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How Elon Musk Uses Internet Slang to Marshal His Army of Online Fans

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How Elon Musk Uses Internet Slang to Marshal His Army of Online Fans

In 2010, a woman in Sakura, Japan, posted photos of her well-manicured Shiba Inu to her digital journal. The dog, Kabosu, shot her owner a wide-eyed glance, a comic image that quickly jumped from Tumblr to Twitter to Facebook and to the rest of the internet.

A meme legend was born. Someone on Reddit called the dog “DOGE,” a nonsensical nickname that stuck. Another minted a cryptocurrency in DOGE’s name.

Now, 15 years later, in the fast churn of internet culture, DOGE is considered very old. But try telling that to Elon Musk, who has co-opted “DOGE” for the name of his effort to gut the machinery of the federal government — more formally, the Department of Government Efficiency.

It is one of dozens of old-internet ephemera that are baked into his everyday vocabulary. A brief scroll through Mr. Musk’s X feed reveals a menagerie of aging memes and lingo — dad jokes for the very online. They include:

  • Frequent references to “420,” a half-century-old slang term for smoking marijuana said to have started in a high school in Northern California. (After smoking what looked like a blunt live on the Joe Rogan podcast, Mr. Musk briefly changed his Twitter bio to “420.”)

  • Regularly including the number “69,” a slang term for a sex act that has been around since at least the Kama Sutra. (Mr. Musk, who is 53 years old, is quick to point out that his birthday falls 69 days after 4/20.)

  • Calling things that he supports “epic” or “based.” These are adjectives favored by frequent users of Reddit and popularized by fans of Joss Whedon, a director who created the “Buffy the Vampire Slayer” television series in the late 1990s and went on to direct two of the Avengers movies. (Mr. Musk has said he wants to create “based” artificial intelligence with his chatbot, Grok, and recently told Tesla investors he expected an “epic” 2026 ahead for the company.)

Mr. Musk’s slang may seem inscrutable to people who aren’t steeped in online culture. But to his fans, Mr. Musk’s dated sensibilities are a kind of internet comfort food — and a nod to a shared, aggrieved worldview.

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Mr. Musk’s posts are full of the language of warfare and conquest portrayed in video games. That loaded language is a rallying cry for gamers and others from Mr. Musk’s very online world who — if they have a common political ideology — see in him someone who shares their skepticism of authority and their belief that America has gone too “woke.” To them, Mr. Musk’s online updates about what DOGE is up to come across as far more honest than a press release or news conference or — worst of all — something they read in the mainstream media. (It’s a strategy that recalls Donald Trump’s use of Twitter to signal authenticity during his first administration.)

“We’re living in the revenge of the nerds era,” Hasan Piker, a popular, politically progressive online personality who is not a fan of Mr. Musk, said in an interview. “This is the real, actual revenge of the nerds.”

Mr. Musk did not respond to a request for comment.

Every photo of Mr. Musk wielding a chain saw while wearing “deal with it” sunglasses indoors (another meme) represents a triumph of the nerd culture he has long identified with. On Wednesday, he attended the first meeting of President Trump’s new cabinet wearing a T-shirt that said “Tech Support.”

His fans speak back to him in his language. They send suggestions on how DOGE can fix the government by dismantling entire sections of it, often coded in the language of images typically found on Reddit. (Wojak, a crudely drawn character popularized on the message board 4chan, is a perennial favorite.)

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Mr. Musk prods his more than 200 million X followers for help with decisions in online polls. And he listens. The conversation becomes a feedback loop of insider jokes for the billionaire, who once hosted “Saturday Night Live” and prides himself on his sense of humor. (Mr. Musk sometimes overestimates his popularity in the comedy world. Once he joined the comedian Dave Chappelle on a stage in San Francisco. He was booed.)

“Anyone can find their own community, even if it’s a community frozen in 2010,” Brian Feldman, an internet culture writer who has long followed Mr. Musk’s exploits, said in an interview.

But to those steeped in modern internet culture, Mr. Musk’s communication style is far from on trend. That is especially so when even current terms like “no cap” (translation: no lie) or “lowkey fell off” (waned in popularity or relevance) are already showing their age. As with recent questions about Mr. Musk’s claims of superior video game skills, they see cracks in his supernerd facade.

