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Donald Trump Jr. Mixes Business and Politics in Serbia, as Protests There Rage

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Donald Trump Jr. Mixes Business and Politics in Serbia, as Protests There Rage

The protests against President Aleksandar Vucic of Serbia had been growing in intensity and size when an unusual guest showed up in its capital this month to meet with the embattled European leader: Donald Trump Jr., the oldest son of President Trump.

The quick visit by Mr. Trump, which included a meeting with Mr. Vucic to talk about U.S. foreign aid to Serbia, came as the Trump family and Jared Kushner, the American president’s son-in-law, were moving ahead with plans to build a Trump International Hotel in Belgrade, the first such property in Europe.

The hotel is slated to be built atop the site of the former Yugoslavian Ministry of Defense headquarters, which was bombed by NATO 26 years ago on land now owned by the Serbian government. Opposition leaders in Serbia have criticized the agreement and called for it to be terminated, raising the prospect that the deal could be scuttled in a change of power.

Mr. Trump used the visit as an opportunity to express his support for Mr. Vucic — a trip that offered perhaps the most explicit mixing so far in President Trump’s second term of U.S. foreign policy and the Trump family’s financial interests.

On Wednesday, the Serbian Parliament accepted the resignation of its prime minister, bringing down the governing party and forcing Mr. Vucic to form a new government or hold new parliamentary elections later this year, creating more uncertainty there.

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A spokesman for Donald Trump Jr. dismissed any suggestion that his visit created a conflict of interest. The spokesman said the trip had been driven by a plan to interview Mr. Vucic for Mr. Trump’s podcast, not to step into foreign relations issues or the real-estate deal.

“Don hosts one of the biggest political podcasts in the world and was in Serbia strictly in his capacity as a podcast host for an interview,” Andy Surabian, the spokesman, said. “He was in and out of the country in less than eight hours and at no point had any discussions with anyone relating to Trump Org.”

The visit, according to two individuals briefed on the plan, was arranged by Brad Parscale, a former campaign manager for President Trump.

Mr. Parscale, an executive at a conservative podcast and radio broadcasting company, also founded a political campaign consulting firm. He had pitched advising Mr. Vucic during his 2022 re-election campaign, but has asserted he did not get hired.

Mr. Vucic is now facing one of the biggest tests of his nearly eight years as president. Protests against his administration erupted in November after the collapse of a concrete structure atop a railway station walkway that killed 15, an accident that demonstrators blamed in part on government corruption.

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The visit by Mr. Trump last week had brought a brief pause in those troubles and immediately became national news in Serbia, with Mr. Vucic and his top advisers pointing to it as a sign that the Trump administration supports Mr. Vucic, despite the growing protests in the streets of the capital.

“A cordial conversation with Donald Trump Jr., the son of U.S. President Donald Trump about bilateral relations between Serbia and the U.S.A. and current topics that shape the global political and economic scene,” Mr. Vucic wrote in a social media posting after the meeting.

Marko Djuric, Serbia’s foreign affairs minister, added in a television interview after Mr. Trump’s visit that the presence of President Trump’s son “provides great momentum for an excellent start to relations with the new administration.”

Others in the country had quite a different view.

“The son of President Trump is here to try to give Vucic a helping hand,” said Dragan Jonic, an opposition-party member of Serbia’s parliament. “It is obviously a conflict of interest, as Vucic is trying to hold on to power and the Trumps want to keep their real estate deal alive.”

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Mr. Vucic’s government signed an agreement last May with Affinity Global Development, a company set up by Mr. Kushner. The company plans to invest $500 million to build a 175-room Trump hotel with 1,500 luxury apartments and other amenities at the former defense ministry site in Belgrade.

“We are thrilled to expand our presence into Europe,” Eric Trump, another of President Trump’s sons, said in January, when the inclusion of a Trump International Hotel to the project was first publicly announced. Eric Trump is the lead family member running its real estate company.

