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From coal mines to hard times: A West Virginia county braces for new public assistance cuts

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From coal mines to hard times: A West Virginia county braces for new public assistance cuts


For some, these are the boom times: 40(k)’s are surging, the stock market has hit an all-time high. 

But drive just 350 miles from the nation’s capitol and the conversation isn’t about how to get rich but how to survive. 

McDowell County, West Virginia, was once the nation’s largest coal producer. It is now one of the poorest places in the country: where the food stamp program started and later the opioid crisis took hold.

Today, one in three households there depends on those food stamps and now the program that has fed families for decades is facing the largest cuts in history.

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We went to McDowell County last month and learned that this is an all too familiar pattern. Government help comes and goes. Promises are made and broken. And the people are left behind.

McDowell County sits deep in the southern coal fields of West Virginia — stretching more than 500 square miles across the Appalachian Mountains.

There’s just one traffic light and more churches than we could count.

It’s a place where clean drinking water is hard to come by. A turn of the tap can look like this:

Pastor Brad Davis: I think, if you would ask, probably, nine out of 10 individuals here, they would tell you that they feel very much forgotten.

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Cecilia Vega: By who?

Pastor Brad Davis: Everybody, the government, every institution that you can think of. 

Pastor Brad Davis grew up in the Coalfields, just over the county line, and now leads congregations at five United Methodist churches in McDowell. He spends his days listening to those who trust God, each other and not much else. 

Pastor Brad Davis: I’ve heard directly people say, “Well, why don’t people just move?” And my response to that is: Why should we? Why should we have to move? This is home. 

Cecilia Vega and Pastor Brad Davis

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Betty Stepp has lived in the town of Anawalt for all of her 76 years — long enough to remember when there was still a school, a theater and a doctor.

Cecilia Vega: If you run out of milk you gotta drive how far?

Betty Stepp: 45 minutes.

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Cecilia Vega: 45 minutes.

Betty Stepp: Two mountains.

That’s if you can afford a car – many here can’t. Yet, the only business left in town: Tom and Donald’s mechanic shop.

Cecilia Vega: The famous Donald.

Betty Stepp: Donald and Tom are beloved by all the widows in this area. 

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A retired teacher’s aide, Betty and her husband live on a fixed income. These days, everything feels expensive.

Betty Stepp: If I go to the grocery store, I can’t get out of there in less than $200. And that is– that’s a week. Sometimes it’s– $300. Groceries are really high. 

Cecilia Vega: What have you had to cut back on in these times?

Betty Stepp: Beef for sure I cut back on– chicken– vegetables. 

She’s not alone – across the country families are feeling the squeeze. Food prices are almost 20% higher today than in 2022. 

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Cecilia Vega: I’ve heard a lot of folks from this community say, “If we don’t help each other, no one’s going to help us–“

Linda McKinney: No one’s going come and save us. We save each other. 

Linda McKinney runs the county’s largest food bank, entirely on donations and volunteers. 

Linda McKinney and Cecilia Vega

Linda McKinney and Cecilia Vega

60 Minutes

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Since the government shutdown this past fall – when Americans around the country lost SNAP benefits or food stamps for weeks– Linda says more new faces have been coming in. 

Linda McKinney: Lately, we have a lotta young mothers– that come. And they’ll say, “I never thought I’d have to come.” and the children is what breaks my heart. They didn’t ask to be brought into this situation. And they suffer daily. 

Every weekend, more than 100 children receive backpacks filled with food so they have something to eat when they are not in school.

Linda McKinney: The thing that we’re finding, we have parents that say, “Well, my kid didn’t get– a snap bag,” and then you find out the child on Friday is eatin’ that food on the bus. They’re hungry.

Cecilia Vega: They’re so hungry, the food that’s supposed to last them through the weekend, they’re eating on the bus.

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Linda McKinney: Yeah. They’re eating on the bus 

It’s a tale of two economies. At the White House, you’ll hear about job growth and victory over inflation.

But in McDowell, the median household income is about $30,000. Affordability isn’t a buzzword here. It’s the difference between buying groceries or paying for heat.

In the 1940s, McDowell County was rich in coal jobs. These mines powered America – helping to build railroads and cities. At its peak, nearly 100,000 people lived here, earning some of the nation’s highest hourly wages. 