“More than people would like to admit, they often become trapped in the internet they first encounter,” Mr. Feldman said.

Last week, Mr. Musk appeared at a conservative political conference wearing dark sunglasses, a big gold chain and a T-shirt that said he was “not procrastinating” but instead working on “side quests” (a common practice in sprawling role-playing games). He played off the quote from the Hindu scripture Bhagavad Gita that Robert Oppenheimer said was going through his mind as he tested the first atomic bomb: Now, I am become Death. The destroyer of worlds.

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“I am become meme,” Mr. Musk said to a mostly mute crowd. “There’s living the dream and there’s living the meme, and that’s pretty much what’s happening.”

Even some of his most fervent followers on X recoiled. “Elon Musk fell off lowkey,” one user wrote.

Mr. Musk’s online vocabulary is a reminder of 2010, when nerd culture was ascendant. Reddit was a meme factory for favorites like Lolcats and icanhazcheeseburger. Gamers gathered in web forums or on online role playing games to hang out and fight through digital dungeons.

This was also the beginning of Mr. Musk’s metamorphosis from mere billionaire to internet celebrity. That year, he appeared as himself in the second “Iron Man” film. His online fans ate it up.

All of this also coincided with the rise of Web 2.0, a more social version of the internet. Twitter — long before Mr. Musk bought it and renamed it — was a town square. Facebook moved beyond likes and status updates with “Groups,” a feature that allowed people to form their own smaller communities. The chat forum 4chan was full of anonymous, often angry online trolls who bonded over vulgar behavior.

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While online groups had existed for years, the newer social networks were more tightly knit and rewarded the behavior that Mr. Musk often displays today. The right kind of posts could pick up steam and shoot across the internet.

Provocateurs moved beyond small-scale trolling to aggressive mass movements, such as Gamergate, a targeted harassment campaign against a female game designer by video game players who claimed she represented a lack of ethics in games journalism. It morphed into a social movement that fought diversity, feminism and what gamers saw as overly progressive values in film, television, literature and the video game industry — a viewpoint that Mr. Musk shares.

Gamergate also signaled that digital demonstrations could, for better or worse, lead to real-world change.

Mr. Musk’s tweeting style changed from anodyne company updates to more overt trolling. In 2018, he tweeted that he had secured a buyout offer for Tesla for a stock price of $420. Once, when a competing car company tried undercutting him on price, Mr. Musk said that he would drop the cost of his Tesla Model X to $69,420.

“The gauntlet has been thrown down!” he proclaimed on Twitter. “The prophecy has been fulfilled.”

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Unlike other tech billionaires, who seemed to live lives far removed from regular internet folk and became less online the richer they got, Mr. Musk was making himself relatable with memes, absurdity and relentless posting. And parts of the online world embraced him.

“Many people find him off-putting, I think,” said coldhealing, a pseudonymous cultural commentator who regularly follows Mr. Musk and other social movements online, in an interview. “But there are many people who he resonates with, and even though I think it’s 10 percent of the population max, it’s an influential 10 percent.”

Mr. Musk’s online life became even more bombastic after the Covid pandemic began in 2020. He attacked Tesla short-sellers and California state officials who wouldn’t let him reopen a Tesla factory. In 2023, he even live-tweeted photos of himself driving to Mark Zuckerberg’s house, threatening to wrestle the chief executive of Facebook. (They were, at the time, in the throes of organizing a real fighting match between them. It never happened.)

He posted himself playing Elden Ring, Path of Exile and other video games like Diablo IV. One of the world’s wealthiest men was telling gamers that he was one of them.

Mark Kern, a former video game executive at Blizzard, wrote in a post to X last week that people should not mess with gamers. “We’re forged by endless boss battles against impossible odds. We do not give up. We do not stop. We are the terminators of the culture war.”

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“Yes,” Mr. Musk wrote, quoting the post.

Conservatives who don’t spend a lot of time online have also embraced the image of Mr. Musk taking a chain saw to what they see as a bloated federal government, even if many of them aren’t exactly sure what he’s trying to say or when they’re supposed to laugh.

