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In Hong Kong, memories of China’s Tiananmen Square massacre are being erased | CNN

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In Hong Kong, memories of China’s Tiananmen Square massacre are being erased | CNN

Editor’s Be aware: A model of this story appeared in CNN’s In the meantime in China e-newsletter, a three-times-a-week replace exploring what you have to know in regards to the nation’s rise and the way it impacts the world. Join right here.


Hong Kong
CNN
 — 

For many years it was an emblem of freedom on Chinese language managed soil: each June 4, come rain or shine, tens of hundreds of individuals would descend on Victoria Park in Hong Kong to commemorate the victims of the 1989 Tiananmen Sq. bloodbath.

The environment can be directly defiant and somber. Audio system would demand accountability from the Chinese language Communist Celebration for ordering the bloody navy crackdown that value the lives of tons of, if not hundreds, of unarmed pro-democracy protesters on that fateful day in Beijing greater than 30 years in the past.

In reminiscence of the useless, at 8 p.m. yearly the park would flip right into a sea of candles, held excessive by folks vowing by no means to neglect.

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This yr, whether or not these candles mild up as soon as once more will provide a litmus check for Hong Kong, its freedoms and aspirations, and its relationships to each the remainder of China and the remainder of the world.

Authorities in mainland China have at all times carried out their finest to erase all reminiscence of the bloodbath: Censoring information stories, scrubbing all mentions from the web, arresting and chasing into exile the organizers of the protests, and preserving the kin of those that died below tight surveillance. Consequently, generations of mainland Chinese language have grown up with out information of the occasions of June 4.

However Hong Kong has at all times had the flexibility to recollect. Within the years instantly after the bloodbath, Hong Kong was nonetheless a British colony past the attain of China’s censors. And even after Britain handed sovereignty to China in 1997, the town loved a semi-autonomous standing that allowed the vigil to proceed.

Not too long ago although, the candles in Victoria Park have been dimmed. Authorities banned the vigil in 2020 and 2021 citing coronavirus well being restrictions – although many Hongkongers imagine that was simply an excuse to clamp down on exhibits of public dissent following pro-democracy protests that swept the town in 2019.

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In 2020, regardless of the shortage of an organized vigil, hundreds of Hongkongers went to the park anyway in defiance of the authorities. However final yr, the federal government put greater than 3,000 riot police on standby to stop unauthorized gatherings – and the park remained in darkness for the primary time in additional than three many years.

With Hong Kong now easing lots of its Covid restrictions, all eyes might be on this yr’s “six 4” – because the date is understood domestically – as a barometer of not solely the political environment, however Hongkongers’ urge for food for defiance and the federal government’s tolerance of dissent.

For supporters of the vigil, the early indicators aren’t good.

Critics say Hong Kong has taken an authoritarian flip ever since its personal pro-democracy protests emerged. Certainly, its subsequent chief, simply weeks from energy, has been named as John Lee – who rose to prominence because the safety chief who helped to subdue these protests.

Many critics say the Hong Kong authorities can be stretching credulity if it once more bans the occasion on the grounds of Covid. But that seems to be what the outgoing Chief Govt Carrie Lam has urged. On the finish of Might, Lam gave an equivocal response when requested whether or not individuals who gathered at Victoria Park on June 4 would face authorized repercussions.

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“So far as any gathering is anxious, there are a variety of authorized necessities,” Lam informed reporters. “There’s a nationwide safety regulation, there are the social-distancing restrictions, and there may be additionally a venue query… whether or not a selected exercise has obtained authorization to happen in a selected venue needs to be determined by the proprietor of the venue.”

Underlining the federal government’s opposition to the vigil, Hong Kong police on Thursday mentioned it had observed folks “selling, advocating and inciting others to take part in unauthorized meeting within the space of Victoria Park” on June 4 and suggested the general public to not attend. The police cited Covid measures and a public order ordinance and warned those that marketed or organized illegal assemblies could possibly be charged and jailed. There can be a “enough deployment” of cops within the space on that day, mentioned Senior Superintendent Liauw Ka Kei, who mentioned that the police haven’t obtained any purposes for public memorials.

