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The search for Japan’s ‘lost’ art

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The search for Japan’s ‘lost’ art

On a weekday morning in late September, an hour and a half from Tokyo off a side-road near the town of Sakura, the ticket queue for the Kawamura Memorial DIC Museum of Art is long. Cars wait along a cedar-lined lane for a spot in the second overflow parking zone. The gift shop has been so overwhelmed by customers in recent days that management has shut its doors. By 11:45am, the digital screen outside the museum’s Belvedere Italian restaurant declares the waiting time for a table is now 181 minutes; a special notice on the website recommends bringing a packed lunch instead.

The museum has said it will close in early 2025, and thousands of art lovers, in their stampede to the Chiba countryside, can sense an emergency. Large parts of corporate Japan can sense something far, far more alarming.

The unfolding saga of this comparatively obscure museum — and of the hundreds of artworks owned by the listed chemicals company behind it — is also an unfolding saga of corporate Japan and what version of shareholder capitalism the country as a whole wants to subject itself to. A belated reckoning now looks to be rearing back up from the murky late 1980s, when banks encouraged Japanese company founders to borrow wildly against what were then soaring domestic real estate values.

It is a first, potentially trailblazing instance of a company revealing the extent of its art collection under explicitly governance-driven pressure. Of the 754 works in the Kawamura collection, 384 are owned by DIC — pretty much all of the most famous works belong to the company and thus their ownership is now caught in an ideological limbo.

People arrive by bus at the Kawamura Memorial DIC Museum © Photographs for the FT by Androniki Christodoulou
A queue of people forms after disembarking from a museum bus, its side emblazoned with a large portrait of an Old Master
Since news of the museum’s imminent closure, there have been long queues of visitors © Androniki Christodoulou

One argument — now more visibly gathering steam as Japanese companies are held to ever higher standards by their investors — is that art is simply an asset of a company that they, the shareholders own, and should be treated like any other asset.

The counter is that however compelling the argument above, companies have a wider societal function than simply service to shareholders, and that their asset portfolios should be assessed accordingly. That same argument holds that Japan, as a whole, has benefited from this much broader interpretation, and would be the poorer if everything were subjected to the hard rules of shareholder capitalism. The debate, raging around the vast expanse of “non-core” assets and business ventures maintained by Japanese companies, is now at the heart of a tectonic structural shift.

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One of the nation’s most exquisite dirty secrets — the ambiguous ownership of highly valuable art, the exploitation of listed companies to protect generational wealth and habitual asset-mingling between families and public companies — has broken the surface after lying relatively undisturbed for decades. In this instance, it has been exposed by Oasis Management, a notoriously catalytic shareholder activist. But it is part of a broader, inexorable-looking trend.

“Japanese companies were told they were worth billions. It was funny money, so they did funny things,” says Toby Rodes of Kaname Capital, a fund manager whose strategy includes delving into the art collections hidden on the Tokyo stock market, using their existence as a signal of more profound governance shortcomings.

There is no particular allegation that anything illegal has taken place — simply that the Japanese market has been supernaturally tolerant of blurred lines. In his particular focus on art, Rodes is a rarity, but the hunt for governance failures and the potential returns that come with repairing those has attracted scores of activist and value funds to Japan.

A male auctioneer in black tie presides over a Sotheby’s auction room with Renoir’s painting on display
Renoir’s ‘Bal du moulin de la Galette’ set a record in 1990 when it was purchased at auction for $78mn by Japanese papermaking company Daishowa Ashitaka © Getty Images

Not all of the buying in the late 1980s and early 1990s was ostentatious. But the escapades that the era fuelled became the stuff of legend. Japanese company bosses — in some cases with bankruptcy lurking quite soon in their future — set jaw-dropping records for purchases of Van Gogh’s “Sunflowers”, Renoir’s “Bal du moulin de la Galette”, Picasso’s “Les Noces de Pierrette” and many other gems.

The bursting of the bubble triggered a quiet, bad-debted and, to many, face-losing outflow of Japan’s art throughout the downturn of the late 1990s. Some instances, such as the efforts to trace the whereabouts of Van Gogh’s “Portrait of Dr Gachet” after it fell into the hands of creditors, have been multi-decade international mysteries. But these outflows were not, by any means, a full clearance sale. Across corporate Japan, major works accumulated in the heyday still loom over the rarefied exclusivity of boardrooms.

