Earlier this week, contract details on the Detroit Lions’ re-signing of Malcolm Rodriguez came out, and if you were to just look at the Over The Cap outline of the deal, it would probably be pretty confusing.
Detroit, MI
Whitmer, Democrats have to fix what Betsy DeVos did | Opinion
Michigan public schools have been in a free fall for decades, with every demographic group lagging their peers nationally on most key measures. That means when affluent suburban kids in Michigan are compared to affluent suburban kids in other states, the achievement gap is widening.
So if wealthy, suburban kids in Michigan public schools caught the proverbial cold, Detroit kids in public schools have the flu.
Beyond decades of disinvestment and state-controlled financial mismanagement, major education policy has made even the simplest tasks difficult for Detroit parents.
Parents of children who live in Detroit are flooded with “choices,” but decades-old Lansing policies have made choice nothing more than a fallacy. Instead of just showing up to enroll their children at a neighborhood school, Detroit parents face the unenviable task of sifting through mountains of data and community recommendations simply to select a school for their child to attend.
Some parents get lucky, enrolling their child in the best possible school that meets their child’s needs, while other parents feel like they’re in the movie “Groundhog Day” — stuck in an enrollment trap they can’t get out of. Detroit parents do the best they can with the resources and information available, but there is no cohesion in the chaotic “marketplace” that is public education in Detroit.
It needs to change.
When choice isn’t a choice
Detroit Public School Community District operates 106 schools, serving nearly 49,000 students. But that represents only half of Detroit children.
There are also 97 charter schools (privately run public schools) in Wayne County, most in the city of Detroit, and another two dozen charter schools in Macomb and Oakland County. Detroit children also attend those schools. There are a dozen or so “schools of choice” traditional public school districts that accept nonresident students. Most of them are in inner ring suburbs of Detroit.
In all, there are over 200 public school options for every Detroit parent to consider, and the only way to compare schools is to do it manually. So is enrollment — DPSCD and each individual charter have separate enrollment processes.
Until Detroit parents can objectively compare their choices and enroll their children through a central process, Detroit parents don’t have real choice. Parents must also be guaranteed transportation to get to whatever school they choose, because a choice you can’t get to is no choice at all.
Our Democratic Legislature and governor should act now to offer Detroit parents real choice.
We all know where good intentions lead
In 1994, Michigan voters approved the school funding tax Proposal A — still the single largest tax policy shift in Michigan in the last 100 years.
At a high level, Proposal A was intended to equalize school funding by capping property taxes for school funds at 6 mills, and raising the state sales tax from 4% to 6%. This created the state foundation allowance (also known as per pupil allotment), which distributes a set amount of school funding to every child in Michigan.
This move was sold as a way to eliminate funding disparities between school districts that relied solely on property tax revenue. Before Prop A, the average district levied a 35-mill school tax.
But as they say, the road to hell is paved with good intentions.
The per-pupil-allotment treats public school children in Michigan as fungible widgets, all the same. The cost to educate a second grader in this model is viewed the same as an 11th grader, or for students with special needs or at risk in other ways.
Proposal A launched absurd protocols such as Count Day — student attendance on the first Wednesday in October, a single day, accounts for 90% of school funding for every school district in Michigan. Each year, Count Day brings iPad raffles and pizza parties all over Michigan to ensure the highest student attendance (thus highest revenue) possible.
But accompanied this new tax scheme was the creation of charter schools and schools of choice, adding competition for this new interchangeable commodity — the public-school student, and that student’s accompanying state dollars.
This policy singlehandedly formed the basis of the mess that Detroit parents must deal with today.
A plan that didn’t work
The original aim of charter schools was to stimulate innovation, and push traditional public schools to do the same.
Charter schools — the number of charters was initially capped by the legislation that enabled them — were intended to break free from the large bureaucracies of traditional public school districts, allowing for innovation led by teachers and not bureaucracy-heavy central offices.
But today, most charter schools in Michigan are run exactly like traditional school districts, with large central office bureaucracies (“management companies”), in which teachers have little to no say in methods of instruction.
It should be noted, these (mostly for-profit) management companies are exempt from the same public disclosure requirements traditional school districts are bound by. And, while 30 years later, the creation of charter schools in Michigan has not pushed traditional public schools to innovate, Michigan has more charter schools than any state but Louisiana.
This is perhaps due to the fact that billionaire political donor Betsy DeVos bankrolled the no-compromise, pro-charter school movement in Michigan, funding groups such as the Great Lakes Education project, a staunch pro-charter advocacy organization.
In 2011, DeVos successfully lobbied to remove the cap on charters and charter school openings in Michigan skyrocketed, and now roughly one-third of all charter school students in Michigan are residents of Detroit.
Which brings us back to Detroit parents, and choice.
What DeVos did, and how we can fix it
In 2016, Detroit Public Schools was facing bankruptcy. Four state-appointed emergency managers couldn’t solve one thing, and it related to the above-mentioned per-pupil-allocation.