Pro-democracy demonstrators surround a truck filled with Chinese soldiers on their way to Tiananmen Square, May 20, 1989.

Requested whether or not folks there could possibly be arrested for carrying flowers or carrying black, the colour of protest in Hong Kong, Liauw mentioned those that appeared to incite others to affix illegal assemblies can be stopped and searched, and reiterated unlawful meeting carries a five-year most jail time period, whereas these discovered responsible of incitement might obtain as much as 12-months.

The police will even goal on-line incitement to assemble, Liauw mentioned.

Whether or not residents will dare to name the federal government’s bluff and end up in Victoria Park anyway is but to be seen, however the nationwide safety laws cited by Lam is a potent deterrent. The Hong Kong Catholic diocese cited issues over the regulation when it introduced not too long ago that for the primary time in three many years its church buildings wouldn’t maintain their annual Tiananmen plenty.

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It’s a sweeping piece of laws that was launched in Hong Kong by the central Chinese language authorities and got here into pressure on the finish of June 2020 – simply weeks after Hongkongers had defied the ban on the 2020 vigil.

The central and native governments mentioned the regulation was wanted to revive order to the town after the pro-democracy protests, which they claimed have been being fueled by international components. It outlaws acts of secession, subversion, terrorism and collusion with international forces; authorities proceed to insist it doesn’t infringe on freedoms of press or speech.

“Following the implementation of the nationwide safety regulation, chaos stopped and order has been restored in Hong Kong,” the Hong Kong authorities mentioned on Might 20.

People hold candles during a vigil in Hong Kong on June 4, 2018.

However, many Hongkongers say the regulation has extinguished their desires of a freer, extra democratic metropolis.

For the reason that regulation got here into impact, pro-democracy activists, former elected lawmakers and journalists have been arrested. Tens of hundreds of Hongkongers have left the town, some fleeing persecution and searching for asylum abroad.

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The organizers of the Tiananmen vigil have disbanded and a few of them have been jailed. Amongst their alleged transgressions: performing as “international brokers” and urging folks to commemorate the anniversary of the bloodbath.

The fates of Tiananmen Sq. and Hong Kong have lengthy been intertwined.

Even earlier than the bloodbath, when scholar protesters in Beijing would use the sq. as a base to push for governmental reform and larger democracy, Hong Kong residents would maintain rallies in solidarity. Many would even journey to the Chinese language capital to supply help.

And when Beijing determined to ship in Folks’s Liberation Military troops armed with rifles and accompanied by tanks to forcibly clear the sq. of 1 such protest – that had attracted tens of hundreds of scholars – within the early hours of June 4, 1989, Hongkongers have been among the many first to supply help.

There isn’t a official demise toll for a way lots of the largely scholar protesters have been killed that day, however estimates vary from a number of hundred to hundreds, with many extra injured. It has additionally been estimated that as many as 10,000 folks have been arrested throughout and after the protests. A number of dozen protesters have been executed.

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A lone man with shopping bags temporarily stops the advance of Chinese tanks after the bloody crackdown against protesters, Beijing,  June 5, 1989.

Of those that escaped, some 500 have been saved by an underground community dubbed “Operation Yellow Chicken,” which helped smuggle the organizers and others vulnerable to arrest into Hong Kong, nonetheless a British territory on the time.

The next yr the Hong Kong Alliance in Help of Patriotic Democratic Actions of China started organizing the annual vigil in Victoria Park, and regardless of fears that Beijing would possibly clamp down on the occasion following the 1997 handover of sovereignty, it continued to flourish lengthy after Hong Kong’s new incarnation as a Particular Administrative Area of China.

The final time the vigil was held, in 2019, greater than 180,000 folks attended, in response to organizer estimates.

