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Legislature’s Joint Finance Committee approves 4 reading curriculums under Act 20

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Legislature’s Joint Finance Committee approves 4 reading curriculums under Act 20

Editor’s note: With low reading proficiency scores across the state, USA TODAY NETWORK-Wisconsin is exploring the causes and consequences of low literacy. This article is part of the By the Book series, which examines reading curriculum, instructional methods and solutions in K-12 education to answer the questions: Why do so many Wisconsin kids struggle to read, and what can be done about it? 

To read other stories in the series, click here.

Wisconsin’s Joint Committee on Finance approved Monday a list of four reading curricula schools can adopt to be in compliance with the state’s new reading law, Act 20. The curricula approved are those recommended by the state’s Early Literacy Curriculum Council, a nine-member council created to specifically evaluate K-3 reading curriculums for their compliance with Act 20.

The four curricula approved are:

  • Core Knowledge Language Arts K-3
  • Our EL Education Language Arts
  • Wit and Wisdom with Pk-3 Reading Curriculum
  • Bookworms Reading and Writing K-3

Act 20, signed into law last summer, requires curriculum to be backed by the “science of reading”: a decades-old body of research that explains how the brain learns to read. It includes an emphasis on phonics, which teaches students the sounds letters make and how those sounds combine in predictable patterns to form words.

The law’s changes are aimed at improving reading proficiency in the state, which has been low for years. Fewer than half of students at the state’s five largest school districts are considered proficient in reading, according to state exam scores since 2018.

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Part of the law’s revamping of reading instruction requires schools to use specific instructional methods that are systemic and explicit by next school year. This instruction must include fluency, phonological awareness, phonemic awareness, phonics, oral language development, vocabulary, writing, comprehension and building background knowledge.

The list of approved curricula is significant because school districts that adopt one of them can receive reimbursement for up to half the cost, which can be millions of dollars. Many districts will be turning to this list as they redefine how they teach reading.

Committee Democrats, DPI worry list will open state up to litigation

This list was approved 10-4 along party lines with all Republicans on the committee voting in favor and no Democratic support. While Republicans were in favor of the four curricula recommended by the Early Literacy Curriculum Council, Democrats wanted to approve the Department of Public Instruction’s broader list.

In February, the Early Literacy Curriculum Council released its list of four recommended curricula. About 30 curriculum vendors submitted materials for evaluation by the council, and by February, it had reviewed about half, according to a memo from the Legislative Fiscal Bureau.

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Given how much time curriculum review requires and the swift deadlines in Act 20, the council didn’t have enough time to review all the submitted curricula, the bureau’s memo said.

DPI, the state’s education agency, did its own evaluation of all the curricula, recommending 11. It rejected one of the council’s recommendations (Bookworms Reading & Writing for K-3) and added others that the council hadn’t rated. 

More on Act 20: Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction asks lawmakers to change deadline for implementing part of Wisconsin’s new literacy law

In a letter to the Joint Committee on Finance, the DPI said the council’s process for evaluating curricula had exposed the state to “an unacceptable level of risk.”

Because not all vendors who submitted curriculum materials were evaluated by the council, one that wasn’t evaluated could sue, according to the Legislative Fiscal Bureau.

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Democrats on the Joint Committee on Finance said that was reason enough to go with DPI’s recommendations. However, Republicans saw that as weak argument, opting for the four curricula from the Early Literacy Curriculum Council.

“This council, they’re experts. This is what they do,” said. Sen. Duey Stroebel during the committee meeting. “And I’m sorry I’m not going to look to DPI as, my god, the only people in the world who can pick the correct curriculum.”

He said the committee shouldn’t “water down, not give our kids the best quality curriculum” because of a “far-fetched legal theory.”

More on Act 20: Wisconsin passed a landmark literacy law 3 months ago. So what happens next?

The committee’s move is a “missed opportunity,” said state Superintendent Jill Underly in a media release.

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“The DPI’s list of high-quality materials is robust, offers more support and flexibility, meets the definition of science-based early literacy detailed in Act 20 and mirrors materials recommended by other states undergoing similar changes,” Underly said.

The Early Literacy Curriculum Council is required to annually recommend science-based K-3 reading curricula, so Monday’s list is subject to expansion next year.

Why does the list of curricula matter?

