 2020, but some on the buses Saturday celebrated that a proposed federal election overhaul is named for him. If some Democrats get their way, the bill would override the U.S. Supreme Court, reinvigorate the Voting Rights Act and outlaw the kind of gerrymandering competition that Republican President Donald Trump has instigated.

“I’m here because of the same forces that pulled on John Lewis when he was a student,” said Darrin Owens, 27. He has worked for former Vice President Kamala Harris and now trains Democratic candidates.

“Political activism is personal,” Owens said, explaining that he attended Saturday as a citizen, not a political professional. “Sometimes those lines are blurred, and as a Black person in America, a Black person living in a Southern state, I’m committed to action that stops what I consider to be un-American, this possibility that the person who represents me is someone who is not from my community and does not understand me or my community.”

When he arrived, Owens saw no federal authorities on Montgomery’s streets. A wounded, recovering Lewis did during the second march in 1965.

This time many of the Alabama troopers and local officers who walked the area were Black.

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The buses and sandwich lunches had been arranged by Fair Fight Action, a legacy of the political network built by Georgia Democrat Stacey Abrams, who became a national figure in her unsuccessful runs in 2018 and 2022 to become the first Black woman elected governor in U.S. history. No Black woman has yet achieved that feat.

Bee Nguyen, left, talks to Carole Burton, center, and Tondalaire Ashford at a voting rights rally Saturday, May 16, 2026, in Montgomery, Ala.

Bee Nguyen, left, talks to Carole Burton, center, and Tondalaire Ashford at a voting rights rally Saturday, May 16, 2026, in Montgomery, Ala.

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Different generations share their stories

At different points, Montgomery has branded itself as the cradle of the Confederacy and the cradle of the modern Civil Rights Movement.

“It feels like our country is stuck in this pattern of making progress, then there’s a huge backlash, and then people have to go through the same battle again just to get to where we were,” said Phi Nguyen, the 41-year-old daughter of Vietnamese refugees. She is now a civil rights lawyer in Atlanta.

She stood across from the church where a young King led the Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1955 and not far from where Jefferson Davis took the oath of office in 1861 as the slavery-defending Confederate president.

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Nguyen and her sister Bee, a 44-year-old who served in the Georgia General Assembly and ran for statewide office, met two other women as they walked. Carole Burton and Tondalaire Ashford are 72-year-old Montgomery residents who have been friends since they were in a segregated junior high school and then newly desegregated Sidney Lanier High School.

“I don’t call it ‘integration,’” Ashford said, pointing at her dark skin. “It was never real integration, and it’s not like we can ever just blend in.”

Burton described them as being “in the second wave” of Black students. “It wasn’t easy,” she said. “And we had to support each other.”

They remember their parents not being able to vote in the era of poll taxes, literacy tests and other racist restrictions that the Voting Rights Act eventually outlawed. But they smiled as they swapped family histories with the Nguyens.

Burton said immigrants, descendants of enslaved persons and Native Americans have different but overlapping paths. “We just want to be treated like people with the same rights and opportunities the country has promised us,” she said. “They’ve never fully lived up to it.”

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Aaron McGuire sings a spirtual song during a voting rally, Saturday, May 16, 2026, in Montgomery, Ala.

Aaron McGuire sings a spirtual song during a voting rally, Saturday, May 16, 2026, in Montgomery, Ala.

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Conflicting legacies are at stake

To Odom, who had begun his journey Saturday in South Carolina, the current U.S. Supreme Court reinforced that history by refusing to see some race-conscious election policy as a way to ensure fair representation, not simply the “technical right to vote.”

He recalls decades of his life being represented by Strom Thurmond, a segregationist Democratic governor who became a “Dixiecrat” presidential candidate and U.S. senator — by now as a Republican — into the 21st century. Odom said he fears his state losing U.S. Rep. Jim Clyburn, a senior member of the Congressional Black Caucus, through redistricting.

“They want to take away that legacy when we’re still living with Strom’s?” Odom said.

Odom said he is also worried that the young people who participated Saturday are not a vanguard but outliers.