Since that final vigil, there have been many symbolic erasures of the town’s means to publicly keep in mind, protest and mourn the bloodbath.

In September 2021, the Hong Kong Alliance – the organizer of the vigil – determined to disband, citing the nationwide safety regulation.

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A number of of its members have been charged with subversion below the safety regulation and a few of its core figures, together with former lawmakers, have been given jail sentences over fees of unauthorized meeting.

Thousands of Hong Kongers gather in the city's Victoria Park to mark the 31st anniversary of the Tiananmen Square crackdown, 2020.

After asserting the group’s dissolution, Richard Tsoi, a former vice-chairman of the alliance, mentioned: “I do imagine that Hong Kong folks – irrespective of in particular person capability or different capability – will proceed to commemorate June 4 as earlier than.”

But since Tsoi spoke, extra reminders of what occurred on June 4, 1989, have slipped from sight.

Final December Hong Kong College eliminated its “Pillar of Disgrace,” an iconic sculpture commemorating the Tiananmen victims, which had stood on its campus for greater than 20 years. A number of different native universities have additionally taken down memorials.

Two children look at the

In April, a controversial Tiananmen portray was amongst a number of works containing political content material faraway from Hong Kong’s main new artwork museum M+, although the establishment mentioned the removing was a part of a routine “rotation” of exhibited artwork.

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And the Catholic diocese’s resolution to not mark the date got here simply weeks after 90-year-old Cardinal Joseph Zen, one in every of Asia’s most senior Catholic clerics and an outspoken critic of China’s Communist Celebration, was arrested together with three different pro-democracy activists.

Nonetheless, there are those that say they may proceed to talk out in no matter methods they’ll to maintain alive the reminiscence of Tiananmen.

After former Hong Kong Alliance chief Chow Hold-tung was arrested final yr, she delivered an impassioned protection in courtroom, condemning what she mentioned was “one step within the systemic erasure of historical past, each of the Tiananmen bloodbath and Hong Kong’s personal historical past of civic resistance.”

Even because the courtroom ready handy down a 15-month sentence, she remained defiant. “It doesn’t matter what the penalty is, I’ll proceed to talk what I need to,” she mentioned in feedback posted on-line this January.

“Even when candlelight is criminalized, I’ll nonetheless name on folks to make a stand, whether or not on June 4 this yr or each June 4 in years to return.”

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Why Hong Kong should put debt restructuring back on the legislative agenda

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Why Hong Kong should put debt restructuring back on the legislative agenda

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In January, journalists, corporate consultants and restructuring specialists filled up a Hong Kong courtroom in a rare scene to attend Evergrande’s winding-up hearing where judge Linda Chan declared “enough is enough” and handed down a liquidation order.

The landmark case involving China’s once-biggest property developer by sales with more than $300bn in liabilities has put the territory’s legal framework for resolving debt problems back in the spotlight. More than 20 Chinese developers have been slapped with winding-up petitions in Hong Kong since China’s real estate crisis began in 2021, with at least five being ordered to be wound up by a Hong Kong judge.

This is not a great result for any of the parties involved. Often described as a “nuclear option” and a lose-lose scenario by lawyers, these winding-up court proceedings leave creditors with little to no return. And proceedings can drag out for many months.

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Lawyers and restructuring specialists say Hong Kong’s legal framework for other debt restructuring options is lacking compared with financial jurisdictions such as London, New York and Singapore.

A restructuring bill to remedy this has been in discussion for more than 20 years in the Asian financial hub but other legislative priorities have taken precedence amid a lack of consensus on what it should contain. The last push to introduce one came in 2020 when a draft legislative proposal was made as the Covid-19 pandemic struck.

The Hong Kong government carried out a consultation but later put the plan again on hold. Although it said it would continue to consult stakeholders to refine the legislative proposals, there does not appear to be a timeframe for that.