It is a subject about which very few in the art-dealing world like to talk on the record; often because they now see that governance improvements in Japan and the enforcement of transparency on listed companies could actually flood “lost” art on to an illiquid market, and reveal more of its murky past.

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$500mn (¥74bn)Estimated value of DIC’s Kawamura Rothko collection

¥11.2bnDIC’s formal book value for its entire art collection

Where is it now? Funds and art experts suspect that an unknowable trove, technically owned by listed companies, has made its way into the private homes of their founders or the founders’ descendants. Masterpieces almost certainly sit, undeclared, in company-owned warehouses around the country, art dealers say. VIP visitors to the Tokyo headquarters of Nomura may find themselves sitting at a table with a Monet at one end and a Chagall at the other. Special guests of Marubeni may catch a glimpse of Botticelli’s “La Bella Simonetta”.

“I will never forget when I stumbled across a ‘museum’ that doubled as the executive floor of a Japanese broadcaster,” said one veteran US-based fund manager. “Being protected from a change of control by legal regulation, the entrenched management team had a penchant for very fine works of art. The team escorting me to the elevator after a meeting got nervous when I paused in front of a Cézanne.”

Now, in an era when urgent corporate governance reforms are being ordered by both the Japanese government and Tokyo Stock Exchange, when greater transparency is being demanded and shareholder activism has become more emboldened, the debate around these assets threatens a painful rethink of Japan’s relationship between companies, their founders, society and shareholders.

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A man takes a photo of a building that resembles a round castle tower set amid lawns
The Kawamura museum is home to a large art collection amassed by listed company DIC © Androniki Christodoulou
Women resting on a bench with a view towards Henry Moore’s sculpture in the distance
The museum garden features a Henry Moore sculpture © Androniki Christodoulou

Despite its somewhat awkward location in the sticks, the Kawamura Memorial museum, elegantly constructed at the end of Japan’s 1980s bubble era and set in gardens dotted with a Henry Moore and other sculptures, has plenty to justify a visit. Some would argue, excessively so: a financial anomaly hiding in plain sight for decades.

The collection was assembled by the founding family of the Dainippon Ink and Chemicals Corporation (DIC) from the 1970s. Whatever it lacks in thematic coherence it more than makes up for in stunning reminders of just how acquisitive Japan became at the peak of its financial powers.

It is no coincidence that the museum opened in 1990 — the year in which, according to FT data analysis, imports of paintings to Japan hit an all-time peak of almost ¥500bn ($3.3bn), or more than 10 times higher than in 1985. By 1992, the value had plummeted again to ¥34bn ($229mn).

Inside the museum’s softly lit galleries hang works by Matisse, Chagall, Ernst, Monet, Picasso and Renoir. There is a remarkable Pollock, two works by Twombly and a special alcove housing Rembrandt’s “Portrait of a Man in a Broad-Brimmed Hat”.

A 17th-century painting of a man in black coat and hat, with a white frilly ruff around his neck
Rembrandt’s ‘Portrait of a Man in a Broad-Brimmed Hat’ (1635) is housed in one of the museum’s special alcoves © Alamy
A 19th-century painting of a nude woman with her hair tied up and a white sheet on her legs
‘Bather’ (1891) by Renoir, whose works hang in the museum’s galleries © Alamy

But Kawamura’s most valuable show-stopper is upstairs, in a dedicated room walled with seven panels by Mark Rothko, from a collection originally painted for the Four Seasons restaurant in New York’s Seagram Building. The huge works are widely seen as part of the most important commission Rothko ever undertook. The auction record for just one Rothko painting stands at $86.9mn. According to art experts consulted by investors, the ones in Kawamura might, together, be worth well over half a billion dollars.

Despite the qualities of this extraordinary collection, it has been on display here for 34 years without ever generating more than a modest stream of visitors at an average rate of just a few hundred people a day.

But on August 27 the board of indebted, unprofitable DIC, which owns the museum and much of the art inside, made a surprise announcement. Because of the relationship between the company and the museum, and because of the “opinions expressed by investors”, said the statement, it had now become impracticable to maintain and operate the museum in its current state. The museum, it declared, will “temporarily close” from January 2025. It then, on September 30, sent out a second notice saying that it would postpone the closure until March 2025 “taking into account visitor numbers” since its earlier notice.

