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In 'generational moment,' Port of L.A. faces shifting winds in business and politics

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In 'generational moment,' Port of L.A. faces shifting winds in business and politics

The Port of Los Angeles has long been the single busiest seaport in the Western Hemisphere, employing thousands of Southern Californians and playing a critical role in the vast supply chain that underpins both the California economy and that of the United States as a whole.

Together with neighboring Port of Long Beach in the San Pedro Bay, it handles a whopping 40% of all the container traffic from continental Asia.

But today, as Port of Los Angeles director Gene Seroka puts it, this important but largely anonymous institution faces a “generational moment,” a set of challenges crucial for the regional economy and the well-being of many Americans.

Seroka has been leading the seaport since 2014. He recently sat down with the L.A. Times to discuss key issues involving the port.

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We’ve been getting signs of slowing consumer spending. How busy have you been so far this year, and what do you see ahead?

It’s been an extraordinary year. For the first six months of the year, our business is up more than 14%, driven mainly by the strength of the U.S. We also have a dock workers’ negotiation on the East Coast, a drought in the Panama Canal and security issues in the Red Sea leading up to the Suez Canal. Many importers and exporters have told me that fractionally, they’ve shifted some of their allocation our way to hedge against any worsening in those three areas.

You’ve made many trips to Washington, including for three meetings with President Biden. What might changes in the White House and Congress mean for future funding and support?

Well, that remains to be a pretty big question mark. We’ve had unprecedented progress in the area of focus on ports, and a lot of it was brought to light because of the supply chain crunch that we saw during COVID. We saw the bipartisan Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act that was passed, the Inflation Reduction Act, and now the Environmental Protection Agency call for applications on the Clean Ports Program, which should be announced sometime in the fourth quarter of this year.

What I’ve seen so far is that in the last three years, we’ve submitted applications for more than $1 billion in [federal and state] grant money, and we’ve earned over $380 million. That’s probably our best three-year period that I can recall.

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Depending on what happens in November, can things shift?

The infrastructure law runs through ’26, but based on my own experience, yes. I think we could see more of the same type and better support, or we could see a complete reverse.

What would create that?

Changing policy, changing focus away from the state of California. I don’t want to speculate, but I have seen what it looked like — the lack of access, the lack of any meaningful legislation like the infrastructure act. So, again, I don’t want to speculate, but we’ve had a pretty good run here. This industry, still to this day, even with all the technology and the global trade, it’s still a relationship-based business. And it still is relationships that carry us in Washington and Sacramento today.

And how was your access to and relationship with the Trump administration?

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It was very limited, if nonexistent.

What about tariffs? Biden recently increased tariffs on a wider array of Chinese goods — steel, EV cars, solar cells. And there’s potential for even higher, broader tariffs to come, especially if Trump wins.

Dating back to 2018, the previous administration implemented tariffs on a variety of goods originating from China. Those tariffs were met with retaliatory tariffs that really were very impactful on a negative side for a number of American companies, including the agricultural sector. Flash forward, the most recent tariffs that the Biden administration put in were on $18 billion worth of goods. It’s a very narrow, targeted approach to tariffs. So I don’t see that impacting the Port of Los Angeles. What we’ve seen with tariffs policy, and in some cases rhetoric, is that here at the Port of Los Angeles, the portfolio with China is now down to about 45% [from 57% three years ago].

How much potential do other countries around the Pacific Rim have for becoming alternatives to China in terms of manufacturing?

No one can replace China as a manufacturing hub. But we’ve made up that difference by capturing cargo from other markets, and specifically Southeast Asia – Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand, to name three. We’ve also seen growth in manufacturing in Mexico. And while some folks would say, OK, you’re building up more products in Mexico to come across the border by truck or rail, but we’re also feeding components into the maquiladora areas like Mexicali here in Baja, California. So there’s still a market for us to be a strong player, especially as Mexico continues to shine in the manufacturing community.

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What about India, which seems to be rising in terms of manufacturing in the global economy?

It is. And I was just in India back in January. I had an opportunity to visit with Ambassador Eric Garcetti. What I can tell you is in the most recent full calendar year, China exported some 260 million 20-foot equivalent units of cargo. India exported 17 million. So while what we see there is opportunity and there is great talent, manufacturing in the same vein that we see in Asia may not happen overnight.