But as machines moved in, mining jobs dwindled and the local economy collapsed. In 1960, John F. Kennedy campaigned for president here

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The poverty he witnessed led him to launch the modern food stamp program. McDowell County residents were the first recipients.

Today, in McDowell there are fewer than a thousand coal jobs left and only 17,000 people remain.

Tabitha Collins: We lack so much. We lack jobs. Just in the county alone, there is not enough jobs for everyone. 

26-year-old Tabitha Collins was a stay-at-home mom until her fiancé was hit by a car on the job last year and left disabled.

She works at a local nonprofit – Big Creek People in Action – and is the sole income earner for her family of six. Along with caring for their toddler, she’s also helping to raise her fiancé’s three younger siblings. 

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Tabitha Collins: It’s up to you to raise these kids in a decent manner, you know and try to– teach them about the drug– epidemic and– how it can affect others. Because that’s a lot of what we struggle with. 

In a county ravaged by opioids, it’s a common story: the epidemic claimed a generation of parents, leaving family members like Tabitha raising more children on less. Even with food stamps, she often comes up short. 

Tabitha Collins: We still struggle food-wise. I still have to take a lot out of my payday which therefore doesn’t go towards bills. And in the wintertime, our power is very high. 

Cecilia Vega: You’re living paycheck to paycheck.

Tabitha Collins: Yes.

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Cecilia Vega: And when you say the electrical bills were high, how high are we talking?

Tabitha Collins: In the month of December, my electrical bill was $480.

Cecilia Vega: You got a shut-off notice.

Tabitha Collins: We sure did. I mean, it– it was scary. I was tryin’ to figure out– which bill is more important, you know? And it comes down to that.

That choice is about to become more difficult. SNAP and Medicaid benefits are facing the biggest federal funding cuts in history – more than a trillion dollars over the next decade – as a result of President Trump’s sweeping domestic policy bill passed last year. It will be up to states to pick up more of the costs, and recipients will face stricter work requirements.

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Grocery shopping in McDowell County, WV

Grocery shopping in McDowell County, WV

60 Minutes


Tens of thousands of West Virginians will likely lose benefits. 

Tabitha Collins: We rely on the benefits– very much. And it’s not because we’re takin’ advantage of the government. It’s because we actually need these things. 

Cecilia Vega: I wonder if you think that that’s what the perception is that some people have 

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Tabitha Collins: I do. But I– I don’t believe that. I mean, we are– a lot of us are working citizens. And we’re still barely making it by.

Outsiders are often quick to assume this is Trump country. But politics here defy easy labels. For decades, McDowell voted blue – backing Barack Obama in 2008 and Bernie Sanders in the 2016 presidential primary. In the last three elections, President Trump won the county, which had the lowest voter participation in the state.

Pastor Brad Davis: I– I think we as a community, collectively, are so desperate to see some sort of change, that when someone comes along, and says, “I’m going to make coal great again,” we desperately cling to that with a death grip and I think that goes a long way in explaining why the political climate here has shifted the way it has.

Earlier this month coal executives and miners handed President Trump a trophy declaring him the, quote, “undisputed champion of beautiful clean coal,” after his latest executive order aimed at boosting the coal industry.

In McDowell, whether from the White House or the state house, they’ve heard it all before.

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Cecilia Vega: What are the promises that have been made and not kept?

Pastor Brad Davis: Economic– resurgence, renaissance of the coal industry, the elimination of poverty, fixing our water systems.

Cecilia Vega: Big promises.

Pastor Brad Davis: Big promises and nothing ever changes. 

Nowhere is the failure of government more clear than in the county’s water supply, which at times is not clear at all. Few trust that it’s safe enough to drink and angry residents have documented the black and brown that oozes from aging pipes and contamination left behind from the coal industry. 

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West Virginia’s governor recently set aside $8.3 million in federal funds to upgrade sewage and water lines in McDowell – a drop in the bucket compared to what county and state officials say is still needed. 

When Pastor Brad isn’t in church, he’s often pleading with politicians to do more.

Cecilia Vega: –you see this as a public health crisis.

Pastor Brad Davis: Ab– absolutely. There are people in parts of this county who haven’t taken a hot shower in six years or longer because the fumes from the water makes them physically ill.