Districts aren’t required to adopt the approved curricula, but those will be the only ones eligible for partial reimbursement — a large incentive for districts, given the cost of curriculum adoption.

Many districts will likely make the switch to new reading curriculum, if not the four approved Monday. In the past, DPI has recommended that districts use curricula positively rated by a third-party curriculum evaluation organization called EdReports.

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At least 79% of school districts surveyed by the Department of Public Instruction in 2021 said they use a curriculum that is either not rated or is negatively rated by EdReports. About 80% of school districts participated in the survey.

Districts have been waiting for the release of curricula so they can adopt new practices, train their staff and be in compliance with Act 20 by the 2024-25 school year. The Green Bay School District, for example, has been waiting for the literacy council and DPI to release its curriculum list before it buys new reading curriculum. It plans to select something for grades kindergarten through eight in March.

Danielle DuClos is a Report for America corps member who covers K-12 education for the Green Bay Press-Gazette. Contact her at dduclos@gannett.com. Follow on Twitter @danielle_duclos. You can directly support her work with a tax-deductible donation at GreenBayPressGazette.com/RFA or by check made out to The GroundTruth Project with subject line Report for America Green Bay Press Gazette Campaign. Address: The GroundTruth Project, Lockbox Services, 9450 SW Gemini Drive, PMB 46837, Beaverton, Oregon 97008-7105.

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Finance

Chicago finance committee approves alternate budget proposal without mayor’s controversial head tax

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Chicago finance committee approves alternate budget proposal without mayor’s controversial head tax

CHICAGO (WLS) — A Chicago City Council committee approved an alternative budget plan brought by a group of alderpersons on Tuesday.

A group of alderpersons presented the plan, which more than half of city council members are currently supporting, during Tuesday’s Finance Committee meeting.

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The substitute budget ordinance faced scrutiny from supporters of Mayor Brandon Johnson’s budget during the hearing, which lasted several hours.

The alternate budget group is looking to build support for their plan even as they put additional council meetings on the schedule, including meetings this weekend and on Christmas Eve.

The Finance Committee meeting revealed some new revenue options for the 2026 budget proposal and tweaked some others.

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It includes raising the plastic shopping bag tax from $0.10 to $0.15, and a pilot program to put advertising on bridge houses as well as light poles.

RELATED | Chicago City Council revises alternative budget proposal, mayor defends head tax as deadline looms

It officially gets rid of the corporate head tax, which has been a major source of contention since Johnson first presented his budget plan. The mayor and his allies are insisting that corporations pay more.

“What you have here is balancing the budget with fines and fees and taking out the corporate head tax. I want to hear your rationale to do that,” said 25th Ward Ald. Byron Sigcho-Lopez.

“Our proposal, in terms of new revenues, impacts businesses at 84% and individuals at 16%. I want everybody to take a look at this for a minute,” said Budget Committee Vice Chair Ald. Nicole Lee.

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The alternative budget group says this plan is 98% in line with Johnson’s. Still, some of his allies were frustrated at not seeing the numbers sooner.

READ MORE | Chicago budget discussions reach stalemate, raising possibility of 1st-ever city government shutdown

“This is our first time reviewing this. This is incredibly disrespectful,” said 35th Ward Ald. Anthony Quezada.

There were also questions about the alternate plan to sell off outstanding debt to raise nearly $90 million. The city comptroller cautioned against it.

“I would say is that I would not. I would not rely on $89 million in this budget. This has never been done by any state,” said Chicago Comptroller Michael Belsky.

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But supporters are defending this plan as worthy of consideration calling projections conservative and balanced.

“The group that’s worked on this has spent hundreds of hours bringing in the majority of the city council to talk about this,” said 19th Ward Ald. Matt O’Shea. “We relied on the advice and counsel of budgetary experts.”

The alternative budget plan passed out of finance committee 22-13. Its next stop is the Budget Committee on Wednesday.

It is clear that this breakaway group is flexing its muscle. What’s not clear is what the mayor’s next move will be.

But we now have city council meetings planned for Thursday, Friday, Saturday, and then, Tuesday and Wednesday of next week.

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Johnson issued a statement on Tuesday evening, saying, “As the leaders of the Alternative Group made clear throughout their presentation, the Secret Budget that passed out of the Finance Committee this afternoon is substantially similar to the proposal we introduced more than two months ago.