In the early months of the pandemic there were, at one time, more than a hundred cargo ships stuck at sea waiting to berth. What’s to prevent something like that happening again in San Pedro Bay?

Well, that’s job No. 1, in my view. What we did learn with the benefit of history is that this port must remain as a transit facility and not as a warehouse. Unfortunately, back in 2021 and 2022, a number of large importers used this port to store containers. Unbeknownst to us, they had deals with shipping lines to make sure that they could hold their containers here at the port for little to no charge. Once we diagnosed that by doing some data mining through our own system, the Port Optimizer, we were able to start moving cargo again.

No one was trying to hurt us, nothing sinister was taking place. The American consumer was simply buying at a pace that we’ve never witnessed. And importers had to get as much cargo here as quickly as possible, and it was just clogging up the works.

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So now the next thing is going to be, how do we make sure that we can anticipate what’s going to take place next in the supply chain? A lot of that comes with data. I’ve been to Asia five times this year so far, and I’ve been to Europe once. I’m spending a lot of my energy talking to importers and exporters, service providers, leadership at the C-suite level to try to make sure I anticipate as much as possible, what’s happening now and what we can expect in the future.

More recently, we all read about the accident in Baltimore last March when a large container ship crashed into the Francis Scott Key Bridge. What’s the potential for such a mishap here, and what have you done to reduce the risk?

Well, we work hard every day at this, led by our head of public safety, Port Police Chief Tom Gazsi. And while vessel engine failures happen, it’s about how we create protocol to prevent that from going any further. We put a minimum of two tugboats on every ship that comes into this port. And for the larger ones, those workhorse vessels, you’ll likely see four tugs tied to a ship in the event of a power failure or engine failure. Those tugs go into action, put the rear thrusters on, slow down and stop that ship as it’s moving.

Also, our bridge has its legs on land. We’ve got rock formation under the channel near the stanchions to prevent a ship from getting anywhere close to it.

What is the longer-term impact of automation and AI at the port? Do you see that as threatening jobs?

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Here in Southern California, out of our 13 marine terminals right now, we have three that are automated, and there may be more in the future. The automation or robotics that we see on our marine terminals today really is comprised of the land-side equipment, whether it’s to move containers onto truck chassis or onto rail cars, or for retrieval when the truckers come into the terminals to pick up their imports or drop off their exports.

But it’s our belief that while technology is moving faster than ever, we cannot leave the workforce behind. And that’s part of the motivation of why we just cut the ribbon on a new mechanics training facility on Terminal Island. That’s going to up-skill and re-skill longshoremen members so they can work on newer and greener equipment, and in some cases, automated machines.

Secondly, we have designated 20 acres of property here for the nation’s first workforce training campus dealing with goods movement — to bring people in who need training on trucking, warehousing, even coding [and] technology such as artificial intelligence that will be important to this port in the future.

What are the biggest environmental challenges at the Port of L.A.?

There’s nothing more that we want to see than for ourselves, the Port of Long Beach and others to reach this aspiration of a zero-emission port operation. But there are a lot of things that have to take place. We’ve got to be able to accelerate the technology, make it affordable for small businesses to be able to join.

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Please know that of the 20,000 trucks that are registered to do business at the port, more than half are small businesses. We’ve got to make the barriers to entry as plausible as possible. We also have to support them by creating the infrastructure necessary to run these new and cleanest trucks that are possible.

For example, there are 7,500 gasoline stations in the state of California. There are only 46 hydrogen fueling stations. And according to their oversight board, they only work about half the time. There are only 92 high-speed heavy duty truck chargers in the country, less than two per state.

Now, we’ve also been working closely with the shipping industry for the past several years on cleaner and renewable fuels. We call this our green shipping corridor strategy. If we could reduce the emissions from ships moving from our largest trading partner in China, from Shanghai to the ports of L.A. and Long Beach, if we can reduce that emissions by 10%, that would be the equivalent of all the emissions in the Port of Los Angeles for an entire year.

Finally, let me ask you about jobs at the port. What kinds of skills do you look for now and will be looking for in the future?

The interesting thing about this port complex is there are a variety of jobs and skill sets that are always in demand. For example, we talk a lot about the people that actually move the cargo — the longshoremen, the marine clerks, the truck drivers and warehouse folks, the mechanics are all vital to this port. And that’s part of the motivation for us setting up that mechanic center as well as the broader goods movement training campus that I spoke of on the 20 acres of property at the Port of Los Angeles.