“It’s validation from people who have no idea what he’s saying, but still think he’s speaking this expert language,” said Mr. Feldman, the internet culture writer.

But Mr. Musk may be finding his online limits. It was difficult for some of his followers to shake off last week’s stage appearance at the Conservative Political Action Conference, which reminded them that it is hard to stay cool when you are, in fact, not very young. (Kabosu did not live to see the meme she inspired enter American political life. The 18-year-old Shiba Inu died last year.)

“Anyone else feel the vibe-shift in tpot/tech?” one X user wrote, referring to an online community called “This Part of Twitter,” which is largely composed of tech workers who have historically warmed to Mr. Musk. In other words, Mr. Musk was starting to look a little out of touch and increasingly unpopular.

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Nonetheless, Mr. Musk seems to be doubling down. His posting to X has increased in recent weeks, some days numbering in the hundreds. And he is still being validated by his fans.

On Thursday, Mr. Musk posted another meme to his X account — one of dozens of posts he had made that morning. In it was a photo of Mel Gibson as Mad Max in “The Road Warrior,” the early-1980s action thriller about a shotgun-toting nomad navigating a postapocalyptic world. In bold lettering, the meme said: “Ladies, it’s time to start thinking whether the guy you’re dating has postapocalyptic warlord potential.” (Film buffs may note that Max’s wife and son were killed by a biker gang in the first “Mad Max” film.)

One follower replied with a photo of a man wearing a Trojan helmet and body armor with an assault rifle in one hand and a spear in the other. It was one of more than 7,000 replies.

“Yup,” the follower said, adding a fire emoji.

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U.S. Targets Iran’s Missile and Drone Program With Sanctions

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U.S. Targets Iran’s Missile and Drone Program With Sanctions

The United States on Friday announced a flurry of new sanctions intended to increase pressure on Iran’s economy, targeting people and companies in China and Hong Kong that have been helping the Iranian military gain access to supplies and war equipment.

The sanctions came ahead of a major summit between President Trump and China’s leader, Xi Jinping, in Beijing next week. China’s support for Iran has become a flashpoint with the Trump administration, which has been trying to compel independent Chinese refineries to stop purchasing Iranian oil.

China is Iran’s biggest buyer of oil, and the Trump administration has said that it is sponsoring terrorism by propping up the Iranian economy.

The new sanctions are aimed at Iran’s military industrial supply chain, and are intended to make it harder for Iran to secure access to the material it needs to build drones and missiles. In addition to China, the sanctions also target people and companies based in Belarus and the United Arab Emirates.

“Under President Trump’s decisive leadership, we will continue to act to keep America safe and target foreign individuals and companies providing Iran’s military with weapons for use against U.S. forces,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in a statement.

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The Trump administration has been looking for ways to squeeze Iran’s economy and pressure the Iranian government to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, a conduit for the flow of global oil. Oil tankers have had sporadic access to the critical waterway since the war started earlier this year, and the United States and Iran have been fighting over who should control it.

U.S. warships that have been trying to transit the strait have been attacked by Iranian forces. The United States on Friday fired on and disabled two Iranian-flagged oil tankers as they tried to reach an Iranian port.

The Treasury Department has also imposed sanctions on the Chinese “teapot” refineries this month. The independent refineries are major purchasers of Iranian oil. But China invoked a domestic policy ordering its companies to disregard the sanctions.

Mr. Bessent said earlier this week that he expected Mr. Trump to urge Mr. Xi to use the country’s leverage over Iran to pressure it to allow oil cargo to travel.

“Let’s see if China — let’s see them step up with some diplomacy and get the Iranians to open the strait,” Mr. Bessent told Fox News on Monday.

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General Motors to pay $12.5 million to settle claims that it illegally sold California driver data

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General Motors to pay .5 million to settle claims that it illegally sold California driver data

General Motors has agreed to pay $12.5 million dollars to settle claims that the automaker illegally sold location and driving data of hundreds of thousands of Californians, state officials said Friday.

The settlement is an example of how automakers are facing more scrutiny over allegations that they share driver data with the insurance industry, influencing how much people pay for coverage. California, though, has a law that bars insurers from using driving data to set rates.