At our insistence, the Alternative Group agreed to restore the cuts they made to youth employment, and they removed the proposal to double the garbage tax. They have finally conceded to some degree, the point that I have made from the beginning: that corporations must pay their fair share in order to protect Chicagoans at this moment.

Unfortunately, at the behest of certain corporate interests, they chose to replace a tax on the largest corporations with $90M+ in “enhanced debt collections” on everyday Chicagoans. This seems to be in direct contradiction with their expressed desires to shift the financial burden away from working people.

Not only is this proposal immoral, it is simply not feasible. There is no way to sell off Chicagoans’ debts that would yield that amount of revenue. If passed as is, this proposal would likely result in a significant midyear budget shortfall and leave Chicagoans vulnerable to deep cuts to city services.

We will spend the next few days with our budget, finance, legal, and policy teams reviewing these proposals. Chicago cannot afford a government shutdown when we are making so much progress growing our economy and reducing violent crime to historic lows.

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Tomorrow, the Budget Committee will review their proposal publicly so that Chicagoans can understand exactly what is in this Secret Budget.”

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The Boring Revolution: How Trust and Compliance Are Taking Over Digital Finance – FinTech Weekly

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The Boring Revolution: How Trust and Compliance Are Taking Over Digital Finance – FinTech Weekly

In digital finance, trust and compliance are becoming the true drivers of scale. An op-ed by Brickken CEO Edwin Mata examines why regulation is shaping the sector’s next phase.

Edwin Mata is CEO & Co-Founder of Brickken.

 


 

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Read by executives at JP Morgan, Coinbase, Blackrock, Klarna and more

 


In digital finance, we love noise. New apps, tokens, and “disruptive” models get all the airtime. Yet, the real inflection point is unfolding in the most unglamorous corner of the industry: compliance, governance, and record-keeping.

Regulation is not the backdrop to innovation. It is the mechanism through which the sector becomes investable, scalable and credible. Today’s inflection point is defined not by a new consumer product but by whether digital assets can meet the governance expectations that global finance takes for granted.

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Regulation as the Moment of Maturity

Traditional finance learned this a long time ago. Modern capital markets only became investable at scale after securities laws in the 1930s forced transparency, continuous disclosure, and enforcement, restoring confidence after catastrophic failures. The US Securities Exchange Act of 1934 didn’t kill markets; it gave them the legal scaffolding to grow into the backbone of global savings.

Crypto and digital assets are now entering a similar “boringly serious” phase. In the EU, the Markets in Crypto-Assets Regulation, or MiCA, is designed to give legal clarity to crypto-asset issuers and service providers. For institutional compliance teams, that kind of predictability is far more important than whichever buzzword happens to dominate a conference stage.

The impact on capital flows is already visible: 83% of institutional investors plan to increase allocations to digital assets with regulatory clarity as a key driver of that enthusiasm. Clear rules don’t strangle innovation, they compress uncertainty and lower the risk premium that has kept cautious money on the sidelines.

 

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The Boring Revolution Behind Institutional Capital

That’s why the real story in digital finance is a “boring revolution.” The work that actually matters now is the industrialisation of KYC and KYB, AML monitoring, standardized reporting, on-chain and off-chain reconciliation, governance workflows, and provable rights attached to digital instruments. The industry still loves to obsess over the next shiny app, but the real bottleneck is whether institutions can trust the rails beneath the interface.

RegTech has quietly reframed compliance tooling as an edge rather than a punishment. Technology-driven compliance improves risk assessment, fraud detection, and overall competitiveness because it lets institutions scale digital finance without losing sight of their exposure. That is where the durable upside sits, in making digital assets behave like a serious asset class, not a speculative game with good branding.

From the vantage point of building tokenization infrastructure, the pattern is consistent. When institutions evaluate real-world-asset tokenization, they don’t begin by asking which chain you use or how “decentralized” it is. Their focus is not the chain. It is whether ownership, entitlements, corporate actions and governance can be evidenced, enforced and audited in ways that align with securities law and accounting standards. If those foundations are sound, the rest of the architecture becomes negotiable.

