Ohio
Columbus mulls new strategy to limit gun violence. Could it work? – Ohio Capital Journal
In defiance of a gun loving state legislature, town of Columbus is mulling a novel authorized technique: treating gun violence as a public nuisance.
Reasonably than passing an area legislation proscribing gun entry that will doubtless be struck down in court docket, Columbus officers indicated they wish to as an alternative invoke a state legislation that claims native well being departments “shall abate and take away all nuisances” inside their jurisdiction.
Weapons, the Columbus officers say, are posing a grave and rising nuisance for town. In 2021, Columbus police recovered a document variety of firearms; skilled a six-year excessive in homicides; a six-year excessive in unintended shootings; and a six-year excessive in reported firearm discharges within the residence. in line with data shared at a metropolis Board of Well being assembly.
In the meantime on the state stage, firearm deaths hit document highs in 2020 and 2021, in line with state knowledge, and analysis exhibits pediatric firearm deaths spiked by about 90% over the course of a decade.
“Following the info, the Board might have the authority below the Ohio Revised Code to deal with gun violence,” stated Metropolis Lawyer Zach Klein on the assembly final month. He stated it’s “one other well being disaster the Board of Well being will attempt to handle.”
Klein stated officers arrived on the technique amid a quest for “loopholes, exceptions and wiggle room” on weapons, given the unlikeliness of state motion to fight gun violence.
The method is new to Ohio and would want to sidestep two hulking authorized obstacles. For one, in 2007, state lawmakers established what’s often called a preemption that blocks cities from enacting any ordinance, rule or regulation on firearms past state legislation.
The small metropolis of Clyde went to the Ohio Supreme Court docket defending a conflicting metropolis ordinance that prohibited Ohioans from carrying a hid weapon in a metropolis park. The court docket sided in opposition to town.
“Merely put, the Common Meeting, by enacting [the preemption law], gave individuals in Ohio the appropriate to hold a handgun except federal or state legislation prohibits them from doing so,” the court docket stated. “A municipal ordinance can’t infringe on that broad statutory proper.”
Secondly, in a legislative backlash to lockdowns and different COVID-19 restrictions and necessities, Republican lawmakers in 2021 gutted among the authorized energy given to Ohio’s state and native public well being departments. Amongst an inventory of broader modifications, the brand new legislation prohibits well being departments from issuing orders or regulation that apply to a “class of individuals.” As an alternative, they will solely problem orders pertaining to “particular individuals.”
Columbus’ considering
Wealthy Coglianese, town’s solicitor normal, addressed a few of these roadblocks finally month’s Columbus Board of Well being assembly. On Ohio’s firearms preemption, he stated the legislation incorporates an exception “as particularly offered by … state legislation.” As a result of Ohio’s public well being legislation says boards “shall” abate public nuisances, Coglianese stated Columbus can depend on this obligation to sidestep the preemption pitfall.
As for the brand new COVID-19 legislation, gun house owners, in line with Coglianese, match throughout the realm of “particular individuals” below the brand new legislation as a result of they fall into a particular class.
In 1999, town of Cincinnati sued fifteen handgun producers, three commerce associations, and one handgun distributor. Town sought to carry them answerable for, amongst different claims, making a public nuisance. The matter wound up earlier than the Ohio Supreme Court docket, which sided with Cincinnati and refused to throw out the case. The court docket outlined a public nuisance as “an unreasonable interference with a proper frequent to most people,” together with acts that “considerably intrude with public well being, security, peace, consolation, or comfort.”
(The lawsuit was ultimately mooted in 2001 when the state legislature handed a legislation immunizing the gun trade from non-nuisance claims. Nevertheless, gun management proponents declare the case as a win for the precedent it set.)
By way of a spokesman, Klein declined an interview request or particular questions on when Columbus would possibly take extra concrete motion or what which may appear like.
Ohio’s preemption legislation since its passage has hamstrung Ohio’s main cities, that are usually managed by Democrats, not like the state legislature. In a Tuesday interview with NPR, Cincinnati Mayor Aftab Pureval mentioned the politics of gun management in a blue metropolis in a crimson state.
“After we’re speaking about particularly gun management, native leaders are pre-empted by their statehouses or by their federal authorities and actually don’t have many instruments to handle the accessibility of weapons,” he stated.
The Columbus Public Well being division is taking a look at gun violence by way of a public well being lens, in line with spokeswoman Kelli Newman. She stated the division is operating different packages together with partaking in communities affected by trauma and the MORE Life partnership, to supply counseling and remedy companies.
