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California reserved $165 million for Tesla to electrify its trucking industry. The result may stifle EV innovation

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California reserved 5 million for Tesla to electrify its trucking industry. The result may stifle EV innovation

A California clean-air program, designed to rapidly electrify the state’s truck and bus fleets, has recently faced intense criticism for reserving its largest-ever tranche of funding to subsidize Tesla’s all-electric semi-truck, a largely unproven vehicle with a dubious production timeline.

In the past year, the California Air Resources Board (CARB) and its nonprofit partner CALSTART have set aside nearly 1,000 vouchers, worth at least $165 million, to provide commercial fleets with steep markdowns on the long-delayed Tesla Semi, according to state data obtained by The Times. The battery-powered big rig has been advertised as a groundbreaking freight truck capable of traveling up to 500 miles on a single charge.

But the news of Tesla’s windfall outraged some in the trucking industry, who allege the state provided the world’s wealthiest automaker with preferential treatment for a vehicle that is not ready.

Nearly eight years since Tesla Chief Executive Elon Musk unveiled the Tesla Semi as a concept, it still isn’t widely available in stock. It has repeatedly faced production delays and still doesn’t have a publicly advertised retail price.

In fact, some critics argue the Tesla Semi shouldn’t have qualified for government funding at all. At the time Tesla submitted its voucher requests, the vehicle didn’t appear to have the necessary certifications and approvals to be sold and legally driven on California roads.

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Still, the 992 state-administered incentives have effectively established the Tesla Semi as the front-runner in the electrified heavy-duty truck class.

“I don’t think it would be an overstatement to say this is market distortion or market manipulation,” said Alexander Voets, general manager at RIZON Truck USA, a commercial electric truck brand. “CARB essentially single-handedly just made Tesla the market leader for electric vehicles for [heavy-duty trucks] without them having [virtually] any vehicles in customer hands.”

Historic funding, murky data

The funding was tentatively awarded through the Hybrid and Zero-Emission Truck and Bus Voucher Incentive Project (HVIP), a state program aimed at reducing pollution and greenhouse gas emissions in the goods-movement sector and in public transit. Since its creation in 2009, the program has dedicated over $1.6 billion — a mix of state funding and incentives from local ports — toward helping fleets purchase electric, hydrogen and other low-emission vehicles.

The state program aims to solve an outsize problem: Heavy-duty trucks make up only 10% of vehicles on U.S. roads, but they produce 45% of smog-forming nitrogen oxides and 58% of lung-aggravating soot.

But experts say that the state program has lacked thorough oversight and accountability, allowing a small group of manufacturers to exploit the program’s robust endowments.

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Since The Times began raising questions about Tesla’s vouchers, the state’s public data for the HVIP have drastically changed, reflecting lower funding amounts for Tesla and other major automakers. State officials had reserved the maximum amount for which the vehicle qualified — a number much higher than the retail price. In late January, officials revised the publicly accessible data so that the numbers no longer included local port funding that was awarded through the program — making it appear that Tesla received tens of millions less in funding.

CARB officials also noted that EV incentives from local utilities — not administered through the state voucher program — helped subsidize the Tesla Semi orders and ultimately lessen grant funding awarded by the state.

An analysis of earlier data by The Times showed that Tesla may have been poised to receive up to $202 million, roughly a third of all funding allocated during 2025 and 2026. The Tesla vouchers had each been worth from $120,000 to $430,000 but now are listed between $84,000 and $351,000.

Even after the revisions, Tesla is still poised to receive about $165 million, significantly more than any other single auto manufacturer. New Flyer, a Canadian bus manufacturer, secured the HVIP program’s second-highest funding, about $68 million, less than half that of Tesla.

Though its retail price has still not been publicly disclosed, state documents obtained by The Times show that the Tesla Semi generally sells for around $260,000 for the standard model with 300-mile range and $300,000 for the long-range model with 500-mile range.

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The price has been one of the greatest selling points, as the average cost of a zero-emission big rig was $435,000 in 2024, according to CARB.

The state voucher program offers up to a 90% discount on the list price for private fleet operators.

Tesla’s questionable qualifications

To qualify for a voucher, manufacturers must obtain a zero-emission powertrain certification showing the vehicle meets certain performance standards. Each model year of the vehicle also needs to receive written approval from CARB, and the vehicle must be listed in the HVIP catalog.

