Business
Column: With Live Nation lawsuit, government signals it's fed up with alleged corporate scofflaws
Is there a better example of arrogant corporate behavior than flouting a government decree — not once but multiple times? That’s the question raised by the antitrust lawsuit against the giant concert and ticketing conglomerate Live Nation alleging a raft of monopolistic practices.
The lawsuit, filed Thursday by the Department of Justice, 29 states and the District of Columbia, draws a picture of a company that has ruthlessly exploited its multiple roles as a dominant concert promoter, dominant owner or controller of concert venues, and dominant ticketing manager.
The combination allows Live Nation to exercise “control over which artists perform on which dates at which venues,” as well as “how fans are able to purchase tickets … and what fees those fans will pay,” according to the lawsuit.
Venues throughout the United States have come to expect that refusing to contract with Ticketmaster will result in the venue receiving fewer Live Nation concerts or none at all.
— US v. Live Nation
The plaintiffs’ goal is to break up Live Nation — specifically, to force it to divest Ticketmaster, the ticketing service it merged with in 2010. To the federal officials and the states, the Ticketmaster deal was the original sin allowing Live Nation to build itself a near-monopoly in the live music industry.
This was predictable: Mergers that brought together content producers and content distributors have been a persistent headache for antitrust enforcers — witness the mergers of NBCUniversal with the cable company Comcast and AT&T with Time Warner, the owner of CNN, HBO, Warner Bros. and much more.
Seeing anticompetitive problems on the horizon, the U.S. and 19 states originally sued to block the Live Nation-Ticketmaster deal in 2010. The case was settled with a consent decree in which Live Nation promised not to condition the provision of live shows to venues that chose not to use Ticketmaster as their ticketing agent, or to threaten or retaliate against any venues contracted with a rival ticketer, such as StubHub or SeatGeek.
By 2020, the government said it had compiled evidence that Live Nation had been violating the decree for years by doing exactly what it had promised not to do. “Venues throughout the United States,” the government alleged, “have come to expect that refusing to contract with Ticketmaster will result in the venue receiving fewer Live Nation concerts or none at all. … This is a loss that most venues can ill-afford to risk.”
The government sued again, this time settling the case with a deal that extended the initial consent decree by more than five years (to Dec. 31, 2025), imposed an independent monitor on the company, and set a penalty of $1 million for each violation.
Yet here we are again. Since the 2020 settlement, according to the new lawsuit, “Live Nation and Ticketmaster have committed additional, different, and more expansive violations of the antitrust laws.” The consent decrees, the lawsuit says, have “failed to restrain Live Nation and Ticketmaster from violating other antitrust laws in increasingly serious ways.”
Now the plaintiffs say they’re serious. Live Nation has thumbed its nose at the authorities for more than 20 years, the lawsuit says. Live Nation and Ticketmaster got what they wanted in negotiations with the government in 2010 and “promptly consummated” their deal, but they “failed to live up to their end of the bargain.” Yes, the government has needed some two decades to decide to take a stand, but it may be progress that’s it’s finally trying to do so now.
What does Live Nation have to say about all this? Mostly huffing and puffing. The company attributes the case filing to “intense political pressure on DOJ to file a lawsuit, and a long-term lobbying campaign from rivals trying to limit competition.” It calls itself “another casualty of this Administration’s decision to turn over antitrust enforcement to a populist urge that simply rejects how antitrust law works. … In reality it is just anti-business.”
The political pressure, the company says, derives in part from consumer frustration with high ticket prices and extortionate service fees; it warns that its divesting Ticketmaster won’t do anything to reduce ticket prices or fees and that Ticketmaster’s “commissions” as a share of total prices are much lower than those of other “digital marketplaces” such as Airbnb, Uber and PlayStation.
As far as I’m aware, none of those firms is in the live music business, but Live Nation’s whine may be a hint of what its legal defense may be. One key defense in antitrust cases is to try to define the market allegedly being monopolized as broadly as possible, minimizing the defendant’s share of that relevant market.
The government plaintiffs say Live Nation controls 60% of concert promotions at major venues, owns or controls 60% of the top amphitheaters in the U.S., and through Ticketmaster controls 80% or more of major venues’ primary ticketing for concerts. If Live Nation can guide a judge or jury into thinking of its market as “digital marketplaces” generally, its percentages will look measly.
