Nebraska
Most commenting on proposed Nebraska legislative rules opposed drastic changes | Nebraska Examiner
LINCOLN — Nebraska’s 2024 rules fight drew interest Monday over a foundational issue: which senators could speak in what situations and for how long until a majority votes.
The Rules Committee’s public hearing touched on several topics, including whether the officially nonpartisan Legislature should continue the tradition of voting e for its leaders by secret ballot.
As expected, the future of the filibuster dominated discussions about 34 proposed changes after a 2023 legislative session marked by controversial bills and a nearly session-long series of filibusters aimed at stopping them.
Slippery roads across much of the state during Monday’s snowstorm likely limited the number of in-person testifiers to about a dozen. The committee received another 230 public comments online by midday.
Majority rules vs. minority rights
Two themes emerged: Many of those commenting opposed wholesale changes to the Legislature’s rules, urging senators to protect the unique traditions of the Unicameral body.
And some argued for making it harder for a single senator or two to derail a legislative session because they oppose a bill and using the Legislature’s rules to do so.
Nathan Leach of Kearney, representing himself and Nonpartisan Nebraska, which advocates protecting the Legislature’s nonpartisan approach, spoke about the need for measured changes. He warned of potential consequences of restricting free and full debate.
Retired University of Nebraska-Lincoln journalism professor Charlyne Berens, who wrote a book on the Unicameral, opposed changing the Legislature’s election of leaders to a public vote.
She wrote in an online comment that the secret ballot tradition “has worked well for decades.” She said it lets senators make decisions about who would be the best leaders above political considerations.

Allie French of Nebraskans Against Government Overreach and a legislative candidate in District 23, argued the opposite, saying all votes should be public so voters can hold state lawmakers accountable for votes that partisans might dislike.
She and other testifiers supported a change to give the public access to more digestible summaries of what bills would do at least five days before a public hearing instead of the current one-day rule.
Erdman’s proposals
Nancy Finken, Nebraska Public Media’s chief information officer and a representative of Media of Nebraska, defended reporters’ access to attend legislative committees’ executive sessions.
State Sen. Steve Erdman of Bayard, chairman of the Rules Committee, has been trying to ban reporters from such sessions for seven years. He argued Monday that reporters are not allowed to attend executive sessions at any other level of government.
Erdman’s sweeping package of rules changes generated the most opposition Monday. Some of those testifying expressed concerns that his proposals tilted too far toward majority rule and away from providing minority rights.
His most controversial proposal would shift the required number of votes needed to overcome a filibuster to a sliding scale based on how many senators vote on a particular bill.
Erdman said the Legislature’s rulebook needs a fuller rewrite. He has said the current rules let the minority stop too many bills proposed by conservatives.
Unicameral experts have argued that the late Sen. George Norris, “father” of Nebraska’s one-house Legislature, designed his system to cool the passions of the majority and encourage moderate public policy so it is accepted by more Nebraskans.
Arch’s proposals

No one testified in person against a rules package from Speaker John Arch. Senators who spoke to the Nebraska Examiner last week praised Arch and Erdman for sharing their proposals early.
A proposal by Arch to let a senator seek cloture votes (or end debate) on motions as well as when bills are being debated received little public pushback Monday.
Arch also proposed codifying limits that senators adopted last year limiting the number of priority motions a senator can file and then withdraw from a single bill during each round of debate.
State Sen. John Cavanaugh of Omaha proposed tweaking Arch’s proposal limiting priority motions to make sure his Arch’s concerns about filibusters don’t limit legitimate disagreements.
Arch said he and Cavanaugh would continue to talk. The committee has an executive session set for 10 a.m. Tuesday to discuss the proposals and what they took away from the hearing.
Handful of other ideas
State Sen. Justin Wayne of Omaha explained the reason why he proposed requiring senators to vote yes or no during the final reading of bills, pointing to the Nebraska Constitution. He also poked fun at himself, because he has himself voted “present, not voting.”
State Sen. Ben Hansen of Blair faced questions from lawmakers about his proposal to limit senators to introducing no more than 14 bills a year and letting senators select a second priority bill when they propose five or fewer bills.
“The question I ask is, are we sacrificing quality for quantity?” Hansen said.
State Sen. Wendy DeBoer of Bennington and State Sen. Eliot Bostar of Lincoln, who sit on the Rules Committee, asked what Hansen would do about productive lawmakers who pass double-digit bills in a given year.
Hansen said some would be able to pass off some of their “technical clean-up” bills to committees. DeBoer wondered aloud whether his idea might encourage more combined bills to skirt the limit.
Clerk of the Legislature Brandon Metzler spent much of the day testifying in a neutral capacity, answering lawmakers’ questions about the impacts of specific proposals and possible changes.
Heidi Uhing of Civic Nebraska praised Erdman and the Rules Committee and staff for making it easier to comment publicly online. She applauded their efforts to publicize all the proposals in one place on the Legislature’s website.
She also warned senators about the risks of tinkering with the cloture process. She said a rural state that is growing more urban and suburban might want to maintain minority members an opportunity to slow legislation down they disagree with.
“Nebraskans continue to believe that the Unicameral’s nonpartisan structure makes it more effective at problem-solving than a partisan Legislature,” Uhing said.