The 2024 Tesla Semi was listed as an eligible vehicle by CARB, despite not having powertrain certification registered on CARB’s website. No subsequent model years were displayed as eligible before Tesla applied for government incentives.

“I still haven’t seen any proof that Tesla has been able to satisfy the requirements,” said a senior official at another EV manufacturer, who feared reprisal from state officials if they spoke out publicly.

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“That is really concerning to me, because these are rules that I have to follow. So, how are they getting around this? And how has CARB not caught this?”

Tesla did not respond to multiple requests for comment. CARB officials did not directly answer how Tesla secured state funding.

“The process for vehicle or engine certification includes the review and processing of confidential business information, thus the certification status of any truck is confidential,” a spokesperson said in a statement to The Times.

However, CARB insisted that Tesla would not receive any state-administered funding until requirements are met and vehicles are delivered to customers.

A WattEv Transport Inc. Tesla Semi electric truck.

A WattEv Transport Inc. Tesla Semi electric truck sits parked next to BYD electric trucks by a charging station at the Port of Long Beach in April.

(Patrick T Fallon / AFP via Getty Images)

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That provides little consolation to other manufacturers.

Even if Tesla fails to deliver the trucks and doesn’t eventually receive government incentives, it prevents other automakers — with EVs in stock — from utilizing the funding more immediately. Losing out on these funding opportunities could be critical for some smaller EV companies.

“That hurts the rest of us,” said Peter Tawil, director of sales and marking at RIZON and longtime promoter for the EV industry. “Our trucks can be delivered tomorrow.”

“If this doesn’t get corrected, our whole industry will just go down the toilet.”

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A lifeline for EV makers

Tesla’s funding surge came two years after state officials quietly eliminated the limit of vouchers a single manufacturer can secure at one time, a key guardrail intended to prevent major automakers from hoarding California’s clean-transportation funding and stalling the deployment of electric vehicles.

Typically, auto dealerships secure purchase orders from private or public fleet operators interested in buying their zero-emission vehicles at the lower rates facilitated by the state incentives. Then, the dealerships submit voucher requests — for up to 20 vehicles at a time for most businesses — to obtain those incentives.

The state vouchers are awarded on a first-come, first-served basis, creating stiff competition for funding. During the funding cycle that began on Sept. 9, for example, there was about $335.6 million available. Within two days, 68% of that amount had already been allotted.

The program’s structure has enabled some companies to quickly capture a large portion of funding, over 1,000 vouchers in some cases, without having the inventory or production capacity to deliver those vehicles in a timely fashion. It also left their competitors unable to provide similar discounts.

For years, a single manufacturer generally was allowed to secure a maximum of only 100 state vouchers at a time, until it delivered those orders to customers. That rule was designed to prevent any entity from monopolizing state funds for vehicles that weren’t ready for production and to provide a level playing field for smaller manufacturers.

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A CARB spokesperson acknowledged that the state program ended the 100-voucher limit because the policy unintentionally prevented customers from buying some of the most popular trucks and buses on the market. The state had also regularly granted waivers for customers to bypass the voucher limit for popular vehicle brands.

“The original intent of the manufacturer cap was to ensure [manufacturers] were not holding vouchers for an extended time,” a CARB spokesperson said. “Instead, it had the unintended consequence of limiting zero-emission vehicle choices for fleets.”

But, without those limits, large manufacturers, including Tesla, have been able to dominate the voucher program. The policy change has intensified competition in the state voucher program at a time when the EV market has entered its most uncertain period in recent memory.

The Trump administration has eliminated federal tax credits for EVs and invalidated California’s zero-emission vehicle targets. As a result, California is losing traction in its quest to eliminate pollution and greenhouse gases from the state’s robust shipping sector.

The medium- and heavy-duty segment, in particular, had already greatly consolidated as automakers have struggled to electrify — and monetize — delivery vans, buses and big rigs in the U.S.

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California’s voucher program had provided electric truck and bus manufacturers with a lifeline. But Tesla’s expansion into the heavy-duty market has become a flash point, triggering calls for reforms to how incentives are distributed.

Paragon or prototype?

Ironically, Tesla CEO and former DOGE chief Elon Musk had publicly advocated against government incentives for EVs, boasting that eliminating these subsidies would bolster Tesla’s standing in the industry.

Meanwhile, Tesla has worked to secure millions in state and local funding for its Semi, while many in the trucking industry question whether the vehicle’s uneven development timeline justifies such heavy public investment.