For 70 years, Detroit’s population has been declining from its 1950 peak of 2 million residents. Now, the city has just around 632,000 residents. Public school enrollment has fallen even faster, from around 299,000 in 1966 to 49,000 today.
Student enrollment declined, of course, as parents moved out of the city. The drop was exacerbated as students who stayed in the city went to attend charters and schools of choice. As the district lost students, revenue declined.
But the difference between Detroit Public Schools and the historic City of Detroit municipal bankruptcy, is that the pension obligations for educators are guaranteed by the Michigan taxpayer. So, a deal had to be done. A Republican governor and state Legislature had to get to work.
The Senate Majority Leader at the time tapped Goeff Hansen, a Republican senator from Hart — over three hours away from Detroit—to lead the work on bringing Detroit Public Schools to continued solvency.
Hansen — clearly not a DeVos puppet — was facing term limits, and wouldn’t get caught up in political gamesmanship.
He visited Detroit over a dozen times to learn about the issues facing Detroit children and focused on shepherding policy that could improve their outcomes, and led the Senate to pass a package of bills he described as, “saving DPS and school choice.”
The Senate bills created a new district — Detroit Public Schools Community District — a debt-free entity that would educate children, while preserving DPS to collect the school millage and pay off the district’s debt.
It also called for a Detroit Education Commission that included an accountability plan. All schools — both DPS and all charters — would be assessed and receive a letter grade of A-F. The commission would also manage public and charter school openings and locations — some Detroit neighborhoods are inundated with school options, and some are veritable deserts. Finally, some measure of accountability for charters.
As to the number of schools to choose from between DPS and charters, Hansen said that “confusion and chaos negatively impacts parents seeking stability and positive educational options for their children. This new level of coordination will bring about increased parental choice and attract new education options for students.” For good measure, Detroit Mayor Mike Duggan dedicated his entire keynote at the Mackinac Policy Conference that year in support of the Detroit Education Commission and Hansen’s bills.
But after passing the Senate, the bills suffered a tragic fate in the state House. Betsy DeVos and other members of the wealthy family went on a spending blitz, donating $1.45 million to Republican members over a seven-week period — an average of $25,000 a day — successfully killing the notion of a Detroit Education Commission.
The legislation created a new, financially viable district. But it did nothing to regulate the major issues that affect Detroit children. And it left Detroit parents in the same chaotic public education system 30 years in the making.
Now in 2024, there is a limited Democratic majority in both legislative chambers and a Democratic governor unbeholden to Betsy DeVos.
The time is now to advance a package of bills that addresses this chaos.
I think they should call it “Detroit Kids First.”
The core should be a Detroit Education Commission, with members appointed by Detroit’s mayor, that:
- Creates a common enrollment process for all schools located in Detroit including all charters and DPSCD;
- Creates an accountability standard that assesses school performance and provides an A-F letter grade for every school in Detroit, located on the common enrollment website;
- Administers a common transportation program in which every school in Detroit is mandated to participate and to which all Detroit children have access.
The DeVos money hasn’t disappeared. Outfits like GLEP will still oppose any form of regulation involving charter schools.
But Detroit parents — half of whom send their children to charter schools — would welcome a commission that can provide some semblance of stability and certainty to the exercise of school choice.
The notion that parents will be able to make more informed choices and have an opportunity to attend these schools, just makes sense. I encourage my friends in the state Legislature — particularly in the Detroit Caucus — to take up this cause.
Detroit parents — and students — will surely be grateful.
Michael Griffie is the Detroit Metro Leader for AECOM and a former Detroit charter school principal. Submit a letter to the editor at freep.com/letters.
Detroit, MI
Metro Detroit Weather Forecast, March 21, 2026 — 8:45 AM Update
NEWS
After an unseasonably warm day across Metro Detroit to end the week on Friday, while we are cooler to start the weekend, 4Warn Meteorologist Bryan Schuerman is tracking more rain and even a few thunderstorms moving in by the end of the weekend.
The 4Warn Weather team tracks the latest weather alerts in Metro Detroit and Southeast Michigan. Get the most updated information here: https://www.clickondetroit.com/weather/
Detroit, MI
Farmington, Farmington Hills push for revitalization of Grand River
Farmington — Farmington and Farmington Hills officials are pushing to continue to revitalize a key commercial corridor through both cities, with one city leader saying residents eventually won’t recognize it because it will have evolved so much.
Both cities are using a mix of tools to develop Grand River Avenue, which runs from downtown Detroit all the way to Grand Rapids. It’s the main commercial thoroughfare in downtown Farmington and also runs through Farmington Hills. City officials want to bring in more commercial development, but also make it more pedestrian-friendly.
A 2025 market study through Gibbs Planning Group showed Farmington Hills’ side of the corridor has $1.2 billion in restaurant and retail spending over the course of a year.
But the study, which Farmington Hills Mayor Theresa Rich touched on during her State of the City address earlier this month, also indicated there’s demand for 20 new restaurants or retail businesses, and 400-500 new housing units in the corridor.