But Donald Trump Jr. is also an executive vice president at Trump Organization, which operates the family’s hotels, golf courses and other assets, and is helping with planning for the Serbian hotel project.

Two individuals who had been briefed on Donald Trump Jr.’s travel, but who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss it publicly, said Mr. Trump was not paid for taking the trip. But his airfare, and that of his girlfriend, Bettina Anderson, was covered by Mr. Parscale, who has a business partner based in Serbia. Mr. Parscale declined to comment or to disclose the name of his Serbian business partner.

Virginia Canter, a former ethics adviser to the International Monetary Fund, said that Donald Trump Jr.’s meeting with the Serbian president was reminiscent of activity by Hunter Biden, who was accused by Republicans of leveraging the position of his father, Joseph R. Biden Jr., as vice president to make lucrative overseas business deals.

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“It is kind of the height of hypocrisy that they were concerned about Hunter Biden’s foreign work,” said Ms. Canter, who also served as an ethics lawyer in the Clinton White House and now works at a nonprofit group called State Democracy Defenders Action, which has been critical of Mr. Trump.

In Ms. Canter’s view, the conflict of interest in Donald Trump Jr.’s case is more explicit.

“Don Jr., as a surrogate for his father, is using the public office of the president of the United States to help the president of Serbia stay in office — while furthering the Trump family’s personal financial interest,” she said. “It is unethical. It’s offensive.”

It remains unclear how much Mr. Trump’s presence in Serbia may have helped Mr. Vucic.

Several days after the visit, the streets of central Belgrade were jammed with more than 100,000 demonstrators for what organizers called one of the largest protests in the nation’s history.

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Mr. Vucic’s government offered the Trump family a deal last year, as President Trump was running for re-election, to gain access to the prime real-estate development site in the middle of Belgrade.

The government is leasing the site to Mr. Kushner’s real-estate partnership for 99 years, according to Serbian officials. Affinity Global Development, the Kushner affiliate, in return has agreed to build the hotel and luxury apartments in a partnership with Mohamed Alabbar, a business executive from the United Arab Emirates.

Donald J. Trump, before he was first elected president and while he was still running the family real-estate business, had first considered building a hotel at this exact site in 2013 and associates of the Trump Organization traveled to Belgrade to inspect the location. The project did not come together before Mr. Trump’s election in 2016, but Mr. Kushner revived it last year while Mr. Trump was running again for office.

The hotel project had generated smaller scale protests in Belgrade even before the fatal rail station canopy collapse late last year.

Opposition leaders like Mr. Jonic argued that the former Ministry of Defense site was symbolic because it was attacked by NATO forces led by the United States in 1999 when Serbia and its neighbor Montenegro were part of Yugoslavia. It should not be turned over to American real-estate developers seeking a profit, the opposition leaders said.

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“Can you imagine an American president, any president, giving West Point as a gift to an offshore company, only to demolish it and build a hotel?” Aleksandar Jovanovic, a member of Serbia’s parliament, said last year as the deal was being negotiated, referencing the U.S. Military Academy.

“One would have to have a vivid imagination to imagine that. Unfortunately, what is unthinkable in America is a tragic reality in Serbia,” he said at that time.

Donald Trump Jr., in addition to being shown the layout of downtown Belgrade by Serbia’s president, conducted a nearly hourlong interview with Mr. Vucic that was broadcast in recent days on Mr. Trump’s podcast, “Triggered.”

During the conversation, Mr. Trump compared the protests in response to the November rail station collapse to criticism of the Jan. 6, 2021, attack by his father’s supporters on the Capitol in Washington.

“It was later weaponized,” Mr. Trump said during the interview, before continuing with theories raised by Trump allies related to events in Washington “like our, you know, Jan. 6 turned into something that it wasn’t, to incite potentially even a revolution.”

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Mr. Trump and Mr. Vucic also talked about Russia and the war in Ukraine and Mr. Vucic’s work with President Trump during his first term.