In November 2017, Musk unveiled the Tesla Semi prototype at a SpaceX facility in Hawthorne. He touted it as a revolutionary all-electric truck that would help phase out diesel-powered models and reduce emissions from the nation’s shipping industry. Musk said it would deliver 500-mile range at maximum, a 0–60 mph acceleration in 20 seconds and 30-minute charging via solar-powered “Megachargers.”

Production was initially scheduled to begin in 2019 in Tesla’s Gigafactory in Nevada.

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But, since then, early customers, such as food and beverage giant PepsiCo, have waited years for their orders to be fulfilled amid a series of manufacturing delays.

It’s unclear how many Tesla Semi models have been sold. According to state data, Tesla has received payment from CARB’s voucher program for only five Semi models thus far, all of which were delivered last July to Nevoya Transportation LLC.

State officials said they expect many of the Tesla orders will be fulfilled in late 2026, based on conversations they’ve had with Tesla representatives.

But there are still serious questions about its performance and design.

As the Tesla Semi was tested at the Port of Long Beach last year, a major design flaw became apparent. The big rig has a panoramic, wraparound windshield providing exceptional visibility and a futuristic appearance.

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But it was clear that drivers were unable to roll down the window to present the necessary paperwork at the gated entry.

For skeptics, it was yet another sign the truck is still not ready for the road.

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What soaring gas prices mean for California’s EV market

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What soaring gas prices mean for California’s EV market

It has been a bumpy road for the electric vehicle market as declining federal support and plateauing public interest have eaten away at sales.

But EV sellers could soon receive a boost from an unexpected source: The war in Iran is pushing up gas prices.

As Americans look to save money at the pump, more will consider switching to an electric or hybrid vehicle. Average gas prices in the U.S. have risen nearly 17% since Feb. 28 to reach $3.48 per gallon. In California, the average is $5.20 per gallon.

Electric vehicles are pricier than gasoline-powered cars and charging them isn’t cheap with current electricity prices, but sky-high gas prices can tip the scales for consumers deciding which kind of vehicle to buy next.

“We probably will see an uptick in EV adoption and particularly hybrid adoption” if gas prices stay high, said Sam Abuelsamid, an auto analyst at Telemetry Agency. “The last time we had oil prices top $100 per barrel was early 2022 and that’s when we saw EV sales really start to pick up in the U.S.”

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In a 2022 AAA survey, 77% of respondents said saving money on gas was their primary motivator for purchasing an electric vehicle. That year, 25% of survey respondents said they were likely or very likely to purchase an EV.

As oil prices cooled, the number fell to16% in 2025.

In California, annual sales of new light-duty zero-emission vehicles jumped 43% in 2022, according to the state’s Energy Commission. The market share of zero-emission vehicles among all light-duty vehicles sold rose from 12% in 2021 to 19% in 2022.

“Prior to 2022, we didn’t really have EVs available when we had oil price shocks,” Abuelsamid said. “But every time we did, it coincided with a move toward more fuel-efficient vehicles.”

Dealers are anticipating a windfall.

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Brian Maas, president of the California New Car Dealers Assn., predicted enthusiasm for EVs will rebound across California if oil prices don’t come down.

“If prior gasoline price spikes are any indication, you tend to see interest in more fuel-efficient vehicles,” he said.

Rising gas prices could be a lifeline for EV makers at a time when federal support for green cars has been declining.

Under President Trump, a federal $7,500 tax incentive for new electric vehicles was eliminated in September, along with a $4,000 incentive for used electric vehicles.

In California, the zero-emission vehicle share of the total new-vehicle market was 22% through the first 10 months of 2025, then dropped sharply to 12% in the last two months of the year, according to the California Auto Outlook.

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Meanwhile Tesla, the most popular EV brand in the country, has grappled with an implosion of its reputation with some consumers after its chief executive, Elon Musk, became one of Trump’s most vocal supporters and helped run the controversial Department of Government Efficiency.

Over the last several months, Ford, General Motors and Stellantis have pared back EV ambitions.

Other automakers, including Nissan, announced plans to stop producing their more affordable electric models.

The Trump administration has moved to roll back federal fuel economy standards and revoked California’s permission to implement a ban on new gas-powered car sales by 2035.

David Reichmuth, a researcher with the Clean Transportation program in the Union of Concerned Scientists, said the shift in production plans will affect EV availability, even if demand surges.