Lawyers said there was a pressing need to raise the proposal back up the agenda, particularly as offshore creditors increasingly use Hong Kong courts to force distressed Chinese developers into speeding up their restructuring plans.

Chinese developers have defaulted on a massive $115bn of $175bn in outstanding offshore dollar bonds since 2021, according to Bloomberg data. And property developer Shimao last month became one of the latest to face a winding-up petition, unusually from a Chinese state-backed bank. Country Garden, which defaulted in October, received a winding-up petition in February involving more than $200mn worth of debt.

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A key element of a restructuring bill is that after the appointment of a supervisor for a debt restructuring, a statutory moratorium would be imposed to halt parties from rushing off to court and asking for a winding up.

Under the current legal system in Hong Kong, creditors are free to go after distressed companies by filing wind-up petitions before a scheme of arrangement for a restructuring is agreed and then approved by a court, according to Jamie Stranger, a Hong Kong-based partner at Stephenson Harwood.

Law firm Herbert Smith Freehills says this gives “dissenting creditors significant leverage to hold the company and other consenting creditors to ransom and otherwise encourages ‘rogue’ behaviour by them, which in turn jeopardises the restructuring efforts”. It adds: “This often leads to a worse outcome for all interested parties where there is a genuine prospect that the restructured business would be able to trade out of its difficulties.”

One problem is to what extent would a restructuring bill cover mainland Chinese assets. Under the existing winding-up process in Hong Kong, it is very unlikely for offshore creditors to get back any onshore mainland assets. This is despite a “mutual recognition agreement” on insolvency and restructuring rolled out in 2021 that applies in some parts of mainland China. Offshore creditors remain typically subordinated to onshore stakeholders, lawyers say.

A bill “would need to interface with the mainland laws and provide some ability for a provisional supervisor to be recognised and assisted in the mainland”, Jonathan Leitch, a Hong Kong-based partner at Hogan Lovells, told me. Otherwise, the roles of a Hong Kong-based provisional supervisor in most cases “would be severely hampered”.

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Lance Jiang, a partner in restructuring and insolvency at law firm Ashurst, says: “Most practitioners would like to have the new restructuring bill, because it definitely mitigates the gap between Hong Kong and other international centres and would give the companies and also the creditors side with more options to do consensual restructuring.”

“It’s Hong Kong, you know, the legislative council can do it quickly, efficiently,” says Jiang, adding that this would benefit everyone in the market.

thomas.chan@ft.com

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Pasadena reels from Tesla crash that left 3 dead, 3 injured

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Pasadena reels from Tesla crash that left 3 dead, 3 injured

Pasadena is reeling from a violent car crash over the weekend that left three young adults dead and three other young people badly injured.

The victims, whose ages range from 17 to 22, all had roots in the City of Roses.

A memorial of flowers and candles assembled near a ruined building in east Pasadena marked the spot where the car’s driver crashed his Tesla after hitting a nearby curb at more than 100 mph just before 2:30 a.m. Saturday.

The driver and two passengers died in the crash, and three more passengers were hospitalized with serious injuries, according to authorities.

By Monday morning, the memorial outside the unoccupied building on East Foothill Boulevard was replete with votive candles, a soccer ball and shoe, flowers and a pair of leather notebooks in which friends and family members could leave messages.

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It’s where 20-year-old Sergio Nava laid a bouquet of flowers for his friend Stephan Michael “Mike” Pfeiffer, whom he met in middle school at Marshall Fundamental Secondary School in Pasadena. They talked almost every day, and Nava thinks that if the circumstances were different — if maybe Nava hadn’t been scheduled to work Saturday at a local Ralphs supermarket — he could have been in the car with his friend.

“I know he’s in a better place now and he’s looking down on us,” Nava said, placing the flowers.

Pfeiffer, 20, was from Pasadena, according to the Los Angeles County medical examiner’s office. The other two persons killed were a man in his 20s whose name has not been released pending notification to his family, and Moheb Reda Samuel, 22, of Pasadena. The medical examiner’s office previously provided an incorrect spelling for Samuel’s first name.