Live Nation also says that its operating profit margin is only 1.5%, while those of Meta, Alphabet and Apple are all 24% or higher. Of course those companies are all in businesses different from Live Nation’s — indeed, different from one another’s.
Before going more deeply into the allegations against Live Nation, a few words about Ticketmaster’s history. The company’s grip on the live ticketing market and its habit of mulcting concertgoers with junk fees have existed for decades, long predating its merger with Live Nation.
In the mid-1990s, Pearl Jam, then the bestselling band in the country, picked a fight with Ticketmaster over fees it charged for the band’s shows. Even then the ticket agency was too powerful to beat. The conflict, which was closely followed by my late colleague Chuck Philips, ended with a loss for Pearl Jam, which eventually had to give up its plans to stage a concert tour without Ticketmaster’s participation. It resulted in a congressional hearing and an antitrust investigation, but no government action.
Popular touring artists have regularly groused about Ticketmaster since then. Garth Brooks, Neil Young, R.E.M., the Grateful Dead and Aerosmith were among the acts that supported Pearl Jam in its fight. Most recently, technological glitches connected with Ticketmaster’s handling of tickets for Taylor Swift’s Eras tour infuriated fans and provoked another congressional hearing; Ticketmaster blamed the fiasco on scalpers and astronomical demand for the tour.
That brings us back to the latest lawsuit. The government plaintiffs paint Live Nation as a corporation so arrogant it would make Shakespeare’s Iago blush. The plaintiffs offer chapter and verse of episodes in which Live Nation allegedly secured contracts for Ticketmaster by hinting to venues, if not stating outright, that switching to a rival would mean the loss of Live Nation dates.
The lawsuit quotes a 2019 interview with Variety in which Live Nation Chief Executive Michael Rapino acknowledged that under the 2010 consent decree, “We can’t say to a Ticketmaster venue that says they want to use a different ticketing platform, ‘If you do that, we won’t put shows in your building.’” But he also put into words an implicit threat: “We have to put the show where we make the most economics, and maybe that venue [that wants to use a different ticketing platform] won’t be the best economic place anymore because we don’t hold the revenue.”
Rapino also said , “ Every now and then one of our competitors runs to the DOJ. … We get an inquiry from the DOJ … and we’ve never found anything wrong.” If Live Nation was breaching its consent decree, he added, the company “would have been exposed as being in violation long ago.” About three months after he offered that cocksure assurance, the Justice Department filed a second lawsuit alleging that Live Nation had been consistently violating the consent decree.
The most interesting passage in the new lawsuit concerns Live Nation’s relationship with its onetime competitor, Oak View Group. That firm was founded in 2015 by Tim Leiweke, a former executive with Anschutz Entertainment Group, and agent and manager Irving Azoff. According to the lawsuit, the group’s contracts with leading venues and artists quickly turned into a troubling rival to Live Nation.
The two companies reached a cooperative arrangement in which Oak View avoided competing with Live Nation for artists and tours. The deal led to a “cozy relationship” in which Oak View has described itself as a “pimp” and a “hammer” for Live Nation.
The lawsuit quotes exchanges in which Leiweke allegedly assured Rapino that “I always protect you on rebates, promotor [sic] position, ticketing.” Oak View, the government plaintiffs say, has worked to keep Ticketmaster on contract at its venues and “flip” those using other ticket agents to Ticketmaster over time. (Oak View declined comment.)
Independent venues have learned that they thwart Live Nation at their peril, the governments allege. The plaintiffs have kept the names of complaining venues from their legal filings, arguing that it’s necessary “to protect venues” from Live Nation’s “retaliatory conduct,” an approach one typically sees in mob prosecutions.
A 2021 episode involved the Brooklyn, N.Y., arena Barclays Center, which switched from Ticketmaster to SeatGeek, because the latter offered Barclays a higher percentage share of fees from resold tickets (the venue’s name isn’t mentioned in the lawsuit, but the facts match the case). A Live Nation executive warned the arena’s CEO that the venue “should think about bigger relationship with LN not just who is writing a bigger sponsorship check.”
Live Nation then switched several concerts to other venues, the lawsuit states. Within a year, Barclays returned to Ticketmaster.
In another case, Live Nation threatened to deny admission to any customer holding a ticket issued by StubHub for a concert at the Los Angeles Coliseum in 2021, where Ticketmaster claimed to hold an exclusive ticketing contract; hundreds of concertgoers were turned away.
