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In swing-state Wisconsin, new districts threaten the GOP hold on the Legislature
Packers fans Heather Gunnlaugsson, left, and Tim Mahoney, right, dance as the Packer Tailgate Band plays “Roll Out the Barrel” on Sunday, Sept. 29, before the Packers’ game against the Minnesota Vikings in Green Bay, Wis.
Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
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Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
GREEN BAY, Wis. — Smoke from portable grills filled the air with the smell of bratwurst on a recent Sunday in the parking lots that surround Lambeau Field.
People were gathered to watch the Green Bay Packers take on the rival Minnesota Vikings, but in a state and city where football is a staple of the culture, they were also there for the pregame tailgate and the experience of one of Wisconsin’s premier gathering places.
In one of the crowded lots, the Packers Tailgate Band meandered its way through lawn chairs and folding tables full of food. Brass and woodwind instruments carried the tune while a makeshift drum set mounted to a stroller kept the time. When the band played “Roll Out The Barrel,” a Wisconsin polka staple, people got up from their seats and danced.
“It’s probably like the best job I have,” said Tim Kozlovski, the band’s sousaphone player. “It’s just having fun with people and partying with them and getting them in the spirit for the game.”
Kozlovski said the Packers unify people in Wisconsin — he calls it a “good place in your heart.” And in an atmosphere like that, he said there are some things you just don’t talk about, like politics.
“You gotta learn to keep that to yourself when you’re trying to make people happy,” he said.
Not everyone has that luxury in Green Bay, where for the first time in years, Lambeau Field and the surrounding community are part of a fierce campaign that could decide control of the Wisconsin Legislature. A couple of parking lots over, local Democrats are tailgating, hoping to unlock the political power they were granted when the state redrew its political maps and turned this once-safe GOP district competitive.
“I actually enjoy talking about politics,” said Ryan Spaude, the Democratic candidate running to represent this area at the state Capitol in Madison. He’s a local prosecutor. “I enjoy having a respectful dialogue with other folks about politics. I also think we can do better than some of the yahoos that are down there in Madison right now.”
Wisconsin Assembly Candidate Ryan Spaude mingles with voters and other Democrats at a tailgate Sunday, Sept. 29, outside of Lambeau Field.
Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
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Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
Spaude is well aware of the divided nature of his district. President Joe Biden would have won this district in 2020—former President Donald Trump would have carried it in 2016. He jokes that this district is as purple as some of the Minnesota Vikings jerseys in the crowd that day.
“Ninety-nine seats in the state Assembly,” Spaude said. “There’s about a dozen that are like mine that could go either way. These seats will determine who gets the majority.”
Wisconsin could swing up and down the ballot
When it comes to races for statewide office, Wisconsin has a well-earned reputation as a swing state. Four of the last six presidential contests have been decided by less than a percentage point.
But in races for the Legislature, it’s been anything but competitive ever since 2011, when Republicans took control of state government and redrew the state’s legislative district lines, cementing their power for years to come.
“There would be a couple competitive seats in the state Assembly every year, but the outcome of them was basically inconsequential,” said John Johnson, a redistricting expert at Marquette University Law School. “There was no chance that majority control of the chamber would change.”
The GOP used its majorities to shift Wisconsin’s politics to the right. When Republican Scott Walker was in the governor’s office, they famously passed laws that weakened unions in a state with deep ties to organized labor.
Even after Democratic Gov. Tony Evers took office, their legislative majorities effectively gave Republicans veto power. As neighboring states expanded Medicaid or legalized marijuana, the GOP was able to block Evers’ plans that would have had Wisconsin join them.
This election, in this 50-50 district, the debate is different. Spaude said the number one issue he hears from voters is about the cost -of -living.
“The second issue is—why can’t you people work together? Just the gridlock you see,” Spaude said.
Wisconsin Assembly candidate Patrick Buckley stands outside Lambeau Field as fans tailgate Sunday, Sept. 29.
Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
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Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
Nearby, Patrick Buckley, Spaude’s Republican opponent is also making the rounds. He’s a small business owner and former police officer who currently chairs the board of Brown County, home to Green Bay.
“We get a lot of stuff done at the county,” Buckley said. “I’d like to take what I’ve learned there at the county to the state level. Because I think we need that there.”