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“I was talking to a 20-year-old co-worker about this trip,” he said. “She told me she supported me but didn’t want to do it or work for anybody” running for office. “She wondered what any of them are going to do for her.”

Nonetheless, he said on the way home, “I’m still going to tell her what I saw and what I heard.”

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Louisiana Sen. Bill Cassidy loses in Republican primary, does not advance to runoff

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Louisiana Sen. Bill Cassidy loses in Republican primary, does not advance to runoff

One observer of the current Senate race in Louisiana noted that Sen. Bill Cassidy could lose his reelection bid.

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Sen. Bill Cassidy lost Saturday’s Louisiana Republican primary according to a race call by the Associated Press.

Cassidy, who served two terms in the Senate, was one of seven Republican senators who voted to convict President Trump after the January 6th insurrection at the Capitol. That vote put him at odds with Trump and his MAGA coalition, ultimately leading Trump to push Rep. Julia Letlow to run against Cassidy.

Cassidy’s bid for a third term was viewed as a test of Trump’s grip on the party–and of what voters want from their representatives in Washington. The primary pitted Cassidy, a veteran lawmaker, former physician and chair of the powerful Senate health committee, against Letlow, a political newcomer and a millennial MAGA loyalist.

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A detailed view of a hat that reads, Run Julia Run, is seen at a campaign event for Rep. Julia Letlow (R-LA) on May 6, 2026 in Franklinton, Louisiana.

A detailed view of a hat that reads, Run Julia Run, is seen at a campaign event for Rep. Julia Letlow (R-LA) on May 6, 2026 in Franklinton, Louisiana.

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A former college administrator, Letlow won a special election in 2021 for the House seat her late husband, Luke, was set to assume before he died from COVID in 2020.

In Congress, Letlow sponsored a bill to collect oral histories from the pandemic and has focused on education and children. She introduced the “Parents Bill of Rights Act,” which would allow parents to review classroom materials like library books and require schools to notify parents if their child requests different pronouns, locker rooms or sports teams.

She also serves on the powerful appropriations committee and has embraced Trump’s agenda.

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Letlow, who came first in Saturday’s primary, will face Louisiana state Treasurer John Fleming in the runoff on June 27. Cassidy came in third.

The election result is a victory for President Trump who has put Republican loyalty to the test on the ballot so far this year in Indiana state senate primaries and in Cassidy’s race.

Another major test of Trump’s influence comes in Kentucky’s primary on Tuesday when Republican Rep. Thomas Massie, who has found himself at odds with the president, faces a challenger endorsed by Trump.

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Brass bands in Beijing make way for sticker shock at home as Trump returns to escalating inflation

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Brass bands in Beijing make way for sticker shock at home as Trump returns to escalating inflation

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump returned from the spectacle of a Chinese state visit to a less than welcoming U.S. economy — with the military band and garden tour in Beijing giving way to pressure over how to fix America’s escalating inflation rate.

Consumer inflation in the United States increased to 3.8% annually in April, higher than what he inherited as the Iran war and the Republican president’s own tariffs have pushed up prices. Inflation is now outpacing wage gains and effectively making workers poorer. The Cleveland Federal Reserve estimates that annual inflation could reach 4.2% in May as the war has kept oil and gasoline prices high.

Trump’s time with Chinese leader Xi Jinping appears unlikely to help the U.S. economy much, despite Trump’s claims of coming trade deals. The trip occurred as many people are voting in primaries leading into the November general election while having to absorb the rising costs of gasoline, groceries, utility bills, jewelry, women’s clothing, airplane tickets and delivery services. Democrats see the moment as a political opportunity.

“He’s returning to a dumpster fire,” said Lindsay Owens, executive director of Groundwork Collaborative, a liberal think tank focused on economic issues. “The president will not have the faith and confidence of the American people — the economy is their top issue and the president is saying, ‘You’re on your own.’”

The president’s trip to Beijing and his recent comments that indicated a tone-deafness to voters’ concerns about rising prices have suggested his focus is not on the American public and have undermined Republicans who had intended to campaign on last year’s tax cuts as helping families.