I couldn’t find a reference to any such concert, but the allegation matches an incident that involved a concert by the Black Keys at the Wiltern theater in 2019, when a dispute between Ticketmaster and StubHub and other ticketing services resulted in hundreds of customers being turned away at the door.
That was one case in which Ticketmaster’s hard-nosed competitive policies led to a wave of consumer discontent. There’s more. In 2022, Ticketmaster inaugurated a policy in which purchased tickets can be transferred only between Ticketmaster account holders.
In other words, members of a party of concertgoers have to all sign up for accounts in other to receive the tickets from the purchaser. That’s a boon for Ticketmaster’s database. The lawsuit quotes Rapino boasting that the transfer rule allows Live Nation to “not only know the person that bought the ticket, but … those three people that you are taking to the show.”
Live Nation, the plaintiffs note, “can monetize this unique trove of data in its various businesses to both increase its bottom line and further entrench its positions across the live entertainment industry.”
Can anything stop Live Nation from continuing these practices? Splitting off Ticketmaster from the rest of Live Nation might be relatively easy, since the original merger was approved based on conditions that the government says have been relentlessly violated.
Theoretically, cleaving the company’s interest in promoting concerts and filling venues from its interest in extracting the maximum in junk fees from powerless customers would do much to foster competition in the ticketing business.
But it’s proper to note that there are multiple businesses that position themselves as stakeholders in live entertainment. Arena, amphitheater and stadium operators might not care about junk fees charged to patrons, as long as they get a cut of the action. Moreover, customers are always going to pay through the nose for tickets to high-profile, massively popular acts like Taylor Swift.
It may be true, as Live Nation says, that this lawsuit may not bring prices down even if it’s successful. In the entertainment industry, there’s always someone looking to take a cut of your dollar.
Business
Judge denies move to dismiss State Farm collusion lawsuit
A Los Angeles judge has denied a petition by State Farm and other insurers to dismiss two lawsuits accusing them of colluding to drive homeowners onto California’s FAIR Plan.
The lawsuits, which accuse the insurers of violating the state’s antirust and unfair competition laws, were largely upheld in a decision Thursday by Los Angeles County Superior Court Judge Samantha Jessner.
The judge struck two less significant claims from the lawsuits filed last year, but allowed the case to proceed against more than a dozen major California insurers, led by State Farm General, the state’s largest.
“This is very good news for our people, our plaintiffs, because we’re going to be able to go ahead now with our antitrust claims in both cases,” said Bob Ruyak, an attorney representing the homeowners.
Sevag Sarkissian, a State Farm spokesperson, said the ruling did not “address the accuracy of the allegations” and that the company looks “forward to presenting our case in court.”
The lawsuits allege the companies financially benefited when policyholders were dropped and moved onto the FAIR Plan, since they financially back the insurer that sells more expensive policies which offer less coverage.
One lawsuit led by Todd and Kimberley Ferrier — whose Pacific Palisades home burned down — seeks to compensate 60 homeowners who experienced fire losses exacerbated by the FAIR Plan’s limited coverage.
The other case is a proposed class action that would compensate policyholders for the higher premiums they paid to the plan.
The case has garnered the attention of the federal Department of Justice, which filed a brief this month disputing an argument made by the insurers to have the case thrown out.
The insurers had alleged that they were shielded from antitrust liability under both California and federal law due to a certain legal doctrine.
While the department took no position on the merits of the collusion allegations, it said it files such briefs “where doing so helps protect competition and consumers, including by encouraging the sound development of the antitrust laws.”
The decision by the department to insert itself in the case followed a March post by President Trump bashing State Farm on social media after a visit to Pacific Palisades by administration officials.
The president called State Farm’s treatment of January 2025 wildfire victims “absolutely horrible” and asked EPA Administrator Lee Zeldin for a list of insurers who “acted swiftly” and those that were “particularly bad.”
Also this month, the California Department of Insurance filed an administrative action against State Farm seeking possible suspension of the carrier’s insurance license, alleging State Farm mishandled January 2025 wildfire claims.
The company acknowledges some claims were mishandled but rejected claims it engaged in a “general practice of mishandling or intentionally underpaying wildfire claims.”
The company says the California’s homeowners insurance market is the most “dysfunctional” in the country, with state regulators contributing to “delays and uncertainty that have contributed to fewer choices and higher costs for consumers.”
