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Technology
Trump’s AI chief’s big Iran warning gets big time ignored
Do you have cool events to highlight, tips to toss over, and secrets to spill? Send everything to tina.nguyen+tips@theverge.com. Or, if you’re truly tech-pilled, send me a message on LinkedIn.
Surprisingly, artificial intelligence does not take the highest political priority during a war — much less an ill-conceived war with Iran that’s paralyzed the energy markets, destabilized America’s relationships with the Middle East and Europe, and alienated members of President Donald Trump’s diehard MAGA coalition. (Just yesterday, Joe Kent, election denier and onetime Trump-endorsed congressional candidate, announced that he was stepping down as the director of the National Counterterrorism Center in protest of the Iran war.) But the effect it’ll have on the tech and AI industry — and industry in general — is so dire that David Sacks, billionaire and the AI and crypto czar shaping the Trump administration’s tech policies, did something politically risky: He publicly suggested that Donald Trump find some way to get out of the Iran war.
Last Friday on his podcast All In, Sacks and his crew laid out several alarmingly realistic scenarios based on recent developments: Iran indicated it was willing to attack oil and gas depots in neighboring countries, destroy desalination plants crucial for supplying water to over 100 million people (which Sacks described as a “humanitarian crisis” that would render the Middle East uninhabitable), and bombard Israel until it either relented or decided to use a nuclear weapon. The Democrats would probably win the midterms. But also, and arguably worse, World War III was possible. “This would be a really good time to take stock of where we are and try, I think, to seek an off-ramp,” he told his co-hosts. “And look, if escalation doesn’t lead anywhere good, then you have to think about, well, how do you de-escalate? And de-escalation, I think, involves reaching some sort of ceasefire agreement or some sort of negotiated settlement with Iran.”
Whatever advice Sacks may have tried to offer has fallen on deaf ears. On top of the US military’s continued assault on Iranian oil infrastructure, over the past few days, Trump said he was open to putting US troops on the ground in Iran, said that NATO countries hesitant to support him were making a “foolish” decision, and just because, added that he was thinking of invading Cuba next. Trump also told reporters this week that Sacks had not spoken to him about the war, either. Whether that’s true or not, Trump often defaults to this explanation when trying to diminish a critic. And the sources I speak to around the White House — especially the ones familiar with Trump’s MO — are pessimistic that Sacks will have any shot at getting the president to listen to him.
A David Sacks hater may note that the billionaire has hit the boundaries of his perceived influence on Trump. At the same time, every single one of Trump’s former allies — especially the ones who don’t work for him — have hit that limit, too. The MAGA anti-war isolationists have been completely betrayed. The titans of industry who care about the markets are at the mercy of Trump’s whims. Heck, Trump has turned around and embraced the neoconservatives who used to despise him, but are now the only people on the right clamoring for regime change in Iran. (If you want to get a sense of how his administration underlings are enabling Trump, I was literally at the Pentagon last week for a vibe check.)
Out of the Trump oligarch classes, the technologists may suffer the longest term effects. Unlike the MAGA base, who’d supported Trump for intangible ideological reasons, Big Tech’s got a deeply financial incentive to stay allied with the president. So much of their current advantages rely on their direct relationships and ability to assuage his ego, which has certainly paid dividends for them over the past year: antitrust investigations dropped, trade loopholes opened, executive orders signed, and so on. (What do you think the ballroom donations were for?) And it’s possible that they believed that the Iran situation would be similar to Venezuela, wherein they’d reap the benefits of seizing Iran’s oil supply, and decided not to intervene.
But there’s a critical characteristic they overlooked, one that dates back to Trump’s relationship with Roy Cohn in the ’70s: Trump does not like to be humiliated by his foes, and Trump is always inclined to strike back twice as hard in order to crush their spirits, with little care for consequences or long-term damage. It mostly manifests via legal challenges and lawsuits in America, but has occasionally gone in a violent direction (see: January 6th and the ICE protests in Minnesota). In this case, he is trying to one-up a violent religious theocracy, which declared a military jihad against the United States in the wake of Khamenei’s death, and also possesses missiles. The rich nerds who make the beep-boops have very little chance of changing Trump’s mind — especially so long as there’s a political contingent on the right egging him on — and even if Sacks believed he was talking to a friendly audience in an online safe space, there’s no guarantee that Trump will be happy that he voiced dissent at all.