They both asserted separately that funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development, which the Trump administration has slashed over the last two months, had been improperly used by some nonprofit groups in Serbia to play a role in the protests, although neither offered proof of this allegation.

The Trump family’s evident support of Mr. Vucic is much appreciated, the Serbian president made clear, adding that he believes it is part of the reason President Trump is so popular in Serbia.

“This was the country where Trump was enjoying the biggest popularity in the entire Europe by far,” Mr. Vucic said. “I’m not flattering him or I’m not flattering you. I’m saying what people here think.”

Andrew Higgins contributed reporting.

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Why Some People Are Allergic to ‘Peanut Butter Raises’

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Why Some People Are Allergic to ‘Peanut Butter Raises’

Both peanut butter and salary increases are widely loved, but put them together and you may get some grumbles.

“Peanut butter raises” are across-the-board pay bumps to employees, spread out thinly like a creamy condiment on bread. The term popped up all over business media this year after a report from Payscale, a compensation data company, suggested that some employers would be giving such raises instead of larger merit-based increases to a select few.

This metaphorical use of peanut butter has been lurking around corporate America for years: In 2006, Brad Garlinghouse, then a senior vice president at Yahoo, wrote an infamous memo criticizing the company’s strategy of “spreading peanut butter across the myriad opportunities that continue to evolve in the online world” — in his view, failing to focus on priorities or reward top performers with higher pay. “I hate peanut butter. We all should,” he wrote in what he called the Peanut Butter Manifesto.


How it’s pronounced


Are peanut butter raises fair? It depends on whom you ask, said Nick Bloom, an economist at Stanford. Are they a best practice? Not really, he argued.

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“Good management involves setting tough targets, evaluating employees against this and rewarding those that make their targets,” Mr. Bloom wrote in an email. “This means some folks will get paid and others won’t.”

Firms turn to peanut butter raises in two situations: when they can’t really distinguish strong performers from weak and when managers just want to take “the course of least resistance,” Mr. Bloom said. Generally, he added, a well-managed firm will pay its top performers well and keep an eye on the market.

Kevin J. Murphy, an expert on compensation at the University of Southern California’s business school, argued that peanut butter raises “send exactly the wrong signals,” telling top performers that their employers “just don’t care that much.”

Still, the idea that only stars should get pay bumps is not a law of physics. In previous generations, the notion that people across an organization — not just the top performers — should get consistent raises was common, said Peter Cappelli, a professor at the Wharton School.

But, he said, “that has changed over time,” starting in the winner-take-all, Jack Welch management era. Lately, executives who see themselves as top performers deserving high pay apply that framework to their employees.

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Mr. Cappelli is skeptical that peanut butter raises will be a new norm in corporations — they actually strike him as a more generous approach than leaders are likely to take right now. In a tight job market, employers felt pressure to give everyone a little something, he said, but now, in a low-fire, low-hire job market, so few openings are available that bosses are not too worried that employees will quit to go elsewhere.

“Efforts to retain people have faded,” he said. Even peanut butter may be more than some should expect.

Framing raises around peanut butter “takes away some of the seriousness” of discussions about compensation, Mr. Murphy said. Peanut butter is cheap and ubiquitous. It is also associated with children, Mr. Cappelli noted, so it reads as a pejorative in a business setting. It’s not as though executives, he added, are referring to Grey Poupon or caviar raises.

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Sweeping California law on single-use plastic meets with outrage from all sides as it goes live

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Sweeping California law on single-use plastic meets with outrage from all sides as it goes live

Within days of California’s long-anticipated single-use plastic law going into effect, environmentalists, anti-waste activists and the packaging industry reacted with anger and frustration.

Anti-plastic activists say Gov. Gavin Newsom’s administration and CalRecycle inserted exemptions favoring the plastic industry into the law’s regulations that weaken it and undermine legislative intent.

“These new rules create huge loopholes for plastic packaging that violate the law,” said Avinash Kar, senior director of the toxics program at the Natural Resources Defense Council.