Business
What Trump Gained, and Didn’t, From China
Andrew here. With President Trump set to arrive back in Washington on Friday, we’re taking a hard look at what his high-stakes summit in Beijing actually achieved. The TL;DR: It didn’t lead to the “grand bargain” many had anticipated.
While there were optics of cooperation between Trump and Xi Jinping, concrete deals — including on Nvidia chips or tariffs — were few. Trump just said that he rejected a proposal from Xi, China’s leader, to help broker a peace between the U.S. and Iran, leaving the critical Strait of Hormuz effectively shut.
Ultimately, the president is coming home to rising oil prices and a slumping bond market.
What was gained (and wasn’t) in Beijing
President Trump departed Beijing a few hours ago, hailing “fantastic trade deals” struck during his two-day summit.
Still, many analysts and investors appear underwhelmed by a lack of details or breakthroughs on key issues like tariffs, Iran and tech restrictions. The summit seems to have fallen short of already diminished expectations.
For the 17 business leaders who accompanied Trump on the trip, the deal flow also appeared thinner than what was announced on his last presidential trip to China, in 2017.
Here are the highlights so far, Grady McGregor writes.
Nvidia and Citi apparently scored wins. Shares in Nvidia, the chipmaker, hit a record on Thursday on reports that Washington had cleared 10 Chinese companies to buy its H200 semiconductors.
That said, Beijing, which is looking to champion domestic rivals like Huawei, has not signaled it would be open to permitting the sales — an issue echoed on Friday by Jamieson Greer, the U.S. trade representative.
And on the eve of the summit, Beijing approved Citi’s application to operate a securities business in China, ending a yearslong regulatory application process. It is unclear whether the presence of Jane Fraser, the bank’s C.E.O., on the trip played any role in Beijing’s decision. Citi shares gained on Thursday.
Boeing landed an order for 200 aircraft, a deal Trump highlighted in a Fox News interview last night.
But shares in the plane maker fell sharply in premarket trading on Friday: The number was short of analysts’ forecasts of at least 300 planes.
The Board of Trade looks like a go. The Washington-Beijing body would manage trade in sectors such as aviation, energy, medical equipment and agriculture. Greer said it would aim to reduce tariffs on roughly $30 billion worth of goods.
He added that he expected the tariff truce the countries struck last fall in South Korea to be extended.
What’s still unclear:
HERE’S WHAT’S HAPPENING
Major cryptocurrency regulation clears a key hurdle. The Senate Banking Committee passed the Clarity Act, which has been promoted by crypto companies and investors like the venture capital firm Andreessen Horowitz. The bill heads to the full Senate, where it faces a less certain fate.
Federal prosecutors will drop criminal charges against India’s richest man. The move to end the case against the businessman Gautam Adani came after one of his lawyers — Robert Giuffra, who is also one of President Trump’s personal lawyers — met with Justice Department officials, The Times reports. (A presentation by Giuffra said that Adani was willing to invest $10 billion in the U.S., though sources told The Times that the withdrawal of charges wasn’t tied to the offer.) A settlement in a parallel case by the S.E.C. was announced Thursday in which Adani agreed to pay $6 million.
Bill Ackman bets big on Microsoft. The billionaire financier said on Friday that he had acquired a major stake in the tech giant and that he believed in the long-term prospects of its productivity software and its spending on A.I. Other hedge fund managers have bet the opposite: TCI, the firm run by Chris Hohn, recently sold off an $8 billion stake in Microsoft.
The OpenAI trial heads to a conclusion
The high-stakes legal showdown between Elon Musk and OpenAI is finally headed to the nine-person jury.
Over more than seven hours of closing arguments, lawyers for each side sought to paint the other as untrustworthy.
Here are some of the highlights of Thursday’s proceedings.
Can anyone trust Sam Altman? That was again the central attack by Steven Molo, Musk’s lead lawyer, who has argued that Altman, the OpenAI chief, deceived Musk, a fellow founder, about plans to convert the company from nonprofit to for-profit.
Molo told jurors that five witnesses had called Altman a “liar,” and he hammered home his point with a creative metaphor:
Imagine that you’re on a hike, and you come upon one of those wooden bridges that you see on a trail, and it’s over a gorge. There’s a river that’s 100 feet below and it looks a little scary, but a woman standing by the entry to the bridge says, “Don’t worry, the bridge is built on Sam Altman’s version of the truth.” Would you walk across that bridge? I don’t think many people would.