Oh, right, crypto is still happening, too.
Unfortunately, I couldn’t catch a lot of the Blockchain Conference this year (see: Iran) but it seems like some major developments came out of it, including the CFTC and the SEC dropping a major guidance that most digital assets are not securities, clarifying the way that certain cryptocurrency is regulated and whose rules apply. But though it’s the most comprehensive document released around this crucial issue, they also warned that it still needs Congress to pass laws that would make those changes permanent, and the CFTC is pretty busy as is. In other words: The Clarity Act still needs to be passed, guys. And that seems to be going great. Right?
.. another blockchain-based bar! This time, Polymarket announced the surprise opening of The Situation Room, “the world’s first bar dedicated to monitoring the situation.” According to renderings posted on X, the bar, described as a “sports bar just for situation monitoring,” will have everything one needs to monitor the situation: live feeds on X, sports games, and Bloomberg terminals. (Polymarket did not immediately comment on where said bar would be located.)
screenshot via @polymarket/X.
I’ve been doing some spring cleaning at home and recently found a quart-sized Ziploc bag that’s got a handful of spare change that I’ve been meaning to drop off at a Coinstar for over a year. But I’m lazy, and if there’s anything I’ve learned from TMZ, it’s that paying money for stories works (sometimes). So I will give this bag of loose change to anyone who can send authentic, verified, non-AI generated footage of this reported fight between Sam Altman and playwright Jeremy O. Harris at the exclusive, off-the-record Vanity Fair Oscar Party, allegedly over OpenAI’s contract with the Pentagon. (I presume the audience of Regulator is composed of Hollywood A-listers.)
And, no, I’m not going to send you the cash equivalent of the bag’s value. The condition for the payout is that you have to take this bag off of my hands, including all of the Costa Rican currency. AND I’m keeping all the quarters. And in the extraordinarily unlikely event that someone follows through on this offer, I have to get permission from Nilay Patel to break the ethics policy this one time, because this is technically a quid pro quo, albeit an extremely awful quid pro quo for whomever sends it.
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Most people never expect a knock on the door from a police officer to flip their life upside down. Yet that is exactly what happened to Chrisanna Elser in the Denver area of Colorado, near the small towns of Bow Mar and Columbine Valley.
An officer from the Columbine Valley Police Department arrived at her home and accused her of stealing a $25 package from a porch in the neighboring town of Bow Mar, Colorado.
The officer said surveillance technology pointed directly to her vehicle, a forest green Rivian R1T electric pickup truck. But Chrisanna insists she never stole anything.
What followed became a real-world lesson in modern surveillance. Doorbell cameras, license plate readers and phone location data suddenly became evidence in a case she had to fight herself.
CALIFORNIA PORCH PIRATE CAUGHT STEALING SURVEILLANCE CAMERAS INSTALLED TO CATCH HIM
Flock cameras are used in towns across the nation as license plate readers. A Colorado woman was accused of porch theft after police relied on surveillance tech, including Flock cameras, that incorrectly linked her vehicle to the scene. (Lori Van Buren/Albany Times Union via Getty Images)
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The moment the accusation began
Chrisanna recently joined me on my Beyond Connected podcast to walk through the moment everything started. She remembers the day clearly. “So I laid down because I had a headache and my husband came in and said, there’s a police officer here for you.”
The officer told her a package had been stolen from a home roughly 1.3 miles away in Bow Mar, Colorado. The officer who confronted her was Sgt. Jamie Milliman of the Columbine Valley Police Department, which provides policing services for both Columbine Valley and Bow Mar.
He believed she was responsible. The accusation was based on surveillance tools used around the area. According to the officer, Flock license plate reader cameras had captured her forest green Rivian driving through Bow Mar between 11:52 a.m. and 12:09 p.m. on the day of the theft.
Bodycam footage captured the officer describing the town’s monitoring network. “You can’t get a breath of fresh air in or out of that place without us knowing.”
Chrisanna said she tried to show the officer evidence that she had nothing to do with the theft. But she says he would not review it. “And basically, he just continued to start with that. I was lying to him. Never lied to him once.”
Instead, the officer issued a summons ordering her to appear in court in Jefferson County, Colorado.