“If we get word that a company is illegally collecting, storing or selling consumer data, we won’t hesitate to look under the hood and hold them accountable to the law,” California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta said in a news conference.

The settlement is the largest California Consumer Privacy Act penalty in the state’s history, Bonta said.

The act gives California consumers the right to request that businesses disclose what data they collect. They can also opt out of the sharing or sale of their personal information and request that businesses delete their data.

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Investigators found that from 2020 to 2024, GM sold driver data, including names, contact information, location data and driving behavior data, to data brokers Verisk Analytics Inc. and LexisNexis Risk Solutions. The data came from a driver’s use of OnStar, which is owned by GM and provides roadside assistance, navigation and other services.

GM said the agreement addresses a product called OnStar Smart Driver that the company discontinued in 2024. The product was meant to help improve people’s driving but faced privacy concerns from consumers. In 2024, GM also ended its partnership with the two data brokers and said it would enhance privacy controls.

“Vehicle connectivity is central to a modern and safe driving experience, which is why we’re committed to being clear and transparent with our customers about our practices and the choices and control they have over their information,” a GM spokesperson said in a statement.

Various district attorneys throughout the state, including in Los Angeles and San Francisco, were involved in the investigation and settlement.

Technology has been playing a bigger role in the auto industry, but the data collected from drivers can reveal personal information about people’s daily habits, including where they drop off their kids and doctor visits.

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The California Privacy Protection Agency in 2023 started investigating the privacy practices of connected cars. As the state was looking into the automakers, the New York Times reported in 2024 that GM was sharing consumer driving behavior with insurance companies. Nationwide, GM reportedly made roughly $20 million from selling data to Verisk and LexisNexis.

The state’s privacy protection agency has taken action against other automakers before. Ford Motor Company was fined $375,703 in March and Honda was fined $632,500 in 2025 for privacy violations.

Under the GM settlement, which still needs court approval, the automaker would delete any driving data the company kept within 180 days and request that the two data brokers do the same. They would also stop selling driving data to consumer reporting agencies for five years and develop a privacy program that includes assessing and mitigating the risks of data collected from OnStar.

California’s settlement with GM came after the Federal Trade Commission in 2025 also took action against the automaker and OnStar for its privacy practices, barring them from disclosing location and driver behavior data to consumer reporting agencies for five years.

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Trump’s Latest Tariff Setback Looms Over China Talks

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Trump’s Latest Tariff Setback Looms Over China Talks

A day after a federal court ruled against President Trump’s latest global tariffs, his administration returned to the drawing board on Friday, trying to preserve its powers to wage economic warfare in time for high-stakes trade talks with China.

The latest legal blow concerned the 10 percent tariff that Mr. Trump imposed in late February on nearly all U.S. imports. The president unveiled that policy as a sort of temporary fix, after the Supreme Court tossed out his initial duties, but a panel of judges once again found that the White House had run afoul of the law.

The result was a familiar set of headaches for Mr. Trump, who has tried repeatedly — and with mixed success — to stretch his authority to tax imports without the express permission of Congress. By Friday, one of the president’s top aides signaled that an appeal was imminent, echoing the president, who told reporters shortly after the ruling that he would simply “do it a different way.”

Technically, the Court of International Trade only declared the president’s across-the-board, 10 percent tariff to be illegal. Otherwise, it did not issue an order forcing the government to stop collecting it from all importers, at least for now. Still, the outcome marked both a political and legal setback for Mr. Trump, who had spent much of the week issuing trade threats against Europe and preparing for talks in China.

Tariffs are expected to be a major topic on the agenda when Mr. Trump travels to Beijing to meet next week with his counterpart, Xi Jinping. Trade experts said the court decision could undercut the president’s leverage. Eswar Prasad, a professor of economics at Cornell University, said the ruling “severely handicapped” the administration’s ability to employ tariffs against foreign nations, leaving Mr. Trump with a “much weaker bargaining hand” when it comes to China.

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“Any threats by Trump to hit China with broader and higher tariffs if Xi doesn’t bend to his will on economic and geopolitical matters now seem like empty bluster rather than credible ultimatums,” he said.