Can jurors trust Musk’s version of events? OpenAI’s lawyers, from the law firm Wachtell, Lipton, Rosen & Katz, argued that the billionaire knew about the company’s plans for for-profit conversion earlier than he admitted to and that the statute of limitations for his claims had passed.
Referring to Musk’s claim that he hadn’t read most of a 2018 email about OpenAI’s plans to seek outside investment, Sarah Eddy, a lawyer for OpenAI, said:
Here you have one of the most sophisticated businessmen in the history of the world and he claims he didn’t read a four-page summary term sheet.
The outcome of the trial could drastically alter the A.I. landscape. If OpenAI loses, its operations could be disrupted at a time when rivals are gaining steam.
Figma’s C.E.O. on surviving the “SaaSpocalypse”
The artificial intelligence boom has been a tale of haves and have-nots. Some companies have benefited mightily, most recently the chip maker Cerebras, whose stock shot up 68 percent in its debut. But many enterprise software providers have been walloped.
One of them was Figma, the design-software maker whose shares have tumbled since it went public last year. But as it reported strong quarterly earnings on Thursday, its C.E.O., Dylan Field, spoke with Michael de la Merced about why he believed his company was poised to survive, and even thrive. Here are our takeaways after the conversation.
Remember the “SaaSpocalypse”? Referring to “software-as-a-service,” it referred to investors’ worries that tools like Anthropic’s Claude Code would devastate the entire category of subscription-based software companies, like Figma.
Figma appears to have dispelled at least some of those worries:
The company’s results held up after an A.I.-related change in pricing. For most of its existence, Figma charged companies per user (known as seat-based pricing). But A.I. agents that can do work once reserved for humans promise to drastically reduce how many “seats” customers need to pay for.
In mid-March, Figma switched to a system in which it charged users for how much A.I. they used past a certain amount. The company said that more than 75 percent of its business users kept using A.I. tools despite the cap.
The result: Shares in Figma are up more than 10 percent in premarket trading since the report.
“Market narratives are market narratives,” Field said to DealBook about the SaaSpocalypse sell-off, playing down the investor concern while pointing out Figma’s strong performance.
“The way we see it, A.I. is going to create more software than ever,” he said. He added, “Design matters.”
But Field remains on guard. Makers of A.I. models have muscled into Figma’s territory, notably Anthropic, which in March introduced Claude Design, a tool seen as a competitor of sorts. (Only three days before, Mike Krieger, a senior Anthropic executive, resigned from Figma’s board; Field reportedly complained about the situation.)
“You have to take a company like Anthropic seriously,” Field told DealBook.
Picture of the day
The musical playlist for Thursday’s state dinner in Beijing for President Trump drew big buzz on social media. It contained some Trump favorites, including the Village People hit “Y.M.C.A.”
Talking A.I. with Circle’s C.E.O.
Every week, we’re asking a leader how he or she uses artificial intelligence. This week, Jeremy Allaire, who leads the stablecoin issuer Circle, told Sarah Kessler that he had built a “C.E.O. prioritizer.” The interview has been condensed and edited for clarity.
How do you personally use A.I. at home or work?
One interesting one is a C.E.O. prioritizer. If there’s a request for me to meet someone or do something, you go to the agent and it interrogates you about it and does background research. Then it assigns a one-to-five score, with one being “Completely ignore it” and five being “This is a highly strategic use of your time.”
Circle wants to be part of the infrastructure that helps A.I. agents spend money. Tell me more about that.
The primary units of work in the economic system are going to be executed by A.I. agents. And increasingly, it’s going to be agents that are operating in teams.
You need an economic system to support that. We need a way for one agent to access and use the services of another agent. For example, you might have research data in a particular domain of biology, and I want to make that available to A.I.s to consume. And it’s going to be 5 cents, 10 cents. Whatever it is, you receive that payment, and the A.I. then can consume that data and use it.
And this transaction would take place via stablecoin and not dollars, because there is less friction and these are tiny transactions?
There’s no payment system in the world except for something like USDC that can conduct a transaction for a fraction of a penny. Or even 5 cents or 10 cents. And it’s all programmable.
You said on your latest earnings call that 85 percent of your employees are using A.I. coding and automation tools. What does that look like?