The porch camera video that sparked the case
Chrisanna later found the video that triggered the accusation. Neighbors had posted the porch camera footage on the community app Nextdoor while trying to identify the thief. At first, she could understand why the police thought the suspect resembled her. “When I saw the video from far away, I was like, wow, I guess that kind of looks like me.”
But the closer she examined the footage, the more differences she noticed. “She was significantly younger, and she had a bit of a shaved underside under her head.” The suspect ran away from the house and disappeared off camera.
Importantly, the person in the video ran away on foot and did not get into any vehicle, something that conflicted with the police theory involving Elser’s truck. Still, the investigation continued.
COLORADO WOMAN CHASES DOWN ‘PORCH PIRATE’ AND SHAMES HER ON VIDEO
Chrisanna Elser’s situation highlights how surveillance tools can generate leads but still require human verification to avoid mistakes. (Antranik Tavitian/Bloomberg via Getty Images)
What a Flock camera actually is
One of the technologies involved in the investigation was a Flock camera. Flock cameras are automated license plate reader systems made by the company Flock Safety. Cities and neighborhoods across the United States install them at intersections and neighborhood entrances.
They automatically capture:
- License plate numbers
- Vehicle color and approximate vehicle type
- Date, time and location
Police departments can search the camera network to see when a vehicle passed certain locations. In Bow Mar and Columbine Valley, Colorado, the cameras are used by the Columbine Valley police to help identify vehicles connected to investigations.
The systems are designed to help solve crimes such as stolen vehicles, kidnappings and hit-and-run cases. But they generate investigative leads, not proof.
Chrisanna’s case shows what can happen when technology is treated as a conclusion rather than a starting point.
The overlooked camera that could have cleared her
Chrisanna began doing something she never expected. She started investigating the accusation herself. While reviewing the evidence, she discovered something critical. Her truck had been parked directly in front of another Flock surveillance camera controlled by the town of Bo Mar during the entire time police claimed she committed the theft.
“Actually, my truck was parked right in front of a Flock camera in my neighbor’s driveway the whole time.” If investigators had reviewed that camera first, the case might have ended immediately.
The hidden phone feature that helped prove her innocence
Chrisanna also discovered another piece of evidence hiding in her own phone. It was a feature called Google Location Timeline.
The setting tracks where your phone travels if location history is enabled. “Anywhere your phone is, if you have your timeline turned on, it will track you,” Chrisanna said. In her case, it helped reconstruct exactly where she had been that day.
She later discovered the data showed she had visited a tailor just outside of Bow Mar for a noon appointment located more than a quarter mile from the theft location.
A Columbine Valley Police officer questions Chrisanna Elser on her front porch near Bow Mar, Colorado. Police later dropped the case after reviewing new evidence showing Elser’s vehicle was parked during the alleged crime. (Columbine Valley Police Department)
How Chrisanna built the timeline that cleared her
Chrisanna gathered multiple sources of proof to show where she had actually been.
Her evidence included:
• Google Location Timeline data
• Flock camera images
• Photos from other stops she made that day
• Video from her own vehicle’s onboard cameras and GPS system
She built a timeline and sent the evidence to the police. Eventually, the Columbine Valley Police Chief, Bret Cottrell, reviewed the information and responded by email. Chrisanna read the message she received.
“Hi, Anna. After reviewing the evidence you’ve provided. (nicely done btw), we have voided the summons that was issued. We have double checked with Jefferson County courts, and the case was not yet entered into the system; therefore, there is no record on file. Thank you for getting back to us with the evidence you said you would be able to provide. Sincerely, Bret”.
After roughly two weeks, the summons was voided, and the case was dropped. The actual porch theft was never solved, Chrisanna said. The officer involved later received a formal reprimand and was ordered to complete additional training, according to internal police documents.
We reached out to the Columbine Valley Police Department for comment, but did not receive a response before our deadline.
How someone might obtain Flock camera footage
Many people assume they cannot access surveillance footage used by police. In some cases and jurisdictions, they can. For example, in Colorado, residents can request certain government records under the Colorado Open Records Act (CORA), the state’s public-records law similar to the federal Freedom of Information Act.
Chrisanna said her husband suggested requesting the footage through public records laws. “If the city, if they’re using any surveillance on you at all, you can do a Freedom of Information Act.” While FOIA technically applies to federal agencies, people often use the term to describe public-records requests more broadly.