“As a neighborhood, we’re inspecting all angles of gun violence, together with potential coverage modifications that Metropolis Lawyer Klein mentioned,” she stated. “For particulars on how it could work and what it could entail, you would want to speak to the Metropolis Lawyer’s Workplace. We shouldn’t have these particulars right now.”
Will it work?
Jonathan Entin, a legislation professor at Case Western Reserve College, stated Columbus would face an uphill battle if it follows by way of on the thought however shouldn’t be written off fully. He stated the Ohio Supreme Court docket’s ruling within the Clyde case would doubtless underpin any case introduced in opposition to town.
“This isn’t some weird, outlandish authorized principle,” he stated of the Columbus proposal. “I’m simply saying, from the place I sit, I feel Columbus may have a tough time profitable in the event that they pursue this nuisance principle.”
The Buckeye Firearms Affiliation, arguably the state’s most outstanding gun lobbying group, referred to as consideration to the nascent Columbus coverage in its publication Monday. BFA argues town is waging a specious argument to enact a grab-bag of gun restrictions that lack requisite help in Congress or the Statehouse.
Rob Sexton, BFA’s prime lobbyist, stated town’s technique is simply an tried workaround of Ohio’s preemption legislation, which has withstood repeated authorized challenges. Nevertheless, whether or not town goes slender or broad with any try to go after weapons on the general public nuisance principle, he stated BFA is for certain to struggle it to the bitter finish.
“It’s exhausting for me to think about a state of affairs that will lead us to face down,” he stated. “Preemption is the pivotal legislation in Ohio.”
State lawmakers like weapons
Ohio, like many Republican states, has considerably loosened its gun rules over the previous twenty years. The pattern has accelerated up to now a number of years.
Final week, lawmakers handed laws that will enable lecturers to hold firearms in school rooms after finishing a minimal of as much as 24 hours of coaching. Gov. Mike DeWine has indicated plans to signal the invoice into legislation.
In March, DeWine signed laws that eliminated licensing necessities to hold a hid weapon. To acquire a license, Ohioans should endure a background examine and eight hours of coaching. Now, anybody 21 years of age who can lawfully possess a firearm can also carry it hid on his or her individuals.
Early final yr, DeWine signed a “stand your floor” invoice. The laws removes a requirement that folks in Ohio first search retreat from a perceived assault earlier than responding with lethal drive.
Different latest legal guidelines established permission for Ohioans to hold hid firearms into eating places and bars, privately owned parking heaps, and others.
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Ohio
Why did Will Howard transfer to Ohio State? Explaining Kansas State departure
Video: Ohio State’s Egbuka talks about relationship with Texas’ Ewers
Ohio State Buckeyes wide receiver Emeka Egbuka discusses former teammate, Texas quarterback Quinn Ewers shortly after the team arrived in Dallas on Jan. 8.
Rewind to Week 8 of the 2023 season, and Will Howard found himself on the bench in the second half of Kansas State’s game against Texas Tech.
Howard, who attempted only one pass in the second half of the game, was relieved by true freshman Avery Johnson, who scored five rushing touchdowns as Wildcats coach Chris Klieman said the quarterback-run game was open. Johnson’s performance led to Kansas State’s 38-21 win that night.
Fast forward a year, and Howard is in a position no one saw coming. After losing his role for a short time in 2023, the fifth-year senior has Ohio State in the College Football Playoff semifinal and has thrown for a CFP-leading 630 yards with five touchdowns in two dominant wins over Tennessee and Oregon.
The 6-foot-4 signal caller heads into the Buckeyes’ Cotton Bowl matchup with Texas on Friday with 3,490 passing yards with 32 touchdowns to nine interceptions this season, putting himself on the NFL draft radar.
While Howard took the majority of the snaps the rest of the way for Kansas State, he did surrender some work to the Wildcats’ young phenom in 2023. His transfer to Ohio State has been clearly the right move for the Downing, Pennsylvania, native.
Here’s everything to know about Howard’s transfer last offseason, and how he has excelled at Ohio State this season:
Why did Will Howard transfer to Ohio State?
Howard never explicitly stated his reasoning to leave Kansas State, however, with one extra season of eligibility remaining due to the COVID-19 pandemic, Howard likely wanted to play for a team ready to compete at the national stage.