On the other side, the packaging industry has sued over similar laws in other states. “Our members have real concerns about cost, compliance, and constitutionality,” said Matt Clarke, spokesman for the National Assn. of Wholesaler-Distributors, which sued Oregon earlier this year over a similar waste law.

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CalRecycle, the state’s waste agency, did not respond in time for publication. The final regulations putting the law into effect were released May 1 and posted for review Tuesday.

The environmental organizations say the law’s new final regulations open the door to what is known as “chemical recycling,” which produces large amounts of hazardous waste. The law also contains problematic exemptions for certain categories of plastic foodware, they say.

The language of the law forbids any kind of recycling that would produce significant amounts of hazardous waste. The new regulations allow for these recycling methods if the facilities are properly permitted.

The new regulations also exempt certain products if they are already covered by federal law. For instance, a packaging company, retailer or distributor can claim that they have such a preemption, Kar said, and CalRecycle might not immediately review that claim. “And as long as they don’t review it, they’ll get the exemption for as long as CalRecycle doesn’t review it,” creating a potential “forever loophole.”

“Californians were promised a system where producers take real responsibility for the waste they create,” said Nick Lapis, advocacy director for Californians Against Waste. “When regulations introduce broad exemptions and redefine key terms, that promise starts to erode. The details matter here, and right now they don’t line up with the intent of the law.”

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Senate Bill 54, the Plastic Pollution Prevention and Packaging Producer Responsibility Act, was signed by Newsom in 2022. It was considered landmark legislation because it addressed the scourge of single-use plastics, requiring plastic and packaging companies to use less of them and ensuring that by 2032, all food packaging is either recyclable or compostable.

Accumulating plastic waste is overwhelming waterways and oceans, sickening marine life and threatening human health.

The law’s intent was not only to reduce it, but also to put the onus and cost of dealing with it on packaging producers and manufacturers, not consumers and local governments. It was supposed to incentivize companies to consider the fate of their products and spur innovation in material redesign.

According to one state analysis, 2.9 million tons of single-use plastic and 171.4 billion single-use plastic components were sold, offered for sale, or distributed during 2023 in California.

Similar laws have been passed in Maine, Oregon, Colorado, Minnesota, Maryland and Washington. Oregon’s law, however, is on hold while a lawsuit by the National Assn. of Wholesaler-Distributors works its way through the courts.

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“We see a lot of the same problems in California that we flagged in Oregon,” said Clarke, the trade group spokesman. “Given California’s scale, the cost implications are going to be even larger. Our legal counsel has noted that California’s proposed fees are already higher than what other states have put forward.”

Jan Dell of Last Beach Cleanup, an anti-plastic waste group based in Laguna Beach, doesn’t believe the law will work — irrespective of the final regulations — and said the “exorbitant” cost of its implementation will either spur producers to sue, or they’ll end up passing the higher costs on to consumers.

She referred to a report from the Circular Action Alliance, the state-sanctioned group established to represent and oversee the implementation of the law on behalf of the plastic and packaging industry. It finds the law will increase the cost of disposal between six and 14 times for common products, such as Windex bottles, made of polyethylene terephthalate.

“If the producers don’t successfully sue to stop the fees, this will certainly add to product inflation for CA consumers,” she said in an email. “Californians already have to pay exorbitantly high curbside collection fees for trash, recycling, and organics … so, starting in 2027, our groceries will cost a LOT more but we won’t see a reduction in our waste bills.”

Christopher “Smitty” Smith, a partner at law firm Saul Ewing in Los Angeles, who councils companies and interest groups on SB 54 and other Extended Producer Liability laws, said that although he could see areas of the law that “could be sharper and avoid the legal challenges … you can’t stop people from suing.” Environmentalists and anti-waste activists say they are preparing a lawsuit.

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Smith said the law already has sparked changes in how companies think and respond to concerns about waste.