Steps to request Flock camera footage
- Identify the police department operating the cameras
- Submit a public records or FOIA request
- Include the date, time and location you need
- Request related bodycam or license plate reader records if necessary
Access rules vary by state and department. Still, the footage may be available when cameras are owned by a city or town.
Technology still needs human judgment
Chrisanna does not believe surveillance tools should disappear. But she believes they need clear guardrails. “They are a useful tool, but they are not a replacement for police work as it was in this case,” she said.
Technology can help solve crimes and protect communities. Yet when investigators rely on it without verifying the facts, mistakes can happen.
DOORBELL-CAM COMPANY RING PARTNERS WITH 405 POLICE AGENCIES ACROSS US TO SHARE FOOTAGE, FIGHT CRIME
License plate reader data and doorbell footage led police to accuse the wrong suspect before new evidence cleared her. (Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
How to turn Google Location Timeline on or off
Chrisanna used Google’s Location Timeline as part of the evidence that helped prove where she was on the day of the alleged theft. Many people do not realize this feature exists, but you can check it anytime through Google Maps.
Steps to check Google Location Timeline
- Open the Google Maps app
- Tap your profile icon in the top right
- Select Your Timeline
- Tap the three-dot menu or More
- Tap Location & privacy settings
- Turn Timeline / Location History on or off
If enabled, Google Maps may store a record of places your phone has been. Some people use it to remember trips or travel routes. Others prefer to turn it off for privacy. Either way, the data can become important if you ever need to prove where you were at a certain time.
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Kurt’s key takeaways
Most people assume surveillance protects them. Doorbell cameras catch porch pirates. License plate readers track stolen cars. Phone location data helps people retrace trips. But Chrisanna’s experience reveals another side of the technology. Data can suggest conclusions before investigators verify them. And when that happens, the person accused may have to gather their own evidence. Her takeaway is simple. “If they have evidence on you, you should have evidence on yourself.” For more of Chrisanna’s story and the full conversation, you can listen to or watch the complete episode on the Beyond Connected podcast at getbeyondconnected.com.
Let me leave you with this question. If technology ever pointed the finger at you tomorrow, would you have the data needed to prove where you really were? Let us know by writing to us at Cyberguy.com.
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It is day 13 of America’s surprise war with Iran — by sheer coincidence, it’s Friday the 13th — and I am delirious. I haven’t had a coffee since I woke up at 5AM, because I’m not allowed to bring outside beverages into the Pentagon (the security screening cutoff was at 7AM for the 8AM), and ever since Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth changed the rules last year, journalists are not allowed to go anywhere in the building without an escort, especially to wherever coffee is available. Also, I am struggling to comprehend why I, a reporter who has never covered a war, was assigned to sit in one of the good seats in the briefing room, watching Hegseth take the podium and immediately start berating the veteran journalists assigned to the bad seats.
“We will keep pushing. Keep advancing. No quarter, no mercy for our enemies. Yet some of this crew in the press just can’t stop,” Hegseth glowers, speaking in perfect cable-news cadence. He was speaking to the pissed-off defense reporters from NBC, ABC, The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, and Fox News — the people who’d covered conflicts in the Middle East for decades, knew the intricacies of the Pentagon, and knew what needed to be asked for the sake of accountability. It was the first time many of them had been back since last October, when the entire Pentagon press corps resigned in protest after Hegseth told them that they could not report on any information, classified or otherwise, that he did not approve for release.
In the front row and middle aisles, right at Hegseth’s eyeline, were their replacements from what Hegseth called the “patriotic press” — One America News, ZeroHedge, The Gateway Pundit, Real America’s Voice, The Daily Wire, and Lindell TV — many of whom looked startlingly young. It’s not a good look to have a half-full briefing room of starstruck reporters during a controversial war, so this week, the Pentagon press team announced that they would hold an open press conference, allowing the old defense reporters back in for the first time in months. But as long as they asked too many questions, Hegseth would continue to disrespect them.
”What should the banner read instead? How about ‘Iran increasingly desperate’?”