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That could keep people from switching to cleaner vehicles regardless of higher gas prices.

“This is a transition that we need to make for both public health and to try to slow the damage from global warming, whether or not the price of gasoline is $3 or $5 or $6 a gallon,” he said.

According to Cox Automotive, new EV sales nationally were down 41% in November from a year earlier. Used EV sales were down 14% year over year that month.

To be sure, oil prices can fluctuate wildly in times of uncertainty. It will take time for consumers to decide on new purchases.

Brian Kim, who manages used car sales at Ford of Downtown LA, said he has yet to see a jump in the number of people interested in EVs, hybrids or more fuel-efficient gas-powered engines.

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Still, if the price at the pump stays stuck above its current level, it could happen soon.

“Once the gas prices hit six [dollars per gallon] or more and people feel it in their pocket, maybe things will start to change,” he said.

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Nearly 60 gigawatts of U.S. clean power stalled, trade group finds

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Nearly 60 gigawatts of U.S. clean power stalled, trade group finds

A total of 59 gigawatts of U.S. clean energy projects are facing delays at a time when demand for power from AI data centers is surging, according to a trade group study.

Developers are seeing an average delay of 19 months over issues such as long interconnection times, supply constraints and regulatory barriers, the American Clean Power Assn. said in a quarterly market report.

The backlog is happening despite the growing need for power on grids that are being taxed by energy-hungry data centers and increased manufacturing. The Trump administration has implemented a slew of policies to slow the build-out of solar and wind projects, including delaying approvals on federal lands.

The potential energy generation facing delays is the equivalent of 59 traditional nuclear reactors, enough to power more than 44 million homes simultaneously.

“Current policy instability is beginning to impact investor confidence and negatively impact project timelines at a time when demand is surging,” American Clean Power Chief Policy Officer JC Sandberg said in a statement.

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Despite the hurdles, developers were able to bring more than 50 gigawatts of wind, solar and batteries online in 2025, accounting for more than 90% of all new power capacity in the U.S., the report found. Clean power purchase agreements declined 36% in 2025 compared with 2024, signaling that the build-out of clean power in the U.S. could be lower in the 2028 to 2030 time period, according to the report.

Chediak writes for Bloomberg.

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Feud between Vegas gambler and Paramount exec sparks $150-million fraud lawsuit

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Feud between Vegas gambler and Paramount exec sparks 0-million fraud lawsuit

The high-stakes feud between Paramount Skydance President Jeff Shell and Las Vegas gambler and self-professed “fixer” Robert James “R.J.” Cipriani spilled into court on Monday.

Cipriani filed a lawsuit against Shell on claims of fraud and eight other counts, alleging that he reneged on an oral agreement to develop an English-language version of a Spanish music show that streams on Roku TV.

He is seeking $150 million in damages.

In the 67-page lawsuit, filed in Los Angeles County Superior Court, Cipriani claims that in exchange for providing “sophisticated, high-value crisis communications services, entirely without compensation” over 18 months, Shell had agreed to develop the show “Serenata De Las Estrellas,” (Star Serenade), but failed to do so. Cipriani and his wife were to be named as co-executive producers.

“This case arises from the oldest form of fraud: a powerful man took everything a less powerful man had to offer, promised to repay him, lied to him when he asked about it, and then refused to compensate him at all,” states the complaint.

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Cipriani — who has producer credits on a 2020 documentary about Vegas, “Money Machine: Behind the Lies,” and the 2015 movie “Wild Card” — intended to make “Serenata” as a “lasting legacy for his mother,” Regina, saying the effort “has been the driving force and the most important thing consuming [Cipriani’s] entire life of almost sixty-five years,” according to the suit.

The show was inspired by a song that the Philadelphia-born Cipriani used to sing to his late mother when he was growing up.

The litigation is the latest twist in a simmering behind-the-scenes scandal that has left much of Hollywood slack-jawed.

For weeks, Cipriani had threatened to file a lawsuit against Shell, with the potential to derail his comeback at Paramount, three years after he lost his job as NBCUniversal’s chief executive over an inappropriate relationship with an underling.

Cipriani’s suit alleges Shell wasdesperate for help in quelling negative stories about him.

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It also portrays him as someone who was indiscreet, allegedly sharing sensitive information during the period when the Ellison family, through Skydance Media, was preparing to close its deal to acquire Paramount and then was actively pursuing Warner Bros. Discovery to add to its growing entertainment and media empire.