Buckley said the new map created an opening for him because this new district had no incumbent. But he insists he hasn’t really thought about how his race could tip the balance in the Legislature. When asked about the top three things he talks about with voters, Buckley has a clear answer.
“Economy, economy, economy,” Buckley said. “A lot of people are hurting out there, and we gotta figure out what we can do as government to give them some sort of relief.”
New voting maps loosen GOP grip
The idea that Wisconsin could be in this position seemed, just a few years ago, almost impossible. Even with Evers in the governor’s office, the Legislature redrew Wisconsin’s maps to make them even more powerful with the help of a then-conservative majority on Wisconsin’s Supreme Court.
But everything changed in 2023 when voters flipped control of the court from conservative to liberal, and the new majority ordered new maps drawn
In an unexpected twist, the Republican-controlled Legislature chose maps that were drawn by Evers, making the political calculation that it was their least-worst option. In a brief speech before their vote, Republican Assembly Speaker Robin Vos said the new maps would be “very competitive,” and the Legislature would be “up for grabs.”
“We will have the ability to decide if we want to go toward the direction of Minnesota and Michigan,” Vos said, referencing two states where Democrats control both the state Legislature and the governor’s office.”Or [if] we want to stay in the direction that we’re heading in Wisconsin, where we have the ability to have a lower tax burden, a lower regulatory touch, and still a historically good economy for Wisconsin. So I’m optimistic.”
Green Bay Packers fan Bud Hearley stands outside a garage turned into a bar in a neighborhood near Lambeau Field on Sunday, Sept. 29, before the Packers’ game against the Minnesota Vikings.
Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
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Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
This will be the first test of how that debate plays out in Wisconsin. As with many political issues, the answer could be complicated.
A few blocks away from Lambeau Field, Bud Hearley was watching the game with family and friends from the comfort of a garage turned into a bar. Hearley, who lives in a nearby district, said there are too many extremes in politics, and he’d like to see more compromise.
“I’m looking for a little more give and take on both sides with the issues that they make so extreme,” Hearley said. “There’s not enough middle.”
Hearly doesn’t fit neatly into one box when it comes to the issues. He favors the legalization of marijuana and thinks women should have the right to abortion, with some limits. He’s also a strong supporter of capitalism who is leery of government overreach. And he tends to vote for Republicans.
Back at the tailgating event, Democratic voter Denise Gaumer Hutchison concedes that Democrats may or may not win it all this year, but for the first time in years, she said they’ll at least be able to force Republicans to have a dialog. That was never possible, she said, under the state’s old maps.
Democratic Party of Wisconsin Chairman Ben Walker, left, speaks to Denise Gaumer Hutchison, center, a Democratic voter from Green Bay, outside Lambeau Field on Sunday, Sept. 29.
Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
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Angela Major/Wisconsin Public Radio
“Those maps were not fair to the point that legislators wouldn’t even try,” Gaumer Hutchison said. “They wouldn’t even do doors. They wouldn’t even come talk to people who might be of a different opinion because they didn’t have to. Now they have to.”
It’s not just Lambeau Field’s Assembly seat that’s up for grabs this year. The district next door is so close it would have been won by both Evers, a Democrat, and Republican U.S. Sen. Ron Johnson two years ago. The surrounding Senate district could also flip and give Democrats a chance at winning that chamber in 2026.
Regardless of the outcome, there’s already been a political sea change in Wisconsin, a state where the race for president is seemingly always up for grabs, and now the state Legislature is, too.
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Brass bands in Beijing make way for sticker shock at home as Trump returns to escalating inflation
WASHINGTON (AP) — President Donald Trump returned from the spectacle of a Chinese state visit to a less than welcoming U.S. economy — with the military band and garden tour in Beijing giving way to pressure over how to fix America’s escalating inflation rate.
Consumer inflation in the United States increased to 3.8% annually in April, higher than what he inherited as the Iran war and the Republican president’s own tariffs have pushed up prices. Inflation is now outpacing wage gains and effectively making workers poorer. The Cleveland Federal Reserve estimates that annual inflation could reach 4.2% in May as the war has kept oil and gasoline prices high.
Trump’s time with Chinese leader Xi Jinping appears unlikely to help the U.S. economy much, despite Trump’s claims of coming trade deals. The trip occurred as many people are voting in primaries leading into the November general election while having to absorb the rising costs of gasoline, groceries, utility bills, jewelry, women’s clothing, airplane tickets and delivery services. Democrats see the moment as a political opportunity.