“Allow me to make a few suggestions,” Hegseth told the media. “People look up at the TV and they see banners. They see headlines. I used to be in that business. And I know that everything is written intentionally. For example, a banner or headline [like] ‘Mideast war intensified,’ splashing on the screen the last couple of days, alongside visuals of civilian or energy targets that Iran has hit, because that’s what they do. What should the banner read instead? How about ‘Iran increasingly desperate’?”
Were they, though? Since his last press conference on Tuesday, two US planes crashed into each other last night (which Hegseth did not mention during his tirade). The Iranians had fired missiles at Bahrain, sent attack drones into Lebanon, and threatened to target American cities next. Now the misadventure was hitting American wallets and making Americans angry. Iran had begun placing mines and assaulting ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz — a crucial energy shipping lane they were literally right next to — and sent the price of oil skyrocketing. Even with price controls, oil was roughly $100 a barrel that morning, up 40 percent since the war started two weeks ago.
“More fake news from CNN: reports that the Trump administration underestimated the Iran War’s impact on the Strait of Hormuz,” Hegseth continued. “Patently ridiculous, of course. For decades, Iran has threatened shipping in the strait before. This is always what they do. Hold the strait hostage. CNN doesn’t think we thought of that. It’s a fundamentally unserious report. The sooner David Ellison takes over that network…” He trailed off. A murmur rippled through the room. Everyone knew what had happened to CBS News after Ellison bought it.
As Hegseth swung back and forth between abusing the press and glazing the military, followed by Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Dan Caine giving actual relevant information about the war, my personal curiosity turned to why I had been invited to this briefing. Yes, invited. The Pentagon press team knew that I wasn’t the nicest reporter to them and yet had offered me a seat. And what journalist wouldn’t attend a press conference at the Pentagon during a war? Every time I’d ever watched a press conference at the Pentagon — especially whenever the military was involved in active conflict — I’d see the room packed with as many reporters as they could possibly fit. But this time, they’d only accepted 60 reporters.
Despite my grogginess, I could tell that the first question, from a woman at One America News in the front row, who later bragged on Instagram that she’d gotten to ask the first question for the last three press briefings, was a softball. (“Can you tell us a little bit more about the Strait of Hormuz and when it might be fully operational again?”) And I could tell that the second question, from a woman at The Daily Wire — who also, apparently, frequently got the second question — was meant to give Hegseth an opportunity to attack the media. (“ABC News has updated its story from yesterday, clarifying that the FBI report on Iran possibly striking California was unverified. I just want to ask you, what impact did that original reporting have on the public?”)
Finally Hegseth pointed at someone that was not a young woman, opting for an older gentleman in a red tie sitting behind me. He announced himself as Michael Gordon of The Wall Street Journal, before asking, “Iran is thought to have 440 kilograms of highly enriched uranium in at least two locations and several thousand kilograms of lower purity material. Can you conclude this mission successfully without physically taking control of that material or are you counting on diplomatic negotiations to provide some measure of control leading to its removal? You’ve mentioned missiles, you’ve mentioned drones, [the] military, industry. You haven’t stipulated that taking care of that material is a mission priority.”
Judging from his face, Pete Hegseth and I appeared to have something in common: We had no idea that this was a serious issue. Thankfully, Hegseth was the one responsible for tap dancing around an answer (“We have a range of options, up to and including Iran deciding that they will give those up, which of course we would welcome”), and I looked up Gordon’s background in the meantime. Suffice to say, he’d been covering nuclear weapons and Middle Eastern wars since long before I was even born.
Once Hegseth managed to get out of that, however, he immediately regained his composure — as in, he began fighting with any mainstream outlet who asked him a tough question:
Q (NBC): Is Iran placing new mines?
Hegseth: We’ve heard them talk about it, just like you’ve reported recklessly and wildly about it—
Q: I haven’t reported on it, actually, but have they placed any mines?
Q (NYT): Mr. Secretary, you have said that the US military has essentially aerial superiority, naval superiority over Iran, yet we’re not escorting ships through the Strait of Hormuz. Why? How did you not plan for this?
Hegseth: We planned for it. We recognize it. Because ultimately, we want to do it sequentially in a way that makes the most sense for what we want to achieve and ensure that we’re sending the right signals to the world when we do so. … It’s like this whole idea of the war widening. That’s what the press wants to make it look like, like it’s widening and chaos is ensuing. No, we’re actually closing in on, grabbing hold of, and controlling what objectives we want to achieve and how we want to achieve them, shape — it’s called shaping operations and setting the conditions.