One of the president’s top trade advisers, Jamieson Greer, appeared to brush aside some of those concerns on Friday. During an interview on Fox Business, he criticized the court for ruling against the White House, claiming that some of the judges on the panel were “apparently just hellbent on importing more from China.”

Mr. Greer, who defended the president’s use of trade powers, added that the administration is “confident on appeal we’ll be successful.”

At the heart of the matter is Mr. Trump’s decision to invoke a trade power that no president had ever used. Known as Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974, it permits the president to impose tariffs up to 15 percent for 150 days, but only in response to strict conditions, including a “balance of payments” crisis.

The term itself reflects a bygone concern from the time the law was adopted, when the U.S. dollar was pegged to gold, creating unique economic risks. But the Trump administration sought to argue that the law still applied today, pointing in part to the country’s persistent trade deficit, a different measurement, which reflects the gap between U.S. imports and exports.

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In the end, a majority of judges on the Court of International Trade found the argument unpersuasive and sided with small businesses and states that had sued. It marked the second time that some of those challengers had prevailed against Mr. Trump, after they convinced the Supreme Court to invalidate his earlier use of emergency powers to impose withering tariffs.

The new decision raised the odds that the administration could soon have to pay back the billions of dollars collected from its 10 percent tariff, on top of the $166 billion that the government already owes to U.S. importers from its last legal defeat. But the fight appeared far from over, and much remained uncertain by Friday — not just for American businesses, which paid the cost to import goods, but for the Trump administration itself.

“President Trump has lawfully used the tariff authorities granted to him by Congress to address our balance of payments crisis,” Kush Desai, a White House spokesman, said in a statement. “The Trump administration is reviewing legal options and maintains confidence in ultimately prevailing.”

For one thing, the court only appeared to bar the collection of the president’s 10 percent tariff for some of the plaintiffs that sued, many legal experts said. That raised the odds that droves of U.S. businesses could soon mobilize and “file a court case” of their own asking for similar relief, said Ted Murphy, a top trade lawyer at the law firm Sidley Austin. He added that he also expected the trade court to pause implementation of its order pending an appeal.

The timing is important to Mr. Trump, who had always envisioned his across-the-board tariff as a stopgap that would allow the government time to prepare a set of more lasting rates using another set of authorities, known as Section 301. But that process was widely expected to take months, since the law requires the government to conduct investigations into other countries’ trade practices before Mr. Trump can apply new duties.

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Those inquiries targeting dozens of countries are well underway, and the president at times has suggested the final rates could be set at new highs. Some experts believe the tariffs imposed using Section 301 could be more legally durable, though the administration could still face lawsuits over his aggressive use of the law.

Michael Lowell, the chair of the global regulatory enforcement group at the law firm Reed Smith, said the White House probably would not have to worry about “a broad attack on that authority.” But, he said, the courts had recently drawn something of a line in the sand, suggesting they would be “very skeptical of the administration looking to the past and finding and repurposing” other powers to advance its trade agenda.

Unlike the president’s other trade gambits, he has successfully applied tariffs in the past using Section 301, including on China. That left some analysts to conclude that Mr. Trump, while blemished, would still retain some leverage ahead of his trip to Beijing next week.

“Unless they have amnesia, China should remember quite vividly how during Trump’s first term, the U.S. imposed multiple rounds of tariffs under Section 301 on China during negotiations,” said Sarah Schuman, a former U.S. trade official who is now managing director at Beacon Global Strategies.

The administration still had multiple options “to increase tariffs on China in pretty short order,” she added.

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Mr. Trump’s trip to China had been scheduled for April, but was delayed because of the war in Iran. U.S. officials have said their goals for the visit include establishing a “board of trade,” which would oversee commerce between the countries in an effort to balance trade and reduce the U.S. trade deficit with China

On Friday, Mr. Greer sketched out a long list of concerns that the administration planned to raise with its Chinese counterparts, from its adherence to past purchase agreements to its approach to artificial intelligence.

“There’s not really a situation where we go, we get China to change the way they govern, the way they manage their economy; that’s all baked into their system,” he said. “But I think there is a world where we find out where we can optimize trade between China and the U.S. to achieve more balance.”

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