Samuel was the driver of the white, 5-seat Tesla Model 3 that was heading west on Foothill Boulevard when it appeared to have lost control navigating a bend in the road. It hit a curb and launched into the air, according to Lt. Anthony Russo with the Pasadena Police Department.

The car probably soared more than 130 feet before it collided with a utility pole and the building, Russo said.

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The cause of the crash remains under investigation, but based on preliminary information, it does not appear that the vehicle malfunctioned, according to Russo. The county medical examiner’s office will perform a toxicology test to determine if drugs or alcohol were a factor in the crash.

Samuel and the passenger in the front seat died at the scene, while three out of the four rear passengers were thrown from the vehicle during the crash, Russo said. The fourth passenger remained in the vehicle because they were wearing their seat belt.

One of the passengers thrown from the vehicle died, and two others were transported to a hospital along with the survivor who remained in the vehicle’s back seat, Russo said. All three passengers are expected to survive, according to authorities.

Samuel was charged in September with driving under the influence with a blood alcohol level above the legal limit, according to court records. He appeared in a Pasadena courtroom in March for his arraignment and a plea hearing.

Maranatha High School in Pasadena released a statement about the crash because some of the victims involved had been students at the private Christian school. It did not offer any names, but a school athletics website shows that Samuel was a varsity soccer player who graduated from Maranatha in 2020. Grief counselors were being made available to the school and community, according to the statement posted to Facebook on Sunday.

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The school asked the public to respect the privacy of the families whose loved ones were involved in the crash.

“We are deeply saddened by this weekend’s tragic car accident that claimed precious young lives. We mourn this immense loss and extend our heartfelt condolences to the families and loved ones of all those affected,” the statement said. “During this difficult time, we turn to our faith in Christ Jesus for comfort and strength and ask others to join us in praying for all who are suffering due to this tragedy.”

On Monday morning, a student wearing a Maranatha sweater approached the memorial and left flowers. Pieces of the Tesla remained strewn about the street and sidewalk.

A large gash in the sidewalk spoke of where the vehicle went airborne, and another large scratch on the ground at a nearby corner showed where the Tesla eventually came to rest.

Among the items at the memorial was a skateboard propped on the handles of the ruined building’s door with the name “Mike” scratched onto the board’s deck.

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“He was a humble guy and he didn’t like to show off. He was just very sweet to his grandfather and grandmother,” Nava said. Pfeiffer had taken care of his grandfather until his grandfather’s death, and was living with his grandmother at the time of the accident, according to Nava.

Nava said his friend was a skateboarder who studied kinesiology at Pasadena City College. Pfeiffer had planned to change his major, but remained undecided about what to study next.

“I guess we’ll never know,” Nava said as he picked up one of the notebooks to write a message for his friend. Pfeiffer would have been 21 this July, according to Nava.

A GoFundMe campaign has been started to help pay for Pfeiffer’s funeral services.

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Russia attempts to break through Ukraine’s defences in Kharkiv region

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Russia attempts to break through Ukraine’s defences in Kharkiv region

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Russian forces have captured three more villages in Ukraine’s north-eastern Kharkiv region, as they press ahead with a new offensive intended to draw Ukrainian forces away from front lines in the east.

Since launching the operation on Friday, Russian troops have occupied about 10 settlements across 100 sq km of territory along Ukraine’s northern border.

Maps compiled by Deepstate, an open-source Ukrainian analysis group, indicated that Russia captured three villages on Sunday, and a battle is under way for control of Hlyboke, a village 40km north of Kharkiv.

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The Russian defence ministry said on Monday it had improved its positions in the Kharkiv region and had taken offensive action in four areas — Vovchansk, Neskuchne, Vesele and Lyptsi.