By now, Hegseth’s petulance about the media is so well known that it’s a running Saturday Night Live bit. But this time, it wasn’t just the mainstream press assailing him with harsh questions. The Trump administration had fumbled into the kind of forever war that was broadly unpopular — particularly among the neocon-hating MAGA voters who’d never wanted to revisit the failures of Afghanistan and Iraq. But the friendlies in the front rows wouldn’t give him an opportunity to gloat. True, some of the outlets kept the questions elementary, though I couldn’t see whether it was a MAGA outlet or a foreign outlet. (Said one man: “Given everything the US has accomplished in the last 24 hours, as of today, how do you define success in this military option?”) But a reporter from the front row (I couldn’t tell whom) was ready to lob politically toxic questions that Hegseth had to dodge:
Q: Polls show over 80 percent of Republicans support the president’s military action in Iran, but there’s some consternation in parts of the party, particularly from your fellow Fox News alum Tucker Carlson. He called the war “disgusting and evil” and then said of unconditional surrender, which the president has called for, means “foreign troops get to rape your wives and daughters.” Have you heard these comments and what’s your reaction to them?
I instantly knew this was from a MAGA outlet, because if someone from the mainstream media world had asked about Carlson, a powerful commentator and loose cannon in Trumpworld, Hegseth would have immediately attacked them for trying to sow division. Instead, he demurred. “We’re busy executing on behalf of great patriotic Americans with a clear mission that’s 47 years overdue. And we’re going to execute on that regardless of what people say about it.”
The final question, from Lindell TV reporter Heather Mullins, flicked at two subjects of the right wing’s increasing skepticism: China, which was offering limited support to Iran, and Israel, which had arguably egged Trump into launching the attack on Tehran that killed the Ayatollah, and whose intelligence on the possibility of regime change was horribly, horribly wrong. “I know President Trump is calling for an unconditional surrender from Iran. Given that the US is working in partnership with Israel on this whole operation, is Iran expected to meet demands of both countries or just the US? And what are those demands?”
Hegesth gave an answer that would not appease the Israel skeptics: “Our objectives are our objectives. So when those are met, as we meet those, we’ll set the — we’ll set the tempo of when those are met.” The conference quickly wrapped and we were soon ushered out, all somewhat bewildered. If I had to describe the general reaction purely on vibes, I’d say everyone left feeling more frustrated than they had coming in — the “patriot” reporters who suspected that Hegseth was dodging and wondered why he hadn’t answered more questions, and the natsec reporters with decades of experience who knew what Hegseth was dodging.
The friendlies in the front rows wouldn’t give him an opportunity to gloat
I was frustrated, too, because I was one of the other people in the room who, by design, could not ask a good question about the war. I’ve never seen active combat or visited a war zone. I’ve never even traveled to the Middle East. Even if I’d spent significant time crafting a good question in advance, I wouldn’t have the knowledge base to ask any follow-up questions, much less verbally spar with Hegseth if and when he’d claim I was a liar. I have, however, covered Trumpworld and the MAGA media for over a decade, and a hard rule in both worlds is that the performance is always more important than the substance.
That’s pretty obvious to anyone watching from home. But what you don’t see, and what is a new phenomenon in this administration, is all the production behind the camera: the reality television instincts and psychological tactics meant to trigger genuine anger, conflict, and (most importantly) drama among the participants who are trying to take it seriously. It can be done by simply depriving them of caffeine, shuffling the seating arrangements, and filling a spot with someone inclined to write about the media drama — instead of someone capable of interrogating Pete Hegseth about the actual war.
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When firefighters arrive at a major blaze, they often face the same problem. They have to walk into danger without knowing exactly what is inside.
Smoke hides everything. Floors may be unstable. Toxic gases can build up quickly. Even experienced crews sometimes enter buildings with limited information about what they are about to face.
Now, a new type of robotic vehicle could help change that. Instead of firefighters stepping into the unknown, a rugged robot can roll inside first. It can scan the scene, locate the fire and send back critical information in real time. That insight helps crews make smarter decisions before anyone risks their life inside. For firefighters, that extra visibility could make a big difference.