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A black and white photo of a bald man standing in front of large painting
Kawamura’s most valuable show-stoppers include seven panels by Mark Rothko © Getty Images

Crucially, though, the DIC statement addressed one of the great enigmas that have hung, permanently, over the museum. Until now, the company has never specified how much of the art it displays in its museum it actually owns, and how much is owned by the family. It has, accordingly, not ascribed a precise market-to-market value to the art in the published accounts.

But in its August 27 statement the company came partially clean. Of the 754 works in the collection, it said, 384 are owned by the company — and thus, activists would argue, by the shareholders. DIC put a formal book value of just Y11.2bn ($77mn) on the company’s art — an extremely low reckoning of its potential value were the art to come on to the market.

Several things have happened since that bombshell. The first is that many Japanese have seen the news, panicked that the days of a great national treasure are now numbered — even though most had not previously bothered to visit — and decided that they must trek over there in their thousands. A second is that the decision has been vehemently challenged. Prominent “DON’T CLOSE IT!” signs have popped up along the roads around the museum, and an online petition against the closure appeared on the local municipality’s website. As of last weekend, it had more than 47,000 signatures.

The third and arguably most life-changing effect for Japan has been to focus the attention of investors on how many other DICs there may be lurking around the country. Hedge funds that now specialise in this sort of socially fraught treasure hunt, and have spoken to the FT over recent months, suspect that there are dozens of companies listed on the Tokyo Stock Exchange that bear a close resemblance.

The background to DIC’s decision to close the museum was more than a decade in the making. The country’s first governance code setting best practice for companies was introduced in 2015, and was accompanied by a stewardship code that set out the obligations on investors to hold companies’ managements to account. Since then, the situation has begun to change. Companies have gradually begun to raise governance standards, even when they have not fully accepted the premise of shareholder primacy. Well-known shareholder activists, such as ValueAct Capital and Elliott, have focused heavily on the opportunities in Japan, while smaller funds, such as Oasis, 3D and the group headed by Yoshiaki Murakami, have managed to run a series of hard-hitting campaigns.


There was — and still is — a great deal to fix. Japanese boards were not diverse, were very rarely controlled or overseen by a majority of independent directors, and shareholder activism was decried as a barbaric western practice. This, in effect, conferred huge freedom on the managements of listed companies to run them as they pleased, rather than more directly in the interests of shareholders.

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To doubly secure their freedom, Japanese companies created great networks of shareholdings in other, friendly listed companies on the understanding that those blocs of shares would never vote against management.

And to triple-lock it in, Japanese companies constructed a collective narrative that they existed for a higher purpose than simply expanding shareholder value and maximising profits. Long before BlackRock’s Larry Fink reversed years of investment dogma and began urging a more responsible recalibration of corporate focus and a broader definition of corporate “purpose”, Japanese companies were comfortably citing their grander purpose and sense of duty to multiple stakeholders. They have argued, forcefully, that Japanese society has benefited from this, no matter how inefficiently they have deployed capital.

An obvious question, now asked with ever more frequency and consequence, is why should so many — 3,951 at the last count — Japanese companies be listed at all, given the lengths they have gone to avoid the structures, scrutiny and potential pressure that comes with being listed?

A large white sign with Japanese writing on it. The sign is attached to railings. There is a white car and a person in the background
A protest sign at the museum car park reads: ‘100 Kamakura Memorial Museum of Art, a cultural symbol for the local community for over 30 years. Don’t lose it!!’ © Androniki Christodoulou
People line up to board the special museum shuttle bus at Kawamura
Special shuttle buses are being used to transport the increased influx of visitors to the museum © Androniki Christodoulou

Several can see the governance writing on the wall. Within the past year, the managements of two companies still closely tied to their founding families have decided to undertake management buyouts and de-list from the exchange — away from activists, governance strictures and the general scrutiny now in prospect. They are Benesse, the education company whose founding family established the famous Benesse Art Site on Naoshima island, and Taisho Pharmaceutical, whose founding family’s art is displayed in the Uehara Museum and include works by Cézanne, Renoir and Corot.