Nebraska
Newly reelected Nebraska Farmers Union president says current farm policy is ‘not working’
John Hansen, president of the Nebraska Farmers Union, will serve another two years at the helm after members re-elected him this month. He’s seen a lot of change in agriculture since 1990, but some things have stayed relatively the same, such as the price of a bushel of corn. Nebraska Public Media’s Jackie Ourada spoke with Hansen on “All Things Considered” about the state of agriculture, starting with how farmers are feeling about President Trump’s new $12 billion relief package that aims to offset damage done by tariffs.
Hansen: It plays to real mixed reviews for the folks who know how much money they lost in the first place thanks to the tariffs, which is somewhere, the Farm Bureau estimates, between $34 billion and $44 billion. We think $40 billion is a pretty good number. So, if you just lost $40 billion when you are already struggling financially, and you are already having to restructure your your farm loans to try to come up with more equity to replace the cash flow that didn’t work, and you already had done all that … So you lose $40 billion worth of value, and you get $12 billion paid back in some sort of fashion — not yet clear, who gets that. That $11 billion actually goes to the 20 crops, and then an additional $1 billion goes to specialty crops, so we’re certainly not going to be made whole. It’s better than a jab in the eye with a sharp stick, but not as good as being made whole.
Ourada: Farmers are, in Nebraska for the most part, going to, according to some of the economic surveys, benefit quite a lot from government payouts this year. So, I guess it’s difficult for me to hear that you guys have had a lot of calls about farmers being upside down, when the overall picture is that farmers are going to end up with a lot of economic benefits from the payouts from the government.
Hansen: So when you have commodity prices that are this low, and the reason you’re getting additional economic disaster assistance is because if you look at those prices, it’s a train wreck, a complete train wreck. So you’re helping try to offset that through some sort of federal economic assistance. But when you add that amount of assistance with the amount of shortfall that exists in commodity prices that tells you how far out of whack our farm policy and our trade policy is. We’re, unfortunately, in a situation where we’re forced to accept that those additional payments, although all farmers would rather get paid in the marketplace rather than through the mailbox with assistance from their tax-paying cousins and friends and brothers and sisters. And so we need to rethink about what we’re doing when we’re the world’s largest food producing nation, and we have a domestic farm policy and trade policy that puts family farmers and ranchers out of business, and that’s what we’re doing right now. Then it’s time to say, you know, big picture here, this is not working. The lack of stability is really difficult to navigate for somebody who’s on the receiving end of prices.
Ourada: What specifically would you like to see changed?
Hansen: Well, the whole structure. We don’t have really stability. We don’t have dependability. We don’t have any way to begin to cover cost of production. The cost of production that we have, just continues to go up and up and up every year. And yet, commodity prices are not tied to anything that reflects our cost of production. You can’t [say to] General Motors or Ford or or any major manufacturer, ”We want you guys to go out there and incur additional costs of operating every year. But we want you to sell your your end finished product for about the same thing that you know folks were buying it for 3030, years ago or more.” Their cost to the customer has to reflect their cost of production. And in the case of agriculture, farmers are price takers. We’re not price makers. We don’t set the price of what we produce, which is why the private, public partnership between agriculture and Congress needs to be rethought.
Ourada: I have a few friends who farm. They’re around my age, 30, and they are constantly griping, I would say is a good word about dad or grandpa not handing over the farm keys to them. And I’m thinking as you you’ve been with the Farmers Union now since 1990. What does your succession plan look like to the Farmers Union? What does the Farmers Union look like after John Hansen steps down?
Hansen: Well, that’s a great question. It’s one that’s an active discussion. Relative to farmers union, I made it clear at last this last year’s convention held a couple weeks ago, that we’re certainly looking for new folks to pick up the reins if they want to. And there’s a lifetime of opportunity and and in serving agriculture, I happen to think I have the best job in the state. So give me a call.
This interview has been edited for length.
Nebraska
FAFSA participation increases among Nebraska high school seniors
Nebraska
Nebraska Court of Appeals upholds conviction of Grand Island man in sexual assault case
GRAND ISLAND, Neb. — The Nebraska Court of Appeals has affirmed the conviction and sentencing of a Grand Island man charged with sexually assaulting a minor.
Cory Gilmore was sentenced in June to 36 to 48 years in prison on two counts of first-degree sexual assault. Court records said he was initially charged with first-degree sexual assault of a child, first-degree sexual assault and third-degree sexual assault of a child, but pleaded no contest to the two sexual assault counts as part of a plea deal.
According to an arrest affidavit, a report of a possible sexual assault came into the child abuse hotline that Gilmore sexually assaulted a minor girl when he was intoxicated.
A Grand Island police officer later interviewed the girl – who is younger than 19 years old – who said she was sexually assaulted by Gilmore from early 2021 to December 2023.
In his appeal, Gilmore claimed the District Court abused its discretion by imposing an excessive sentence. He also claimed his trial counsel was ineffective in failing to take the deposition of the alleged victim and failing to move to withdraw Gilmore’s plea before sentencing.
In its ruling, the Court of Appeals denied Gilmore’s claim of ineffective trial counsel. In his appeal, Gilmore said that at sentencing, he notified his counsel that he wished to withdraw his no-contest plea as he didn’t want to plead guilty or to say he did something he didn’t do.
The Court of Appeals said that at no point did Gilmore inform the District Court that he wished to withdraw his plea and that the District Court asked him if he made his plea “knowingly and voluntarily.”
The Court of Appeals also said in its order that at Gilmore’s sentencing hearing, the District Court looked at Gilmore’s risk to reoffend, his criminal history and the fact that he “showed no remorse for the trauma he has inflicted” in imposing its sentencing. The Court of Appeals said this was appropriate and that his sentencing was not excessive.
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