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The other piece is that you’ve got a growing community here in this harbor enclave. There are 260,000 residents, a lot of young kids going through school that see this port every day and want to be a part of it. We need engineers, naval architects and others that have expertise [who can] design, build and create for our industrial sector of marine terminals and other cargo moving interests.

And the next big thing obviously will be to put an even deeper emphasis on folks with information technology capabilities, whether it’s a young kid who knows technology because they play video games or those who have taken interest in coding, all the way to folks who are going now to college and grad school studying the sciences to be more involved in technology.

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California, other states sue Trump administration over $100,000 fee for H-1B visas

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California, other states sue Trump administration over 0,000 fee for H-1B visas

California and a coalition of other states are suing the Trump administration over a policy charging employers $100,000 for each new H-1B visa they request for foreign employees to work in the U.S. — calling it a threat not only to major industry but also to public education and healthcare services.

“As the world’s fourth largest economy, California knows that when skilled talent from around the world joins our workforce, it drives our state forward,” said California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta, who announced the litigation Friday.

President Trump imposed the fee through a Sept. 19 proclamation, in which he said the H-1B visa program — designed to provide U.S. employers with skilled workers in science, technology, engineering, math and other advanced fields — has been “deliberately exploited to replace, rather than supplement, American workers with lower-paid, lower-skilled labor.”

Trump said the program also created a “national security threat by discouraging Americans from pursuing careers in science and technology, risking American leadership in these fields.”

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Bonta said such claims are baseless, and that the imposition of such fees is unlawful because it runs counter to the intent of Congress in creating the program and exceeds the president’s authority. He said Congress has included significant safeguards to prevent abuses, and that the new fee structure undermines the program’s purpose.

“President Trump’s illegal $100,000 H-1B visa fee creates unnecessary — and illegal — financial burdens on California public employers and other providers of vital services, exacerbating labor shortages in key sectors,” Bonta said in a statement. “The Trump Administration thinks it can raise costs on a whim, but the law says otherwise.”

Taylor Rogers, a White House spokeswoman, said Friday that the fee was “a necessary, initial, incremental step towards necessary reforms” that were lawful and in line with the president’s promise to “put American workers first.”

Attorneys for the administration previously defended the fee in response to a separate lawsuit brought by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the Assn. of American Universities, arguing earlier this month that the president has “extraordinarily broad discretion to suspend the entry of aliens whenever he finds their admission ‘detrimental to the interests of the United States,’” or to adopt “reasonable rules, regulations, and orders” related to their entry.

“The Supreme Court has repeatedly confirmed that this authority is ‘sweeping,’ subject only to the requirement that the President identify a class of aliens and articulate a facially legitimate reason for their exclusion,” the administration’s attorneys wrote.

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They alleged that the H-1B program has been “ruthlessly and shamelessly exploited by bad actors,” and wrote that the plaintiffs were asking the court “to disregard the President’s inherent authority to restrict the entry of aliens into the country and override his judgment,” which they said it cannot legally do.

Trump’s announcement of the new fee alarmed many existing visa holders and badly rattled industries that are heavily reliant on such visas, including tech companies trying to compete for the world’s best talent in the global race to ramp up their AI capabilities. Thousands of companies in California have applied for H-1B visas this year, and tens of thousands have been granted to them.

Trump’s adoption of the fees is seen as part of his much broader effort to restrict immigration into the U.S. in nearly all its forms. However, he is far from alone in criticizing the H-1B program as a problematic pipeline.

Critics of the program have for years documented examples of employers using it to replace American workers with cheaper foreign workers, as Trump has suggested, and questioned whether the country truly has a shortage of certain types of workers — including tech workers.

There have also been allegations of employers, who control the visas, abusing workers and using the threat of deportation to deter complaints — among the reasons some on the political left have also been critical of the program.

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“Not only is this program disastrous for American workers, it can be very harmful to guest workers as well, who are often locked into lower-paying jobs and can have their visas taken away from them by their corporate bosses if they complain about dangerous, unfair or illegal working conditions,” Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) wrote in a Fox News opinion column in January.