“We have the density, we have the consumer demand, and we have the traffic that can sustain the kind of investments that belong,” said Farmington Hills’ Economic Development Director Cristia Brockway.
Both cities are already making a concerted effort to revitalize Grand River Avenue east of downtown Farmington through the Grand River Corridor Improvement Authority, which was created more than a decade ago. It has focused on public projects and incentives to bring businesses, housing and landscaping to the area.
Farmington Hills’ improvement district along the corridor runs between Orchard Lake and Eight Mile roads; Farmington’s is between Mayfield and Hawthorne Streets. They’re the boundaries of the cities’ tax increment finance districts, which put money from property tax increases toward public projects.
For businesses and developers, Brockway said the city has a Housing and Urban Development grant of up to $30,000 and a Brownfield improvement grant of up to $200,000 that can assist projects. Brockway said these dollars can be used in demolition or for property owners “looking for help with their obsolete building.”
As far as public improvements go, Brockway said the city plans to bring beautification and pedestrian improvement projects valued around $250,000 to Farmington Hills City Council over the next five to eight years. Money generated from the district will pay for the projects, she said.
The city is also looking to incentivize murals in the district.
“It is going to be a continuous effort to always make this area a focus, and to make sure that when we’re adding art, we’re adding spaces, that we’re also maintaining them so things don’t look the same constantly and things don’t lose focus as far as updates,” said Brockway.
At her State of the City address, Rich said residents eventually won’t recognize Grand River.
“By the 2030s, you’re not going to recognize what the Grand River Corridor was. It will be transformed into a beautiful, vibrant, more walkable district,” she said.
On Farmington’s side, meanwhile, the city plans to collect more than $1 million from the district to put back into improvement projects. While most of the money would be spent on land acquisition, it would also be spent on a transportation study, streetscaping, a park assessment plan and gateway enhancements, said Assistant City Manager Chris Weber.
The city is especially focusing on the Farmington Junction building at 31505 Grand River for revitalization efforts.
“We are trying to spur redevelopment in the area. Obviously it’s all built up, but a lot of those areas are older commercial areas that need a refresh or need a development, a scrape and rebuild,” Weber said.
While Farmington didn’t conduct a market study for the district, Weber said “a lot of” Farmington Hills’ data would likely apply to Farmington’s district because they border each other.
Weber said the goal of the revitalization efforts is to create a “similar aesthetic” as motorists and pedestrians travel the corridor.
“We didn’t want one side of the road to look one way and another side of the road to look an entirely different way,” said Weber.
mbryan@detroitnews.com
Detroit, MI
Lions save nearly $1.3 million with Malcolm Rodriguez contract trick
Rodriguez has a salary of over $2.5 million—all guaranteed—a signing bonus of $137,500, and a workout bonus of $50,000. Combine all of those, and it should equal a salary cap hit of a combined $2.7 million. Yet, per OTC, the Lions’ cap charge for Rodriguez’s deal is just $1,402,5000.
There are no void years. This isn’t a misprint. The Lions are just using a salary cap stipulation that rewards teams for developing players and staying loyal to them.
How to qualify for the Four-Year Player Qualifying Contract
The relevant Collective Bargaining Agreement rule is called the “Four-Year Player Qualifying Contract.” You can read the entire terms of this rule, but here’s the short of it. In order to qualify for this advantage, a player has to have:
Four or more Credited Seasons whose contract with a Club has expired after four or more years of continuous, uninterrupted service with that Club
In Rodriguez’s case, he played through the entirety of his four-year rookie contract, so both he and the team are certainly eligible for this benefit.
What is the actual benefit?
Essentially, a team can award a one-year contract to these players that acts as a veteran minimum salary deal when it comes to the overall cap hit, but they are able to increase these players’ salaries from the minimum by a fixed number that will not count against the cap.
In Rodriguez’s case, the veteran minimum for a player with four accrued seasons is $1,215,000. According to the CBA, for the 2026 season, the “Four-Year Player Qualifying Contract” can increase the salary by a maximum of an extra $1.55 million.
So if you look at the actual cap hit, it’s based on that veteran minimum salary:
Vet minimum salary: $1,215,000
Signing bonus: $137,500
Workout bonus: $50,000
Add those together, and you get $1,402,500—Rodriguez’s cap hit for 2026.
But the actual payment Rodriguez will be getting in 2026 is this:
Actual salary: $2,562,500
Signing bonus: $137,500
Workout bonus: $50,000
For a total of $2,700,000 in earnings. In short, the Lions are saving nearly $1.3 million by using this salary cap tool. And for Rodriguez, the benefit is that everything but the workout bonus is guaranteed. Note that no player is obligated to accept this kind of contract, but for a player like Rodriguez, who is coming off an injury-shortened season, it’s a nice little guaranteed payday that he may not have been able to get elsewhere. And for the Lions, it’s a way to pay a player his value while also getting some savings on cap space.
This isn’t the first time the Lions have used this cap trick. They used it with Jalen Reeves-Maybin back in 2021, and they’ll likely use it again.
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