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Trump described the trip as a victory, saying on social media that Xi “congratulated me on so many tremendous successes,” as the U.S. president has praised their relationship.

Trump told reporters that Boeing would be selling 200 aircraft — and maybe even 750 “if they do a good job” — to the Chinese. He said American farmers would be “very happy” because China would be “buying billions of dollars of soybeans.”

“We had an amazing time,” Trump said as he flew home on Air Force One, and told Fox News’ Bret Baier in an interview that gasoline prices were just some “short-term pain” and would “drop like a rock” once the war ends.

Inflationary pain is not a factor in how Trump handles Iran

Trump departed from the White House for China by saying the negotiations over the Iran war depended on stopping Tehran from developing nuclear weapons. “I don’t think about Americans’ financial situation. I don’t think about anybody. I think about one thing: We cannot let Iran have a nuclear weapon,” Trump said.

That remark prompted blowback because it suggested to some that Trump cared more about challenging Iran than fighting inflation at home. Trump defended his words, telling Fox News: “That’s a perfect statement. I’d make it again.”

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The White House has since stressed that Trump is focused on inflation.

Asked later about the president’s words, Vice President JD Vance said there had been a “misrepresentation” of the remarks. White House spokesman Kush Desai said the “administration remains laser-focused on delivering growth and affordability on the homefront” while indicating actions would be taken on grocery prices.

But as Trump appeared alongside Xi, new reports back home showed inflation rising for businesses and interest rates climbing on U.S. government debt.

His comments that Boeing would sell 200 jets to China caused the company’s stock price to fall because investors had expected a larger number. There was little concrete information offered about any trade agreements reached during the summit, including Chinese purchases of U.S. exports such as liquefied natural gas and beef.

“Foreign policy wins can matter politically, but only if voters feel stability and affordability in their daily lives,” said Brittany Martinez, a former Republican congressional aide who is the executive director of Principles First, a center-right advocacy group focused on democracy issues.

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“Midterms are almost always a referendum on cost of living and public frustration, and Republicans are not immune from the same inflation and affordability pressures that hurt Democrats in recent cycles,” she added.

Democrats see Trump as vulnerable

Democratic lawmakers are seizing on Trump’s comments before his trip as proof of his indifference to lowering costs. There is potential staying power of his remarks as Americans head into Memorial Day weekend facing rising prices for the hamburgers and hot dogs to be grilled.

“What Americans do not see is any sympathy, any support, or any plan from Trump and congressional Republicans to lower costs – in fact, they see the opposite,” Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer of New York said Thursday.

Vance faulted the Biden administration for the inflation problem even though the inflation rate is now higher than it was when Trump returned to the White House in January 2025 with a specific mandate to fix it.

“The inflation number last month was not great,” Vance said Wednesday, but he then stressed, “We’re not seeing anything like what we saw under the Biden administration.”

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Inflation peaked at 9.1% in June 2022 under Biden, a Democrat. By the time Trump took the oath of office, it was a far more modest 3%.

Trump’s inflation challenge could get harder

The data tells a different story as higher inflation is spreading into the cost of servicing the national debt.

Over the past week, the interest rate charged on 10-year U.S. government debt jumped from 4.36% to 4.6%, an increase that implies higher costs for auto loans and mortgages.

“My fear is that the layers of supply shocks that are affecting the U.S. economy will only further feed into inflationary pressures,” said Gregory Daco, chief economist at EY-Parthenon.

Daco noted that last year’s tariff increases were now translating into higher clothing prices. With the Supreme Court ruling against Trump’s ability to impose tariffs by declaring an economic emergency, his administration is preparing a new set of import taxes for this summer.

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Daco stressed that there have been a series of supply shocks. First, tariffs cut into the supply of imports. In addition, Trump’s immigration crackdown cut into the supply of foreign-born workers. Now, the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz has cut off the vital waterway used to ship 20% of global oil supplies.

“We’re seeing an erosion of growth,” Daco said.

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