“He’s returning to a dumpster fire,” said Lindsay Owens, executive director of Groundwork Collaborative, a liberal think tank focused on economic issues. “The president will not have the faith and confidence of the American people — the economy is their top issue and the president is saying, ‘You’re on your own.’”
The president’s trip to Beijing and his recent comments that indicated a tone-deafness to voters’ concerns about rising prices have suggested his focus is not on the American public and have undermined Republicans who had intended to campaign on last year’s tax cuts as helping families.
Trump described the trip as a victory, saying on social media that Xi “congratulated me on so many tremendous successes,” as the U.S. president has praised their relationship.
Trump told reporters that Boeing would be selling 200 aircraft — and maybe even 750 “if they do a good job” — to the Chinese. He said American farmers would be “very happy” because China would be “buying billions of dollars of soybeans.”
“We had an amazing time,” Trump said as he flew home on Air Force One, and told Fox News’ Bret Baier in an interview that gasoline prices were just some “short-term pain” and would “drop like a rock” once the war ends.
Inflationary pain is not a factor in how Trump handles Iran
Trump departed from the White House for China by saying the negotiations over the Iran war depended on stopping Tehran from developing nuclear weapons. “I don’t think about Americans’ financial situation. I don’t think about anybody. I think about one thing: We cannot let Iran have a nuclear weapon,” Trump said.
That remark prompted blowback because it suggested to some that Trump cared more about challenging Iran than fighting inflation at home. Trump defended his words, telling Fox News: “That’s a perfect statement. I’d make it again.”
The White House has since stressed that Trump is focused on inflation.
Asked later about the president’s words, Vice President JD Vance said there had been a “misrepresentation” of the remarks. White House spokesman Kush Desai said the “administration remains laser-focused on delivering growth and affordability on the homefront” while indicating actions would be taken on grocery prices.
But as Trump appeared alongside Xi, new reports back home showed inflation rising for businesses and interest rates climbing on U.S. government debt.
His comments that Boeing would sell 200 jets to China caused the company’s stock price to fall because investors had expected a larger number. There was little concrete information offered about any trade agreements reached during the summit, including Chinese purchases of U.S. exports such as liquefied natural gas and beef.
“Foreign policy wins can matter politically, but only if voters feel stability and affordability in their daily lives,” said Brittany Martinez, a former Republican congressional aide who is the executive director of Principles First, a center-right advocacy group focused on democracy issues.
“Midterms are almost always a referendum on cost of living and public frustration, and Republicans are not immune from the same inflation and affordability pressures that hurt Democrats in recent cycles,” she added.
Democrats see Trump as vulnerable
Democratic lawmakers are seizing on Trump’s comments before his trip as proof of his indifference to lowering costs. There is potential staying power of his remarks as Americans head into Memorial Day weekend facing rising prices for the hamburgers and hot dogs to be grilled.
“What Americans do not see is any sympathy, any support, or any plan from Trump and congressional Republicans to lower costs – in fact, they see the opposite,” Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer of New York said Thursday.
Vance faulted the Biden administration for the inflation problem even though the inflation rate is now higher than it was when Trump returned to the White House in January 2025 with a specific mandate to fix it.
“The inflation number last month was not great,” Vance said Wednesday, but he then stressed, “We’re not seeing anything like what we saw under the Biden administration.”
Inflation peaked at 9.1% in June 2022 under Biden, a Democrat. By the time Trump took the oath of office, it was a far more modest 3%.
Trump’s inflation challenge could get harder
The data tells a different story as higher inflation is spreading into the cost of servicing the national debt.
Over the past week, the interest rate charged on 10-year U.S. government debt jumped from 4.36% to 4.6%, an increase that implies higher costs for auto loans and mortgages.
“My fear is that the layers of supply shocks that are affecting the U.S. economy will only further feed into inflationary pressures,” said Gregory Daco, chief economist at EY-Parthenon.
Daco noted that last year’s tariff increases were now translating into higher clothing prices. With the Supreme Court ruling against Trump’s ability to impose tariffs by declaring an economic emergency, his administration is preparing a new set of import taxes for this summer.
Daco stressed that there have been a series of supply shocks. First, tariffs cut into the supply of imports. In addition, Trump’s immigration crackdown cut into the supply of foreign-born workers. Now, the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz has cut off the vital waterway used to ship 20% of global oil supplies.