“The common thread [is that] both company founders are art collectors and were likely feeling the pressure of needing to come clean on the conflicts of interest and poor governance that put the art on the walls,” said one private equity executive in Tokyo who knows of at least half a dozen other companies contemplating a similar move.

The key to understanding what is happening, says Rodes, co-founder of Kaname Capital, is Japan’s long history with extremely high levels of inheritance tax — a levy of around 50 per cent on large estates that can, in theory, wipe out family wealth over a few generations.

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One of the most popular ways to deal with this was for families to list their companies and hold on to significant stakes so that there was always a cache of shares that could be liquidated to pay the taxman. The stock market, in that light, has been abused as a means of securing generational wealth, rather than as a mechanism for growing good companies. Families would maintain their control over the listed companies’ boards by installing favourable directors.

Because of this extremely common pattern, say Rodes and others, families came to see the balance sheets of listed companies as, in effect, their own asset. It was a critical psychological leap that lies right at the heart of the corporate governance problems that investors are now shining the brightest of lights upon.

“Looking at the art collections is one way of bringing bad governance to the surface,” says Rodes. “It is our way of saying, ‘We know what you did’. Art is the governance sledgehammer. Could the companies do more with these notoriously illiquid assets? Absolutely.”

Joji Kaneko, a visitor to the Kawamura museum who has travelled more than 400km by car from Nagoya, is now admiring a wall of art by Frank Stella. “I’m here because I’ve heard that this museum is going to close in January and this could be my last chance to see everything here,” Kaneko says. “It’s a sad thing, but I guess it’s just something that can’t be helped. Money always wins in these situations, doesn’t it?”

The statement by DIC in which it announced the closure of its museum referred to “the opinions of investors” — euphemistically, the questions raised by certain shareholders, including Oasis Management, around whether the corporate ownership of art can be justified when the company is heavily indebted and the Tokyo Stock Exchange itself is calling for listed companies to demonstrate greater capital efficiency.

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Beyond the polite protest posters outside the Kawamura museum, there is a low-level outrage that shareholders should be able to force companies to behave differently than they have done in the past. But change is in the air.

“Owning art and pretending you are doing God’s work is crazy. Boards can no longer pretend there is nothing to see here,” says Rodes.

Leo Lewis is the FT’s Tokyo bureau chief. Additional reporting by Dan Clark

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Trump Calls Officials Handling Los Angeles Wildfires ‘Incompetent’

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Trump Calls Officials Handling Los Angeles Wildfires ‘Incompetent’

President-elect Donald J. Trump offered fresh criticism early Sunday of the officials in charge of fighting the Los Angeles wildfires, calling them “incompetent” and asking why the blazes were not yet extinguished.

“The fires are still raging in L.A.,” Mr. Trump wrote on his Truth Social site. “The incompetent pols have no idea how to put them out.”

Mr. Trump’s comments indicated that the fires, and officials’ response to them, will likely occupy a prominent place on his domestic political agenda when he takes office on Jan. 20. He has renewed a longstanding feud with California’s governor, Gavin Newsom, who in turn has accused Mr. Trump of politicizing the fires.

California politicians have faced criticism over the fires since they broke out on Tuesday, including questions over how local and state authorities had prepared for them and how they have grown so quickly into huge blazes.

Mayor Karen Bass of Los Angeles had to contend with questions about whether there was adequate warning about the likelihood of devastating fires, and why there was a shortage of water and firefighters during the initial response. At a news conference on Thursday, she avoided a question about her absence from the city when the fires began — she was in Ghana on a previously scheduled official visit — and said that any evaluation of mistakes or failures by “any body, department, individual” would come later.

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Mr. Newsom, a Democrat, has also fended off criticism from Mr. Trump, who blamed him for the failure to contain fires and claimed he had blocked an infusion of water to Southern California over concerns about how it would affect a threatened fish species.

Mr. Newsom’s press office responded by saying in a statement that the “water restoration declaration” that Mr. Trump had accused him of not signing did not exist. “The governor is focused on protecting people, not playing politics, and making sure firefighters have all the resources they need,” the statement said.

Mr. Newsom and Kathryn Barger, the chair of the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, have invited Mr. Trump to tour fire damage in the city. He has not responded publicly to those invitations.

At least 16 people had died as a result of the fires as of Sunday morning, and at least 12,000 structures had been destroyed, officials said. Mr. Trump alluded to that devastation in his post on Sunday.