One of his national fast-food chain clients has realized that if its brand name is on plastic packaging, it’s that company’s responsibility, he said, so “they’ve spent the past year mapping out their franchise agreements, their supply chain agreements, their producer agreements, to figure out” what it needs to do to comply.

He said in the past, companies have paid little attention to these details and just let their franchisees figure this kind of thing out. Now, they’re spending a lot of time and money “to wrap their arms around what their supply chain looks like and like, what post consumer use of their plastic products looks like and what their regulatory obligations are.”

It’s bringing a new dialogue within companies. And that, Smith said, is what could make this law so powerful.

Times staff writer Meg Tanaka contributed to this report.

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Sales Are Up. Celebrities Are In. Is Gap Officially Back?

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Sales Are Up. Celebrities Are In. Is Gap Officially Back?

At Gap’s headquarters in San Francisco, an archive dedicated to the apparel company’s 57-year history features nearly 6,000 boxes of memorabilia documenting the retailer’s brands, which also include Old Navy, Banana Republic and Athleta.

There are prints from photographers like Annie Leibovitz and material related to many celebrity ad campaigns, like Missy Elliott and Madonna for Gap and Cindy Crawford for Old Navy. Those dated back to the retailer’s heyday, when malls were full, celebrities wore the brand on red carpets and Gap stores were plot points in sitcoms like “Seinfeld.”

When Richard Dickson started as Gap’s chief executive nearly three years ago, he was awed by those archives and set out to change the conversation about the company.

Gap had spent years closing hundreds of stores across the United States, as sales flagged and profits were patchy. Its stock, which peaked in 2000, was languishing. The company took more than a year to fill the C.E.O. position.

Mr. Dickson, who spent nearly 20 years at Mattel, brought with him a playbook that had helped revitalize the toymaker’s brands like Hot Wheels and Barbie. He got Barbie to the big screen, with star power and a marketing machine that produced blockbuster financial results.

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The native New Yorker speaks excitedly about the ways that fashion, entertainment and music are intertwined. He went to Coachella last month and has been to the Oscars in recent years. He often mentions how Gap’s first store, which opened in 1969 in San Francisco, sold records, tapes and jeans.

Mr. Dickson’s culture-focused strategy is taking root. For his creative director, he hired Zac Posen, who dressed Kendall Jenner in a Gap gown for the recent Met Gala. Gap has made toe-tapping ads featuring Katseye and Parker Posey. Mr. Dickson even hired another C.E.O. — a chief entertainment officer — to oversee the company’s push into content, licensing and Hollywood.

Gap’s comparable sales have risen for eight straight quarters, and its market value has increased to $8.5 billion, from $3.6 billion when Mr. Dickson started. Last year, Gap, Old Navy and Banana Republic posted sales increases, with only Athleta recording a decline. Gap’s namesake brand showed the strongest growth.

Mr. Dickson, 58, credits the turnaround to “being aware of pop culture, content, art, theater, music, entertainment.” If a brand makes sure that those themes come through, “you become more relevant,” he said.

This interview was edited and condensed.

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As you try to bring Gap back into the cultural conversation, how are you managing your time? Are you spending more time in Hollywood?

As our business evolves, my allocated time also changes.

When I first got to the company, we were in “fix mode.” It’s no secret. My time was 100 percent spent on the operations, the financial rigor, setting up strategic priorities and editing a lot of the noise in the system that can be very distracting for a turnaround.

Over the course of three years, we’ve emerged a better company. Now we move into the next phase, which is to build momentum. My focus, while not taking my eye off the operational discipline, moves more into how to accelerate our growth.

I have a multitude of meetings and time spent with the entertainment community, which I’m very familiar with from previous roles.

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When you were hired from Mattel, the chatter was that you would try to recreate the Barbie magic. Is that true, or is there a different strategy for Gap?

It’s actually the same playbook. It is not so much that the playbook is unique; it’s the methodology and the execution that’s unique.

The playbook is, first, identifying what’s our reason for being.