“We’re seeing an erosion of growth,” Daco said.
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Top Drug Regulator Is Fired From the F.D.A.
Dr. Tracy Beth Hoeg, the Food and Drug Administration’s top drug regulator, said she was fired from the agency Friday after she declined to resign.
She said she did not know who had ordered her firing or why, nor whether Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. knew of her fate. The Department of Health and Human Services did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
The departure reflected the upheaval at the F.D.A., days after the resignation of Dr. Marty Makary, the agency commissioner. Dr. Makary had become a lightning rod for critics of the agency’s decisions to reject applications for rare disease drugs and to delay a report meant to supply damaging evidence about the abortion drug mifepristone. He also spent months before his departure pushing back on the White House’s requests for him to approve more flavored vapes, the reason he ultimately cited for leaving.
Dr. Hoeg’s hiring had startled public health leaders who were familiar with her track record as a vaccine skeptic, and she played a leading role in some of the agency’s most divisive efforts during her tenure. She worked on a report that purportedly linked the deaths of children and young adults to Covid vaccines, a dossier the agency has not released publicly. She was also the co-author of a document describing Mr. Kennedy’s decision to pare the recommendations for 17 childhood vaccines down to 11.
But in an interview on Friday, Dr. Hoeg said she “stuck with the science.”
“I am incredibly proud of the work we were doing,” Dr. Hoeg said, adding, “I’m glad that we didn’t give in to any pressures to approve drugs when it wasn’t appropriate.”
As the director of the agency’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research, she was a political appointee in a role that had been previously occupied by career officials. An epidemiologist who was trained in the United States and Denmark, she worked on efforts to analyze drug safety and on a panel to discuss the use of serotonin reuptake inhibitors, the most widely prescribed class of antidepressants, during pregnancy. She also worked on efforts to reduce animal testing and was the agency’s liaison to an influential vaccine committee.
She made sure that her teams approved drugs only when the risk-benefit balance was favorable, she said.
The firing worsens the leadership vacuum at the F.D.A. and other agencies, with temporary leaders filling the role of commissioner, food chief and the head of the biologics center, which oversees vaccines and gene therapies. The roles of surgeon general and director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention are also unfilled.
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Supreme Court is death knell for Virginia’s Democratic-friendly congressional maps
The U.S. Supreme Court
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Andrew Harnik/Getty Images
The U.S. Supreme Court refused Friday to allow Virginia to use a new congressional map that favored Democrats in all but one of the state’s U.S. House seats. The map was a key part of Democrats’ effort to counter the Republican redistricting wave set off by President Trump.
The new map was drawn by Democrats and approved by Virginia voters in an April referendum. But on May 8, the Supreme Court of Virginia in a 4-to-3 vote declared the referendum, and by extension the new map, null and void because lawmakers failed to follow the proper procedures to get the issue on the ballot, violating the state constitution.
Virginia Democrats and the state’s attorney general then appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, seeking to put into effect the map approved by the voters, which yields four more likely Democratic congressional seats. In their emergency application, they argued the Virginia Supreme Court was “deeply mistaken” in its decision on “critical issues of federal law with profound practical importance to the Nation.” Further, they asserted the decision “overrode the will of the people” by ordering Virginia to “conduct its election with the congressional districts that the people rejected.”
Republican legislators countered that it would be improper for the U.S. Supreme Court to wade into a purely state law controversy — especially since the Democrats had not raised any federal claims in the lower court.
Ultimately, the U.S. Supreme Court sided with Republicans without explanation leaving in place the state court ruling that voided the Democratic-friendly maps.
The court’s decision not to intervene was its latest in emergency requests for intervention on redistricting issues. In December, the high court OK’d Texas using a gerrymandered map that could help the GOP win five more seats in the U.S. House. In February, the court allowed California to use a voter-approved, Democratic-friendly map, adopted to offset Texas’s map. Then in March, the U.S. Supreme Court blocked the redrawing of a New York map expected to flip a Republican congressional district Democratic.
And perhaps most importantly, in April, the high court ruled that a Louisiana congressional map was a racial gerrymander and must be redrawn. That decision immediately set off a flurry of redistricting efforts, particularly in the South, where Republican legislators immediately began redrawing congressional maps to eliminate long established majority Black and Hispanic districts.
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