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SHERIFF’S OFFICE TESTS AMERICA’S FIRST SELF-DRIVING POLICE SUV
A firefighting robot built by Hyundai Motor Group can enter burning buildings before crews, using thermal cameras and real-time video to locate flames and hazards. (Hyundai Motor Group)
The robot is built to drive straight into the fire
This robotic firefighter is designed for environments where heat, smoke and collapsing structures make it dangerous for people. The vehicle carries a powerful water cannon that can fire a focused stream or a wide spray depending on the situation. Cameras that detect infrared heat allow it to see through thick smoke.
One of its most important features is a self-cooling system. The robot sprays a protective curtain of water around its body to prevent overheating. That system allows it to keep operating even when surrounding temperatures climb to nearly 1,500 degrees Fahrenheit. In conditions like that, most humans could not safely enter.
How the firefighting robot moves through dangerous spaces
Fire scenes are chaotic. Debris blocks hallways. Floors collapse. Visibility disappears. To handle those challenges, the robot uses six independently powered wheels. Each wheel has its own motor, which allows the vehicle to rotate in place and move through tight spaces.
It can climb steep ramps like those found in parking garages or warehouses. It can also roll over obstacles about a foot tall. An advanced driving system scans the terrain around the robot and helps guide it around hazards. At the same time, cameras send live video back to firefighters outside the building. Crews can see where flames are spreading and where survivors may be trapped. That information helps firefighters form a plan before they move in.
A glowing hose that helps firefighters navigate smoke
Another feature focuses on a very practical problem firefighters face during rescues. The robot carries a hose that glows in dark, smoky environments.
Firefighters often rely on hoses to find their way out of buildings when visibility drops close to zero. The glowing hose creates a visible path that helps rescuers navigate thick smoke and find their way back to safety. It may sound simple. In the middle of a fire, it could be life-saving.
CHINA’S COMPACT HUMANOID ROBOT SHOWS OFF BALANCE AND FLIPS
Hyundai unveiled an unmanned firefighting robot. (Hyundai Motor Group)
Why are firefighting robots starting to show up in disaster zones
Firefighting robots are part of a growing trend in emergency response. Across the world, machines are stepping into tasks that place humans at extreme risk. Autonomous mining trucks now work in remote mines. Robots clear landmines in former war zones. Some robotic dogs even carry water cannons to assist firefighters.
The idea is straightforward. Let machines handle the most dangerous early moments while human responders focus on rescue and strategy. Over time, these systems may become even smarter. Engineers are exploring ways artificial intelligence could analyze fire size, smoke patterns and heat levels to help guide firefighting decisions.
Where this firefighting robot is already being used
The robotic firefighter was developed by Hyundai Motor Group, working with South Korea’s National Fire Agency. The company recently donated several of the vehicles to fire stations in the country so crews can begin using them in real emergencies. Two robots have already been delivered, with additional units expected soon.
The technology has already seen its first real-world test during a factory fire in North Chungcheong Province. There is also a serious reason for the push toward safer tools. According to the Korea National Fire Agency, 1,788 firefighters have been injured or killed at fire scenes over the past decade. Robots that can enter dangerous environments first could help reduce that number.
What this means to you
Most people will never see one of these machines rolling down their street. At least not yet. But firefighting technology often spreads quickly once departments see real benefits. U.S. fire agencies already use drones, thermal cameras and robotics in certain rescue situations. A robot that can scout a burning building before firefighters enter could eventually become another tool in that toolbox. For firefighters, it means better information and fewer blind entries into dangerous structures. For the rest of us, it could mean faster rescues and safer emergency response.
THE NEW ROBOT THAT COULD MAKE CHORES A THING OF THE PAST
Six independently powered wheels allow the firefighting robot to climb ramps, navigate debris and move through tight spaces inside damaged structures. (Hyundai Motor Group)
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Kurt’s key takeaways
Every firefighter knows the first moments inside a burning building are the most unpredictable. Smoke hides the layout. Heat builds rapidly. Structural damage can happen without warning. A robot that rolls in first could change that dynamic. It gives crews eyes inside the building before they commit to entry. Technology like this will never replace firefighters. However, it can give them something incredibly valuable. Better information when every second counts.
If your local fire department had a robot that could enter a burning building first, would you want them to use it? Let us know by writing to us at Cyberguy.com.
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