“Thousands of magnificent houses are gone, and many more will soon be lost,” he wrote. “There is death all over the place. This is one of the worst catastrophes in the history of our Country. They just can’t put out the fires. What’s wrong with them?”

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His post did not mention any officials by name.

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Russia’s war economy is a house of cards

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Russia’s war economy is a house of cards

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The most important thing Russian President Vladimir Putin tries to impress on Ukraine’s western friends is that he has time on his side, so the only way to end the war is to accommodate his wishes. The apparent resilience of Russia’s economy, and the resulting scepticism in some corners that western sanctions have had an effect, is a central part of this information warfare. 

The reality is that the financial underpinnings of Russia’s war economy increasingly look like a house of cards — so much so that senior members of the governing elite are publicly expressing concern. They include Sergei Chemezov, chief executive of state defence giant Rostec, who warned that expensive credit was killing his weapons export business, and Elvira Nabiullina, head of the central bank. 

This pair know better than many people in the west, who have been taken in by numbers indicating steady growth, low unemployment and rising wages. But any economy on a full mobilisation footing can produce such outcomes: this is basic Keynesianism. The real test is how already employed resources — rather than idle ones — are being shifted away from their previous uses and into the needs of war. 

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A state has three methods to achieve this: borrowing, inflation and expropriation. It must choose the most effective and painless mix. Putin’s conceit — towards both the west and his own public — has been that he can fund this war without financial instability or significant material sacrifices. But this is an illusion. If Chemezov’s and Nabiullina’s frustrations are spilling into public view, it means the illusion is flickering.

A new report by Russia analyst and former banker Craig Kennedy highlights the huge growth in Russian corporate debt. It has soared by 71 per cent since 2022 and dwarfs new household and government borrowing.

Notionally private, this lending is in reality a creature of the state. Putin has commandeered the Russian banking system, with banks required to lend to companies designated by the government at chosen, preferential terms. The result has been a flood of below-market-rate credit to favoured economic actors.

In essence, Russia is engaged in massive money printing, outsourced so that it does not show up on the public balance sheet. Kennedy estimates the total at about 20 per cent of Russia’s 2023 national output, comparable to the cumulative on-budget allocations for the full-scale war.

We can tell from the Kremlin’s actions that it sees two things as anathema: visibly weak public finances and runaway inflation.

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The government eschews a significant budget deficit, despite growing war-related spending. The central bank remains free to raise interest rates, currently at 21 per cent. Not enough to beat down inflation driven by state-decreed subsidised credit, but enough to keep price growth within bounds.

The upshot is that Chemezov’s and Nabiullina’s problems are not an error that can be fixed but inherent to Putin’s choice to flatter public finances and keep a (high) lid on inflation. Something else has to give, and that something else includes businesses that cannot operate profitably when borrowing costs exceed 20 per cent.

Putin’s privatised credit scheme, meanwhile, is storing up a credit crisis as the loans go bad. The state may bail out the banks — if they don’t collapse first. Given Russians’ experience of suddenly worthless deposits, fears of a repeat could easily trigger self-fulfilling runs. That would destroy not just banks’ but the government’s legitimacy.

Putin, in short, does not have time on his side. He sits on a ticking financial time bomb of his own making. The key for Ukraine’s friends is to deny him the one thing that would defuse it: greater access to external funds.

The west has blocked Moscow’s access to some $300bn in reserves, put spanners in the works of its oil trade and hit its ability to import a range of goods. Combined, these prevent Russia from spending all its foreign earnings to relieve resource constraints at home. Intensifying sanctions and finally transferring reserves to Ukraine as a down payment on reparations would intensify those constraints.

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Putin’s obsession is the sudden collapse of power. That, as he must be realising, is the risk his war economics has set in motion. Making it recede, by increasing access to external resources through sanctions relief, will be his goal in any diplomacy. The west must convince him that this will not happen. That, and only that, will force Putin to choose between his assault on Ukraine and his grip on power at home.

martin.sandbu@ft.com

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Crews race to contain LA wildfires as menacing winds may ramp up: Live updates

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Crews race to contain LA wildfires as menacing winds may ramp up: Live updates
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LOS ANGELES − Fire crews on Sunday were racing to gain an upper hand against infernos that have ignited across the Los Angeles area amid ominous new wind warnings as flames threatened additional Southern California communities.