Howard likely wasn’t going to achieve that at Kansas State, although he went 12-5 as the starter there in 2022 and 2023 with a 2022 Big 12 championship win over TCU, who reached the national championship that season. He also knew he’d be one of the top transfer portal quarterbacks available in a year where numerous teams had a spot to fill, along with respecting that the Wildcats had Johnson in waiting.
Ohio State, of course, also had a spot open, as Kyle McCord entered the transfer portal despite throwing for 3,170 yards with 24 touchdowns to six interceptions last season. All signs pointed to the Buckeyes taking a quarterback regardless of McCord’s move, however, to promote competition for the spot after some of McCord’s blunders in big games.
Howard took official visits to Miami, USC and Ohio State, and ultimately chose the Buckeyes due to the opportunity to win a national championship, plus the exposure on the national stage that would hopefully improve his NFL draft stock.
“The goal I have, I want to go win a national championship,” Howard told ESPN after committing. “At the end of the day, I want to go be a starting quarterback in the NFL. … I feel like the best place to stick as a quarterback in the NFL is as a first- or second-round pick in the NFL draft. Going to Ohio State gives me a chance to make a jump and leap into that conversation.”
Howard nearly entered the NFL draft last offseason, especially after landing a coveted invite from the Senior Bowl. However, he seemingly thought that a season at Ohio State would do more for his chances than leaving last season.
Howard made huge strides as a passer during his time at Kansas State, going from a run-first quarterback to a consistent passer. His biggest jump came at Ohio State, however, as his completion percentage rose to 72.6% this season, over 10 points higher than his previous best of 61.3% in 2023.
Howard said his production at Kansas State didn’t match what he thought of himself as a player, and that rung true after his showing with the Buckeyes this season.
“The week before I committed here I received a Senior Bowl invite,” Howard told reporters at his introductory press conference last January. “That was probably the thing I was closest to doing was going in the draft. I was projected a third- to sixth-round pick, that’s what I was hearing. You can never really trust everything you hear, but that was consensus what I was hearing.
“I just felt like I had the opportunity and felt like my talent level didn’t match where my stock was. And I felt like I couldn’t pass up an opportunity to try and bump that up and go somewhere to compete for a national championship.”
Will Howard stats
Here are Howard’s year-by-year college stats:
- 2020 (Kansas State): 90 of 168 passing (53.6%) for 1,178 yards with eight touchdowns to 10 interceptions; 78 rushes for 364 yards with three touchdowns
- 2021 (Kansas State): 30 of 55 passing (54.5%) for 332 yards with a touchdown to an interception; 32 rushes for 184 yards with four touchdowns
- 2022 (Kansas State): 119 of 199 passing (59.8%) for 1,633 yards with 15 touchdowns to four interceptions; 35 rushes for 22 yards with three touchdowns
- 2023 (Kansas State): 219 of 357 passing (61.3%) for 2,643 yards with 24 touchdowns to 10 interceptions; 81 rushes for 351 yards with nine touchdowns
- 2024 (Ohio State): 268 of 369 passing (72.6%) for 3,490 yards with 32 touchdowns to nine interceptions; 82 rushes for 165 yards with seven touchdowns
Ohio
Ohio state Sen. Ben Espy, who died at 81, to be remembered at service for breaking barriers
COLUMBUS, Ohio (AP) — Respected Ohio attorney and former state Sen. Ben Espy will be remembered at a celebration of life Monday for his decades of service to the state and its capital city.
Espy died on Jan. 4 at age 81 after a brief illness.
Espy, a Democrat, broke racial barriers as the first Black person to serve as president pro tem of the city council in the capital, Columbus, for most of the 1980s and as minority leader of the Ohio Senate, where he served from 1991 to 2000.
Though his hopes of attaining higher office were ultimately dashed, Espy continued to earn honors from members of both parties throughout his career.
Then- Democratic Ohio Attorney General Marc Dann tapped Espy as his top lieutenant in 2007 and chose Espy in 2009 to lead a high-profile internal investigation into allegations of sexual harassment at the office. The final report was damning.
“I don’t think anyone anywhere is going to question Ben Espy’s integrity,” Dann’s spokesperson, Leo Jennings, remarked at the time.
Two years later, Republican Maureen O’Connor invited Espy to deliver the keynote address at her swearing-in ceremony as Ohio’s first female chief justice.
Espy’s most lasting efforts were probably in the city of Columbus.
He established the city’s Martin Luther King Jr. Day celebration, now one of the nation’s largest, as well as the Columbus Youth Corps, a program teaching ethics and professionalism to young people that was designated as one of President George H.W. Bush’s “points of light.”