You could put me on any brand in the world. Why do you exist? What is our purpose? What’s our point of difference? Those simple questions have very complicated answers when you’re in a turnaround. If you can’t answer it in a sentence or two, or one or two words, you’ve got a problem.

Old Navy is different from Gap. Gap is different from Banana. Banana is different from Athleta.

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So let’s focus on Gap. What makes it distinctive?

When I look at the history of every one of our brands — it wasn’t dissimilar to the Barbie conversation — what was it that broke through? What was that single thing that made it so incredibly relevant?

In our case, it was a store that was all-inclusive before inclusivity became a word, because we sold jeans for all races, all sizes, all sexes. We bridged the generation gap in the experience through music. Music was the connective tissue in the context of the store experience.

Let’s get back into that music narrative with great product storytelling and amplify it in a way that is relevant for today’s consumer. We started with Jungle with our linen campaign. We moved to Troye Sivan with a great music video around the baggy and loose trend. Then, of course, the blowout with Katseye.

These aren’t ads. Yes, you see the fleece because it looks incredible. But nobody’s saying, “Oh, my God, it’s a great deal with a great price.” They’re saying: “Did you see this? Did you feel this?” That is when you get emotional connection to a brand.

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We had become more about price than product. More about stuff, not storytelling.

If you’re focusing on entertainment, how do you measure success?

We have dashboards everywhere. I think we just turned one off when you walked in because our business flashes on an hourly basis on my screens.

We have dashboards that measure brand love, people searching more for our brand and brand attributes that we test and roll out to see how consumers are feeling.

Does the focus on entertainment hedge against all of the uncertainty in the world?

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To some extent, in the world that we live in, we should be that great distraction in some cases, that pleasant place that you love to go to. That ultimately makes a brand stronger, to essentially navigate more complex times. There’s always something that we have to worry about.

How worried are you about consumer spending? We’re in California right now. I passed a gas station where it was about $6 per gallon.

That was a good deal.

Most retailers say that consumers remain resilient, but are you prepared for spending levels to drop?

We have a fantastic portfolio that addresses all income cohorts.

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We have quality products that should last, in some cases, for generations. You’re buying it for the long haul. But we do recognize that we need frequency: We need to stay fresh. We need to stay new.

There are a lot of businesses that will start to pull back on quality, right? We’re not.

You’re from New York City, right? Tell me about your upbringing.

My parents were both in retail, real estate and fashion. My mom was more on the creative side, and my dad was more on the financial and operations side.

My grandparents were also in fashion and retail. They were Holocaust survivors. My grandmother sewed and had her own line in department stores. My grandfather ran the factory, so they had a small business that did very well. I remember growing up and running around the factory floor.

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What’s a piece of advice that you received that you still reflect on today?

Retail is detail. There’s not a single day where everything goes right, but at the end of that day you could still say that it was a great day.

Ultimately you’re firefighting on a minute-to-minute basis. You’re constantly in motion. That sense of detail orientation is probably an attribute that’s carried with me from my earliest days in the industry.

It’s time for the lightning round. What’s on heavy rotation on your music playlist right now?

Who I really like right now is Sombr. I saw him at Coachella.

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What’s the last thing you asked A.I.?

To decipher an object that somebody sent me from a museum and I wanted to know which museum it was from.

How often do you check Gap’s stock price?

I probably check it twice a day. I do a morning check and at the end of the day.

When you need to feel most confident, what are you wearing?

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I love our hoodies, and not only our fleece hoodies at Gap but Banana Republic’s cashmere hoodie. Depending on the vibe, I would go with a fleece or cashmere hoodie. Then I usually throw on a Banana Republic trucker jacket.

I wear all of our brands. I have worn a few sweatshirts from Athleta.

If you had to explain each of your brands in exactly one word, what would it be? Let’s start with Old Navy.

Family.

Gap?

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Individuality.

Banana Republic?

Adventure.

Athleta?

I’m going to go with empowerment.

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