We’re able to basically go through the entire software life cycle with A.I. agents conducting work. Agents are seeing feature requests, picking them up, coding and submitting the code for review. We have other agents that perform code review. Humans then obviously come in to do subsequent reviews.
What about outside of engineering?
It’s in every single function. If you want to build a creative strategy for a campaign, there’s a whole agentic workflow. If you are creating public communications content — we’re a regulated company, so we have very strict guidelines — there’s an A.I. that will vet all of your content and point out the issues with it.
THE SPEED READ
Deals
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Investors led by Egon Durban, a C.E.O. of the tech investment firm Silver Lake, have reportedly struck a deal to buy 25 percent of the Las Vegas Raiders at a $9.9 billion valuation. (CNBC)
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Michael Carr, a longtime top M.&A. banker at Goldman Sachs, died on Tuesday. He was 68. (Bloomberg)
Politics, policy and regulation
Best of the rest
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Boeing and Toyota are said to have donated $1 million each to fund a reality-TV video series starring the transportation secretary, Sean Duffy. (WSJ)
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“In a City of Big Dreams, Many Young Adults See a Cloudy Future” (NYT)
We’d like your feedback! Please email thoughts and suggestions to dealbook@nytimes.com.
Business
Why the infuriatingly catchy Kars4Kids jingle got yanked off the air in California
The frustratingly unforgettable Kars4kids jingle, which has been worming its way into listeners’ brains for decades, is officially banned from the airwaves in California.
While the 1-877-KARS4KIDS song has been called one of the most memorable jingles in history, a court has ruled it is misleading.
A California man took the group behind it to court, saying he donated an old car to Kars4Kids, thinking its value would be used to help underprivileged children. He didn’t know the money generated was used to support Oorah, a Jewish organization that helps fund young adult trips to Israel.
An Orange County court judge ruled late last week that the New Jersey-based group’s advertisements were misleading because they omitted the company’s religious affiliation and hid the charity’s true mission.
The charity organization violated state laws against false advertising and unfair competition, the court ruled.
“The failure to disclose that funds benefit adults and families — and that this support is contingent upon a specific religious affiliation — is a material omission,” the ruling states.
Kars4Kids must pull its advertisements from the state within 30 days. Any new advertisement in California must clearly disclose the nonprofit’s religious affiliation and specify for whom the money will be used, the court ruled.
A Kars4Kids spokesperson said the ruling is deeply flawed, and the organization will appeal.
“We believe this case was nothing more than a lawyer-driven attempt to siphon off charitable funds for their own gain,” the spokesperson said. “The law and the facts are clearly on our side.”
The jingle first aired in the 1990s and has been loved and loathed by listeners ever since.
It has been the subject of talk show commentary and featured in “The Simpsons.”
Most donations go to help Jewish youth and families, the company’s chief operating executive, Esti Landau, said during her testimony.
Oorah runs a matchmaking program for Jewish youth and funds gap year trips to Israel for 17- and 18-year-olds. The company also used donations to purchase a $16.5-million building in Israel.
“The evidence also shows that children, especially needy or underprivileged children, are not the recipients of the proceeds of the donations,” the ruling states.
Kars4Kids has made it easier to donate old cars to benefit children and families across the country, which includes continued support throughout young adulthood, the company spokesperson said.
This isn’t the first time Kars4Kids has faced accusations of misleading listeners. Oregon, Pennsylvania and other states have also found the charity organization has misleading solicitation practices.
Californians account for a quarter of the company’s funds, yet the nonprofit has limited programs in the state, according to court documents. The organization claims to help thousands of children, including hundreds in California, according to a Kars4Kids spokesperson.
The charity’s infamous tune was catchy enough to convince California resident Bruce Puterbaugh to donate a 2001 Volvo XC. The car was nonoperational and not under his name, but was left in his care.
The car was valued at $250, and Puterbaugh said he felt deceived when he found out the money wouldn’t help young children. He originally sued the company in 2021.
“I feel taken advantage of by the ad and information that was not there,” Puterbaugh said in his testimony.
A donor would have to navigate the nonprofit’s website to learn about its religious mission.
“These omissions are inherently deceptive,” the court ruling states. “Broadcasting this jingle repeatedly over two decades is fraudulent.”
A Kars4Kids spokesperson said that the company’s website clearly states its Jewish affiliation.
The court sided with Puterbaugh and ordered the nonprofit to pay him $250 as restitution for his donated vehicle.
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