You can see the same shift in where venture money is going. Over 70% of digital asset investment now targets institutional and infrastructure-focused platforms, up from just 27% a decade ago; the funding narrative has pivoted away from consumer speculation toward institutional plumbing. 

That is not a romantic story, but it is the kind that tends to survive more than one market cycle.

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From Flashy Apps to Trustworthy Systems

Banks and large asset managers are adjusting their priorities accordingly. Governance, risk management, and compliance modernisation are stressed as core investment themes, especially as new digital-asset rules and prudential standards come into force. Digital finance is being pulled into the centre of regulated balance sheets and internal control frameworks.

At the same time, some institutions now describe digital assets, including tokenized bonds and money-market funds, as a “mainstream subject” for their clients. We explicitly link the shift from fringe to mainstream to better regulatory frameworks and institutional-grade infrastructure rather than retail hype. The catalyst is not design; it is the underlying certainty that these instruments carry governance, accounting treatment and supervisory oversight consistent with established financial products.

This is the narrative inversion digital finance still struggles with. For a decade, the space behaved as if UX, community and tokenomics could overpower everything else. That era produced experimentation, but also a long tail of ungoverned projects that institutional capital simply cannot touch.

If digital finance wants to sit alongside public equities, investment-grade debt and regulated funds, the front end has to be the last question. What matters is whether the system can prove who owns what, under which rules, and with what recourse when things go wrong. That’s the baseline requirement for anyone managing real risk.

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Compliance as Product, Not Overhead

The opportunity for fintech founders now is to treat compliance engineering, data governance and risk architecture as core product. The firms that take regulatory expectations seriously, encode them into workflows, and expose them as reliable platforms will become the quiet chokepoints of the next cycle. Regulated entities won’t integrate ten different “innovative” front ends if each one creates a new audit headache; they will integrate the boring rails that make their auditors and supervisors more comfortable, not less.

Collaboration with regulators is becoming central to this shift. Around the world, supervisory authorities are establishing innovation pathways, industry working groups and controlled testing environments that allow technical design and regulatory expectations to evolve together. This model may disappoint purists who prefer unbounded experimentation, but it is the only credible way to align programmable financial systems with the governance, risk and reporting obligations of real-world finance.

The irony is that the least glamorous corner of digital finance is where the most durable value will be created. The “boring revolution” is the recognition that trust, compliance and governance are not obstacles to innovation but the substrate on which the next generation of financial systems will quietly compound.

 

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Santa Barbara Unified School Board Shakes Up Finance Committee Amid Annual Budget Report

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Santa Barbara Unified School Board Shakes Up Finance Committee Amid Annual Budget Report

As the Santa Barbara Unified school board faces a projected $20 million deficit and declining reserves, trustees voted unanimously Thursday night to change who leads the district’s Finance Committee — removing community member Todd Voigt in favor of future boardmember leadership.

The move — approved in Resolution 2024-25-32A — immediately drew criticism from parents, primarily on the Facebook page S.B. Parent Leadership Action Network (S.B. PLAN), who accused the board of consolidating power just as the district’s fiscal outlook grows increasingly precarious.

“This is a power grab,” said Michele Voigt, wife of Todd Voigt and a San Marcos parent who spoke during public comment. “We are at a point of serious financial concern, and the board is reducing independent oversight.”

Voigt urged the board to view the First Interim Budget Report as more than numbers on a slide. “I’m asking you tonight to look at this first interim not as a technical report, but a test of your governance and your duty to the community you represent,” she said. “Your own projections point to reserves falling below the state minimum and trending toward zero within a few years. And no one will be able to say that they didn’t see it coming.”

Despite Voigt’s comments, the district’s interim financial report told a more nuanced story. The district’s chief business official, Conrad Tedeschi, iterated different figures, figures that were part of the long-term financial plan approved by the board. Overall the numbers were not a surprise, emphasizing that the district is not in crisis and remains above the state-mandated 3 percent minimum reserve level.

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According to Tedeschi, there are improved revenue projections and a growing deficit. Total revenue for 2024-25 increased to $244 million, up from the adopted budget, driven by higher-than-expected one-time grants, including a major boost to the Expanded Learning Opportunity Program, which rose from a projected $3 million to $5.2 million after the state updated its formula. However, expenditures also climbed, pushing the projected deficit from $15 million to $20 million. Tedeschi said the increase reflects rising labor costs following the district’s recent wage settlement with teachers. Salaries and benefits now account for 81 percent of all district spending. 