In the Chamber of Commerce case, attorneys for the administration wrote that companies in the U.S. “have at times laid off thousands of American workers while simultaneously hiring thousands of H-1B workers,” sometimes even forcing the American workers “to train their H-1B replacements” before they leave.

They have done so, the attorneys wrote, even as unemployment among recent U.S. college graduates in STEM fields has increased.

“Employing H-1B workers in entry-level positions at discounted rates undercuts American worker wages and opportunities, and is antithetical to the purpose of the H-1B program, which is ‘to fill jobs for which highly skilled and educated American workers are unavailable,’” the administration’s attorneys wrote.

By contrast, the states’ lawsuit stresses the shortfalls in the American workforce in key industries, and defends the program by citing its existing limits. The legal action notes that employers must certify to the government that their hiring of visa workers will not negatively affect American wages or working conditions. Congress also has set a cap on the number of visa holders that any individual employer may hire.

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Bonta’s office said educators account for the third-largest occupation group in the program, with nearly 30,000 educators with H-1B visas helping thousands of institutions fill a national teacher shortage that saw nearly three-quarters of U.S. school districts report difficulty filling positions in the 2024-2025 school year.

Schools, universities and colleges — largely public or nonprofit — cannot afford to pay $100,000 per visa, Bonta’s office said.

In addition, some 17,000 healthcare workers with H-1B visas — half of them physicians and surgeons — are helping to backfill a massive shortfall in trained medical staff in the U.S., including by working as doctors and nurses in low-income and rural neighborhoods, Bonta’s office said.

“In California, access to specialists and primary care providers in rural areas is already extremely limited and is projected to worsen as physicians retire and these communities struggle to attract new doctors,” it said. “As a result of the fee, these institutions will be forced to operate with inadequate staffing or divert funding away from other important programs to cover expenses.”

Bonta’s office said that prior to the imposition of the new fee, employers could expect to pay between $960 and $7,595 in “regulatory and statutory fees” per H-1B visa, based on the actual cost to the government of processing the request and document, as intended by Congress.

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The Trump administration, Bonta’s office said, issued the new fee without going through legally required processes for collecting outside input first, and “without considering the full range of impacts — especially on the provision of the critical services by government and nonprofit entities.”

The arguments echo findings by a judge in a separate case years ago, after Trump tried to restrict many such visas in his first term. A judge in that case — brought by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Assn. of Manufacturers and others — found that Congress, not the president, had the authority to change the terms of the visas, and that the Trump administration had not evaluated the potential impacts of such a change before implementing it, as required by law.

The case became moot after President Biden decided not to renew the restrictions in 2021, a move which tech companies considered a win.

Joining in the lawsuit — California’s 49th against the Trump administration in the last year alone — are Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Hawaii, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, North Carolina, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin.

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Some big water agencies in farming areas get water for free. Critics say that needs to end

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Some big water agencies in farming areas get water for free. Critics say that needs to end

The water that flows down irrigation canals to some of the West’s biggest expanses of farmland comes courtesy of the federal government for a very low price — even, in some cases, for free.

In a new study, researchers analyzed wholesale prices charged by the federal government in California, Arizona and Nevada, and found that large agricultural water agencies pay only a fraction of what cities pay, if anything at all. They said these “dirt-cheap” prices cost taxpayers, add to the strains on scarce water, and discourage conservation — even as the Colorado River’s depleted reservoirs continue to decline.

“Federal taxpayers have been subsidizing effectively free water for a very, very long time,” said Noah Garrison, a researcher at UCLA’s Institute of the Environment and Sustainability. “We can’t address the growing water scarcity in the West while we continue to give that water away for free or close to it.”

The report, released this week by UCLA and the environmental group Natural Resources Defense Council, examines water that local agencies get from the Colorado River as well as rivers in California’s Central Valley, and concludes that the federal government delivers them water at much lower prices than state water systems or other suppliers.

The researchers recommend the Trump administration start charging a “water reliability and security surcharge” on all Colorado River water as well as water from the canals of the Central Valley Project in California. That would encourage agencies and growers to conserve, they said, while generating hundreds of millions of dollars to repair aging and damaged canals and pay for projects such as new water recycling plants.

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“The need for the price of water to reflect its scarcity is urgent in light of the growing Colorado River Basin crisis,” the researchers wrote.