Aircraft unloaded water and fire retardant on hills where the Palisades Fire − the most destructive in the history of Los Angeles − ballooned another 1,000 acres to a total of 23,654, destroying more homes. The expansion of the fire, which was 11% contained, to the north and east spurred officials to issue more mandatory evacuations to the west of the 405 freeway as the blaze put parts of Encino and Brentwood in peril.

Cal Fire official Todd Hopkins said the Palisades Fire had spread into the Mandeville Canyon neighborhood and threatened to jump into the upscale Brentwood community and the San Fernando Valley.

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The Palisades Fire is one of six blazes that have erupted since Tuesday, leaving at least 16 people dead. Four of the six fires remained active on Sunday.

Santa Ana winds that have fueled the blazes for the past week were expected to strengthen Sunday morning in Los Angeles and Ventura counties and again late Monday through Tuesday morning. Sustained winds could reach 30 mph, with gusts up to 70 mph possible , forecasters said.

“Critical fire-weather conditions will unfortunately ramp up again … for southern California and last through at least early next week as periodic enhancements of off-shore winds continue,” the National Weather Service said. “This may lead to the spread of ongoing fires as well as the development of new ones.”

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Developments:

∎ About12,000 structures have been damaged or destroyed from the wildfires, which have consumed about 38,000 acres of land total, according to CalFire.

∎ Evacuation orders throughout the Los Angeles area now cover 153,000 residents. Another 166,000 residents have been warned that they may have to evacuate, Los Angeles County Sheriff Robert Luna, said.

∎ Gov. Gavin Newsom announced an investigation into water supply issues that may have impeded firefighters’ efforts.

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At least 16 people have died between the Eaton and Palisades fires, the Los Angeles County Medical Examiner said Saturday.

The Palisades Fire had at least five deaths, according to medical examiner records, and 11 people have died in the Eaton Fire.

Of the 16 total deaths in both fires, the only victim identified by officials was Victor Shaw, 66, who died Wednesday protecting his home in Altadena. Another victim was man in his 80s, but authorities did not release his name, pending notification of next of kin.

To the northeast, the Eaton Fire stood at 14,117 acres and was 15% contained after ripping through parts of Altadena and Pasadena. More than 7,000 structures were damaged or destroyed,  Fire Chief Anthony Marrone said.

In Altadena, California official Don Fregulia said managing the Eaton Fire and its impact will be a “huge, Herculean task” that he said will take “many weeks of work.”

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Progress was reported Saturday in bringing electrical power back to some Los Angeles neighborhoods.

Southern California Edison CEO Steven Powell said there are now about 48,000 customers without power, “down from over half a million just a couple days ago.”

Yes fire officials warned public safety power shutoffs were again likely to prevent new fires being ignited.

“They help save lives,” Marrone said. “Yes, they’re a challenge to deal with, but it’s certainly better than having another fire start.”

Richard and Cathryn Conn evacuated from the Pacific Palisades neighborhood earlier this week, only to find out that much of their neighborhood had been decimated. But they still aren’t sure about their four-bedroom house where they’d lived for over a quarter-century.

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“You can visualize every room,’’ Richard Conn, 75, said, “and then you know there’s a 50% chance it doesn’t exist anymore.”

“If you have ever wondered what it was like living in Dresden after the World War II firebombing, you should come to the Palisades,” he said.

They also don’t know what’s going to happen next as dangerous weather conditions have made it difficult to contain the fires, and more brush fires seem to keep popping up all over the county.

“I feel like people are panicking,” said Gary Baseman, 64. Read more.

As California fire officials are still getting to the bottom of what sparked the wildfires raging across Los Angeles, and politicians point fingers at one another, climate change is helping drive an increase in large wildfires in the U.S.

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“Climate change is leading to larger and more severe wildfires in the western United States,” the latest National Climate Assessment previously reported. These fires have “significant public health, socioeconomic, and ecological implications for the nation.”

But is climate change the main factor in California? It’s not quite that simple. Reporters from the Arizona Republic, part of the USA TODAY Network, dive into this topic. Read more here

Contributing: Jeanine Santucci, Eduardo Cuevas; Reuters

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