The eventual rift between the unlikely pair began in August 2024. Patty Glaser, the high-powered entertainment litigator, convened a meeting between the two men.

During the meeting with Shell, the executive expressed to Cipriani his concern that emails and texts between him and Hadley Gamble, the CNBC anchor Shell had been involved with, would come out, saying “that would absolutely destroy me,” according to the suit.

Cipriani claims in his lawsuit Shell was facing “catastrophic personal exposure arising from his conduct toward yet another woman in the media industry,” similar to what had prompted his ouster from NBCUniversal and that he “solicited” his “crisis communications services.”

According to the suit, Cipriani was in a position to help him, having engaged in a “longstanding practice of exposing misconduct in the entertainment and media industries.”

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Robert James “R.J.” Cipriani in Amazon Prime Video’s 2025 series “Cocaine Quarterback.”

(Courtesy of Prime)

A high-rolling blackjack player, Cipriani’s colorful résumé includes aiding the FBI in the arrest and conviction of USC athlete-turned global drug kingpin Owen Hanson, who was sentenced to 21 years in federal prison, and filing a RICO suit against Resorts World Las Vegas.

Leveraging his “unique media relationships and industry influence,” Cipriani said in his complaint that he provided Shell with “ongoing threat-monitoring and intelligence services,” and “took proactive steps to suppress, redirect, or neutralize” negative coverage against Shell before publication.

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Cipriani said Shell expressed “effusive gratitude” to him after he planted a story about another entertainment industry figure “in order to divert media attention” away from Shell. “Thank you thank you thank you,” Shell wrote in a text to Cipriani, according to the lawsuit, which included a copy of the text.

During tense negotiations over Paramount’s streaming rights for the highly successful “South Park” franchise last summer, Shell allegedly asked to talk to Cipriani about the matter. Cipriani then “orchestrat[ed] the placement of a highly favorable news article,” that was “devastating to Shell’s and Paramount’s adversaries in the dispute,” the suit states.

After a story published in a Hollywood trade, Cipriani wrote to Shell on WhatsApp, “I’m the one that put the article out for you!!!” and “I didn’t want to tell you till it hit so you have plausible deniability.”

According to a message cited in the lawsuit, Shell responded, “I love you!!!! …Thank you Rj,” adding “I owe you dinner at least!”

Despite those boasts, Paramount ultimately paid “South Park” creators millions more than Skydance had intended. To remove obstacles from Skydance’s path to buy Paramount, the media company agreed to two blockbuster deals that include paying the “South Park” production company more than $1.25 billion to continue the cartoon — making it one of the richest deals in television history.

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During the course of their relationship, Cipriani further alleges that Shell alerted him to a then-pending $7.7-billion Paramount deal for the rights to UFC fights, while Netflix “believed” it had a “handshake deal” for the same rights, according to the suit.

Cipriani disclosed in his lawsuit that he filed a whistleblower complaint with the Securities and Exchange Commission over the disclosure of material information, claiming that Shell told him that not even UFC President Dana White knew of the transaction. In a WhatsApp message cited in the lawsuit, Shell told Cipriani that the deal was “very hush, hush until we sign.”

While the gambler continued to provide his services to Shell gratis, their relationship began to sour.

Cipriani became enraged that Shell did not uphold his end of the alleged deal to help him with the TV show, viewing it as a slap to him and his mother.

In February, the pair met to resolve their growing dispute. According to the lawsuit, also in attendance was an unidentified entertainment attorney who had represented both men in separate matters.

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Patty Glaser has been widely reported as having represented Shell and Cipriani. She introduced them in summer 2024, as The Times reported Saturday.

“We were presented with a draft complaint riddled with clear errors of fact and law,” Glaser said in a statement last week. “We will strongly respond.”

The February meeting did not go well.

Shell not only “refused to compensate” Cipriani, but also told him that he could not “assist” him “in obtaining a television show or other entertainment industry opportunity.”

Cipriani further alleged in his lawsuit that during their “failed summit,” Shell revealed his “disdain” for David Zaslav, the Warner Bros. Discovery CEO, and disclosed that Paramount intended to “sweeten” its pending hostile offer for the studio to fend off Netflix prior to announcing its intention to do so publicly.

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After the meeting, Cipriani stated in his complaint that Shell’s attorney privately offered Cipriani a “$150,000 personal loan” to resolve the dispute.

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