The study analyzed only wholesale prices paid by water agencies, not the prices paid by individual farmers or city residents. It found that agencies serving farming areas pay about $30 per acre-foot of water on average, whereas city water utilities pay $512 per acre-foot.

In California, Arizona and Nevada, the federal government supplies more than 7 million acre-feet of water, about 14 times the total water usage of Los Angeles, for less than $1 per acre-foot.

And more than half of that — nearly one-fourth of all the water the researchers analyzed — is delivered for free by the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation to five water agencies in farming areas: the Imperial Irrigation District, Palo Verde Irrigation District and Coachella Valley Water District, as well as the Truckee-Carson Irrigation District in Nevada and the Unit B Irrigation and Drainage District in Arizona.

Along the Colorado River, about three-fourths of the water is used for agriculture.

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Farmers in California’s Imperial Valley receive the largest share of Colorado River water, growing hay for cattle, lettuce, spinach, broccoli and other crops on more than 450,000 acres of irrigated lands.

The Imperial Irrigation District charges farmers the same rate for water that it has for years: $20 per acre-foot.

Tina Shields, IID’s water department manager, said the district opposes any surcharge on water. Comparing agricultural and urban water costs, as the researchers did, she said, “is like comparing a grape to a watermelon,” given major differences in how water is distributed and treated.

Shields pointed out that IID and local farmers are already conserving, and this year the savings will equal about 23% of the district’s total water allotment.

“Imperial Valley growers provide the nation with a safe, reliable food supply on the thinnest of margins for many growers,” she said in an email.

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She acknowledged IID does not pay any fee to the government for water, but said it does pay for operating, maintaining and repairing both federal water infrastructure and the district’s own system.

“I see no correlation between the cost of Colorado River water and shortages, and disagree with these inflammatory statements,” Shields said, adding that there “seems to be an intent to drive a wedge between agricultural and urban water users at a time when collaborative partnerships are more critical than ever.”

The Colorado River provides water for seven states, 30 Native tribes and northern Mexico, but it’s in decline. Its reservoirs have fallen during a quarter-century of severe drought intensified by climate change. Its two largest reservoirs, Lake Mead and Lake Powell, are now less than one-third full.

Negotiations among the seven states on how to deal with shortages have deadlocked.

Mark Gold, a co-author, said the government’s current water prices are so low that they don’t cover the costs of operating, maintaining and repairing aging aqueducts and other infrastructure. Even an increase to $50 per acre-foot of water, he said, would help modernize water systems and incentivize conservation.

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A spokesperson for the U.S. Interior Department, which oversees the Bureau of Reclamation, declined to comment on the proposal.

The Colorado River was originally divided among the states under a 1922 agreement that overpromised what the river could provide. That century-old pact and the ingrained system of water rights, combined with water that costs next to nothing, Gold said, lead to “this slow-motion train wreck that is the Colorado right now.”

Research has shown that the last 25 years were likely the driest quarter-century in the American West in at least 1,200 years, and that global warming is contributing to this megadrought.

The Colorado River’s flow has decreased about 20% so far this century, and scientists have found that roughly half the decline is due to rising temperatures, driven largely by fossil fuels.

In a separate report this month, scientists Jonathan Overpeck and Brad Udall said the latest science suggests that climate change will probably “exert a stronger influence, and this will mean a higher likelihood of continued lower precipitation in the headwaters of the Colorado River into the future.”

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Experts have urged the Trump administration to impose substantial water cuts throughout the Colorado River Basin, saying permanent reductions are necessary. Kathryn Sorensen and Sarah Porter, researchers at Arizona State University’s Kyl Center for Water Policy, have suggested the federal government set up a voluntary program to buy and retire water-intensive farmlands, or to pay landowners who “agree to permanent restrictions on water use.”

Over the last few years, California and other states have negotiated short-term deals and as part of that, some farmers in California and Arizona are temporarily leaving hay fields parched and fallow in exchange for federal payments.

The UCLA researchers criticized these deals, saying water agencies “obtain water from the federal government at low or no cost, and the government then buys that water back from the districts at enormous cost to taxpayers.”

Isabel Friedman, a coauthor and NRDC researcher, said adopting a surcharge would be a powerful conservation tool.

“We need a long-term strategy that recognizes water as a limited resource and prices it as such,” she wrote in an article about the proposal.