He also created “The Job Show,” a cable program produced by the city that helped people find jobs. It was named the best municipal cable program in the U.S. in 1986 and 1987.
“He was the community’s person,” daughter Laura Espy-Bell said. “We’re hearing countless stories of people whose lives were changed because of my dad.”
Columbus Mayor Andrew Ginther remembered Espy as “a remarkable leader and advocate” for city residents. U.S. Rep. Joyce Beatty, who represents Columbus in Congress, said Espy’s legacy “is felt in every corner of community.”
Columbus City Council President Shannon Hardin called Espy “a towering statesman and a fighter for justice and equality.”
“Ben Espy is the kind of trailblazer on whose shoulders so many of us stand now,” Hardin posted on X.
Born in Nashville, Tennessee, on July 12, 1943, Espy graduated in 1961 from Sandusky High School, where he played football and ran track. He was recruited to Woody Hayes’ Ohio State Buckeyes football team, where he was a running back. He graduated from The Ohio State University in 1965 with a bachelor’s in political science and went on to earn a law degree from Howard University in 1968.
Espy began his legal career as a corporate lawyer for Allegheny Airlines and then entered the U.S. Air Force, serving as an assistant staff judge advocate. He returned to Ohio in 1972, where he began the first of his stints at the Ohio Attorney General’s office before starting his own law practice and eventually entering politics.
He and his wife, Kathy Duffy Espy, who died in 2022, had four daughters and 11 grandchildren. Espy-Bell said that by day her father worked hard for the community, but at night he always had time to read a bedtime story to his daughters or attend his grandchildren’s soccer games.
Espy was involved in a freak accident in 1984 in which he was struck by a falling cornice that broke off an aging building in downtown Columbus as he walked by. He lost the lower part of his right leg.
Espy-Bell said her father didn’t let that slow him down.
“Two things got him through that,” she said. “One was the strength of my mother to carry our family through, raising four little girls. The other was the strength of my father, in his resiliency, to come back even stronger and even better.”
Derrick Clay, president and CEO of the Columbus Chamber of Commerce, said Espy’s story “reminds us all that challenges can become opportunities to make an even greater impact.”
Republican Gov. Mike DeWine ordered flags to be lowered to half-staff in Espy’s honor on the day of his funeral.
Ohio
'Putting mud in the clear water of transparency' | Ohio police can now charge up to $750 for body cam video
CINCINNATI — Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine signed an omnibus bill Thursday that includes a provision that allows Ohio law enforcement agencies to charge up to $75 per hour of video requested under the state’s public record laws. The law caps the total at $750.
“We’re thankful to the governor for signing the bill,” Michael Weinman, Ohio FOP’s director of government affairs, told WCPO.
The law is intended to help departments recoup labor costs for the time spent to redact and prepare videos for release once a request is made. Officials said they are also hopeful the law will help prevent bad actors online from monetizing “sensational” videos.
“We get flooded with these requests,” Weinman said. “And what they’re looking for is bar fights and different things — something sensational that they can get likes on and get clicks and things like that. And so, what we hope this does is when you increase that charge; it filters those people out.”
Criminal attorney Joshua Evans believes the legislation could backfire.
“It’s like putting mud in the clear water of transparency,” Evans said. “A lot of people have a lot of distrust in police officers already and this could be looked at as another roadblock for poor people not to be able to get what they need, you know, to make a claim.”
RELATED | Concerns arise over possibility of police charging for video in Ohio
Evans said he believes this law, if not challenged, could further erode trust and hinder accountability for law enforcement.
“It’s a public records request,” Evans said. “I think public records should be free. I think there’s a better way of parsing those people out. It kind of sends a message you can only get justice if you got money and that’s never a good message you want to send.”
In his press release about the bill signings, DeWine addressed the concerns around this legislation. In a statement, he said in part:
“I strongly support the public’s — and the news media’s — right to access public records. The language in House Bill 315 doesn’t change that right. Law enforcement-worn body cameras and dashboard cameras have been a major improvement for both law enforcement investigations and for accountability.
However, I am sensitive to the fact that this changing technology has affected law enforcement by oftentimes creating unfunded burdens on these agencies, especially when it comes to the often time-consuming and labor-intensive work it takes to provide them as public records.
No law enforcement agency should ever have to choose between diverting resources for officers on the street to move them to administrative tasks like lengthy video redaction reviews for which agencies receive no compensation — and this is especially so for when the requestor of the video is a private company seeking to make money off of these videos.”
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