Despite the shortfall, Tedeschi emphasized that reserves remain above target: currently at 8.52 percent, compared to the board’s adopted budget of 8.92 percent and well above the state-required 3 percent minimum. Multi-year projections show that with planned reductions, the deficit could shrink to $6.7 million by 2027-28, provided the district makes at least $6 million in cuts over the next two years to maintain a minimum 5 percent reserve. “That’s not a satisfactory level for a basic aid district,” Tedeschi said, “but staying above 5 percent is the minimum needed to keep our budget certified.”

Still, there was ongoing tension over who chairs the Finance Committee — centering on concerns about transparency and legal compliance. The board’s newly passed resolution requires that only elected trustees can serve as committee chair, replacing community member Todd Voigt with a boardmember moving forward.

At the heart of the move is compliance with the Brown Act, California’s open-meeting law that governs transparency in public agencies. Under the law, committees subject to the Brown Act must have properly agendized items for any votes or actions to be legal and binding. Board President William Banning said the Finance Committee had previously taken action on items not properly listed on agendas, potentially violating the law and opening the district to liability. 

“These amendments reinforce that commitment [to compliance] and position the Finance Committee to continue its work in a way that is focused, lawful, collaborative, and ultimately highly valuable to the board and the community we serve,” Banning said.

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The amended resolution changes Finance Committee bylaws to require that only a boardmember may serve as chair, ending Voigt’s tenure. It also outlines procedures for member removal and reaffirms the committee’s advisory-only role.

“I am the Chair of the Finance Committee, maybe for 15 more minutes,” said Todd Voigt during public comment. “I agreed to serve because I care deeply about this community and its future. I’m a volunteer with no political ambitions. My sole purpose is to provide sound advice and expertise for the benefit of our schools.”

Voigt called the resolution a “serious mistake” and warned that removing the independent chair would erode the very trust the district had been trying to rebuild. “If the board controls both the committee and its leadership, that independence disappears,” he said.

He also made a pointed recommendation to the board. “Should this passage occur … I strongly urge the board to select Boardmember [Celeste] Kafri as the chairperson. She has consistently demonstrated a commitment to addressing the district’s financial challenges,” Voigt said. “By contrast… Boardmember Banning opposed a committee goal I proposed to reduce the deficit. Leadership that does not prioritize deficit reduction is unacceptable.”

Board President William Banning, who was formally elected to the role earlier in the evening, defended the resolution and its timing.

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“This is a normal part of building effective governance structures,” he said. “The resolution … strengthens Brown Act compliance … clarifies the committee’s strictly advisory role … and ensures that meetings are presided over by a trustee trained in Open Meeting Law and accountable to the public.”

Banning said that while the original intent was to demonstrate openness by appointing a community chair, it had created confusion around agenda-setting and governance boundaries. “That pattern typically follows the line of … a community member is chair in an attempt to demonstrate openness and shared leadership … and then in early meeting experiences, there is agenda-setting confusion, there’s boundary drift, and difficulties with Brown Act procedures.”

Boardmember Kafri pushed back on parts of the resolution, questioning why the committee chair needed to be replaced at all. “Why is it that we need to replace the committee head … because of a misunderstanding about the Brown Act when most of the committee members have never been on a Brown Act committee before?” she asked. “Could an orientation and a better understanding … prevent future Brown Act violations?”

That prompted clarification from Banning: “It is not only common, but standard practice throughout the state of California … that the committee chair be one of the appointed board representatives.”

Boardmember Gabe Escobedo supported Kafri’s interest in making the committee more effective, but reminded the board to stay focused. “More of what Ms. Kafri is talking about is like the mechanics, and I trust that Mr. Tedeschi will be responsive to the needs of the group and be able to present the information in a way that is going to be digestible,” he said. “What I would hope is that we can focus more on just the mechanics of what’s in the resolution — the words.”

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The resolution passed unanimously, but not without raising questions about trust, power, and what transparency means when community expertise is asked to sit down.

As Escobedo noted: “We have the fiduciary responsibility…. It only makes sense to direct the work of the advisory committee to aid us in making those really difficult decisions.”

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