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As Netflix and Paramount circle Warner Bros. Discovery, Hollywood unions voice alarm

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As Netflix and Paramount circle Warner Bros. Discovery, Hollywood unions voice alarm

The sale of Warner Bros. — whether in pieces to Netflix or in its entirety to Paramount — is stirring mounting worries among Hollywood union leaders about the possible fallout for their members.

Unions representing writers, directors, actors and crew workers have voiced growing concerns that further consolidation in the media industry will reduce competition, potentially causing studios to pay less for content, and make it more difficult for people to find work.

“We’ve seen this movie before, and we know how it ends,” said Michele Mulroney, president of the Writers Guild of America West. “There are lots of promises made that one plus one is going to equal three. But it’s very hard to envision how two behemoths, for example, Warner Bros. and Netflix … can keep up the level of output they currently have.”

Last week, Netflix announced it agreed to buy Warner Bros. Discovery’s film and TV studio, Burbank lot, HBO and HBO Max for $27.75 a share, or $72 billion. It also agreed to take on more than $10 billion of Warner Bros.’ debt. But Paramount, whose previous offers were rebuffed by Warner Bros., has appealed directly to shareholders with an alternative bid to buy all of the company for about $78 billion.

Paramount said it will have more than $6 billion in cuts over three years, while also saying the combined companies will release at least 30 movies a year. Netflix said it expects its deal will have $2 billion to $3 billion in cost cuts.

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Those cuts are expected to trigger thousands of layoffs across Hollywood, which has already been squeezed by the flight of production overseas and a contraction in the once booming TV business.

Mulroney said that employment for WGA writers in episodic television is down as much as 40% when comparing the 2023-2024 writing season to 2022-2023.

Executives from both companies have said their deals would benefit creative talent and consumers.

But Hollywood union leaders are skeptical.

“We can hear the generalizations all day long, but it doesn’t really mean anything unless it’s on paper, and we just don’t know if these companies are even prepared to make promises in writing,” said Lindsay Dougherty, Teamsters at-large vice president and principal officer for Local 399, which represents drivers, location managers and casting directors.

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Dougherty said the Teamsters have been engaged with both Netflix and Paramount, seeking commitments to keep filming in Los Angeles.

“We have a lot of members that are struggling to find work, or haven’t really worked in the last year or so,” Dougherty said.

Mulroney said her union has concerns about both bids, either by Netflix or Paramount.

“We don’t think the merger is inevitable,” Mulroney said. “We think there’s an opportunity to push back here.”

If Netflix were to buy Warner Bros.’ TV and film businesses, Mulroney said that could further undermine the theatrical business.

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“It’s hard to imagine them fully embracing theatrical exhibition,” Mulroney said. “The exhibition business has been struggling to get back on its feet ever since the pandemic, so a move like this could really be existential.”

But the Writers Guild also has issues with Paramount’s bid, Mulroney said, noting that it would put Paramount-owned CBS News and CNN under the same parent company.

“We have censorship concerns,” Mulroney said. “We saw issues around [Stephen] Colbert and [Jimmy] Kimmel. We’re concerned about what the news would look like under single ownership here.”

That question was made more salient this week after President Trump, who has for years harshly criticized CNN’s hosts and news coverage, said he believes CNN should be sold.

The worries come as some unions’ major studio contracts, including the DGA, WGA and performers guild SAG-AFTRA, are set to expire next year. Two years ago, writers and actors went on a prolonged strike to push for more AI protections and better wages and benefits.

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The Directors Guild of America and performers union SAG-AFTRA have voiced similar objections to the pending media consolidation.

“A deal that is in the interest of SAG-AFTRA members and all other workers in the entertainment industry must result in more creation and more production, not less,” the union said.

SAG-AFTRA National Executive Director Duncan Crabtree-Ireland said the union has been in discussions with both Paramount and Netflix.

“It is as yet unclear what path forward is going to best protect the legacy that Warner Brothers presents, and that’s something that we’re very actively investigating right now,” he said.

It’s not clear, however, how much influence the unions will have in the outcome.

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“They just don’t have a seat at the ultimate decision making table,” said David Smith, a professor of economics at the Pepperdine Graziadio Business School. “I expect their primary involvement could be through creating more awareness of potential challenges with a merger and potentially more regulatory scrutiny … I think that’s what they’re attempting to do.”

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