Ukraine’s general staff said Russia was continuing to try to break Ukrainian lines on Monday, that Moscow achieved “partial success” around Lukyantsi and carried out air strikes in and around Vovchansk. It said Kyiv has sent reserves and depending “on how the situation develops, the expansion [of personnel] . . . will continue,” adding that its troops had all the necessary weaponry they needed.

Russia’s operations had previously been focused on the eastern Donetsk region of Ukraine, particularly around the critical stronghold of Chasiv Yar.

But Ukrainian officials believe Russia now wants to draw Ukrainian forces away from the battles in the east, where Kyiv is outgunned and struggling to hold its defensive lines.

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Moscow is also looking to exploit its superior resources ahead of the delivery of new military aid to Ukraine from the US, after a hold-up in Congress was resolved and a new aid package passed last month.

Russian forces are advancing much faster in the north than their grinding gains in the east of the country. However, Ukrainian officials and analysts said they had not yet managed a significant breakthrough.

They added that much of the newly occupied area falls within a “grey zone” where neither side previously held positions because its lowland terrain was hard to defend.

Serhiy Kuzan, chair of the Ukrainian Security and Cooperation Center think-tank, said Deepstate’s maps indicated that Russia had not managed to achieve the kind of breakthrough it did a few weeks ago around Ocheretyne, near the city of Avdiivka in Donetsk.

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Kuzan added that while Russia did not have enough reserves to take Kharkiv, it had the capacity to continue fighting in the area for at least a month, aiming to get as close to the city as possible and “create pressure there” by shelling it.

A Ukrainian defence forces source told the Financial Times on Monday that Russia would need at least four times as many troops as it currently had for a ground offensive on Kharkiv, and maintained that Moscow’s goal was to stretch Ukraine’s forces.

Analysts have previously estimated that Russia would need to recruit at least 100,000 men if it wanted to take Kharkiv, with the Kremlin reluctant to sign off on another unpopular round of mass mobilisation.

Other than encroaching on Kharkiv, Russia may also be seeking to push Ukrainian forces deeper into the country to get them out of range of the Russian city of Belgorod, just 30km north of the border with Ukraine, which has come under increasing artillery fire in recent months.

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The governor of Belgorod region said on Monday that 19 people had been killed as a result of the fighting in the preceding weekend, blaming Ukrainian air and drone strikes.

At least nine people were killed when an explosion blew through part of a 10-storey apartment block on Sunday morning in the centre of the city.

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A Ukrainian official confirmed that Ukraine’s SBU internal security services had conducted another drone attack inside Russia, hitting an oil depot in Belgorod and an electricity substation in the Lipetsk region.

“Russian industry, which works for the war against Ukraine, will remain a legitimate target for the SBU. Measures to undermine the enemy’s military potential will continue,” the person said.

On Monday, the Ukrainian army said it had replaced its commander for Kharkiv in an effort to boost its defence of the north-eastern region.

Satellite photo of Vovchansk on May 10 showing plumes of smoke rising from Russian airstrikes

Ukraine’s general staff said there was fighting around settlements in the grey zone south of Pylna and on the outskirts of Vovchansk. It said reserves had been deployed to “stabilise the situation”.

“Our defenders conduct defensive actions [to] inflict damage on the enemy,” it said in a briefing on Monday. “[They are] using unmanned systems for the purpose of conducting reconnaissance and performing pinpoint strikes to achieve maximum losses.”

Vadym Ivaneshchenko, a spokesperson for Ukraine’s 42nd Brigade, which is fighting around Hlyboke, said Russian forces were approaching their positions. He said his unit was “fully equipped”, though more drones and electronic warfare equipment were always needed.

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Speaking on Ukraine’s Radio NV, the head of Vovchansk’s local administration, Tamaz Gambarashvili, said it had been “extremely difficult” to build fortifications because the city was often being bombarded by Russian shelling. But Gambarashvili said the construction effort was ongoing.

Cartography and satellite visualisation by Steven Bernard

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