Reports of skin rashes and burns are not uncommon. Many families spend upwards of $150 a month for bottled water – on top of their water bills. 

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It’s a luxury not everyone can afford, so they fill up here at this old mine shaft shooting water from the side of a mountain.

Cecilia Vega: I think it’s going to be hard for a lot of folks to get their mind around that you’ve got American citizens getting a ride to a spring on the side of the road to bring a jug to fill up because that’s their only access to water.

Pastor Brad Davis: And it should be hard for people to wrap their minds around because this shouldn’t be the case. This shouldn’t be the case, anywhere in the world, let alone in the wealthiest nation in the world.

Delivering water in McDowell County

Delivering water in McDowell County

60 Minutes

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To ease the burden, Betty Stepp and other retirees — the youngest of whom is 70 — go door to door delivering heavy cases of water to neighbors. 

Betty Stepp: I think our government needs to hear us. We’ve worked our whole life here. Why won’t they help us?

Cecilia Vega: Does it matter who’s in charge?

Betty Stepp: It doesn’t matter if it’s Republicans or Democrats. It doesn’t matter.

In McDowell County, people face two choices – stay and scrape by or scrape together enough money to leave. Tabitha Collins is staying.

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Cecilia Vega: You’re 26-years-old. And you’re raising four kids. That’s a lotta responsibility.

Tabitha Collins: It’s a lot. I don’t know how I get through it. But I do. I just wanna live the dream like anyone else does, you know, have a family, have a home and not stress about the hardships– that we have around here.

Cecilia Vega: Parishioners have told you that they feel like they’re tired of living in what feels like a third-world country.

Pastor Brad Davis: I– and that’s a direct quote. 

Cecilia Vega: What do you say to someone who says that to you?

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Pastor Brad Davis: “Amen. Amen,” ’cause I’m tired of it, too. It’s gone on long enough.

Produced by Ayesha Siddiqi. Associate producer, Kit Ramgopal. Broadcast associate, Julia C. Doyle. Edited by April Wilson.



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Virginia cannabis budget language triggers legal confusion, political fallout

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Virginia cannabis budget language triggers legal confusion, political fallout


(VIRGINIA MERCURY) – Virginia’s decision to revive legal cannabis sales through the state budget instead of standalone legislation has triggered several days of confusion over the commonwealth’s marijuana laws, with lawmakers, local prosecutors, Virginia State Police and legislative officials offering differing interpretations of when key provisions take effect.

Much of the confusion focused on two issues: whether Virginia’s long-delayed retail cannabis market had accidentally been moved up by a year and whether existing criminal penalties for marijuana possession and distribution involving people younger than 21 were still enforceable.

For much of the week, the lawmakers who wrote the budget language, along with state officials, sought to settle the matter. They said licensed retail sales will not begin until July 1, 2027, and that Virginia’s current criminal laws remain in effect until then.

Virginia State Police Superintendent Col. Jeff Katz also publicly reaffirmed the agency’s enforcement position after questions arose from an internal email circulated earlier this week.

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“VSP acknowledges that there have been rumors and questions pertaining to the agency’s posture on cannabis enforcement,” Katz said in a statement on X, formerly Twitter. “I would like to make it clear that the Virginia State Police will continue to enforce existing laws, in line with the Code of Virginia.”

Read more on virginiamercury.com

Copyright 2026 Virginia Mercury. All rights reserved.



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4 indicted in Virginia double homicide; second victim ID’d as grandmother of 6

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4 indicted in Virginia double homicide; second victim ID’d as grandmother of 6


CAROLINE COUNTY, Va. — A Caroline County grand jury has indicted four people on first-degree murder charges in connection with a double homicide after DNA evidence identified the second victim as Helen Marie Pullen Banks, a grandmother of six.

The same four suspects charged in the murder of 18-year-old Jayden McComber have now been indicted in the death of Banks, who was living in the Richmond area at the time she went missing. Investigators linked the two homicides early in the investigation through forensic evidence.

Caroline County Sheriff Scott Moser said investigators “have been working around the clock” for a break in the case “not only for the community, but for the victims as well.”

The medical examiner’s office in Richmond used DNA to identify the 56-year-old Banks after her remains were found in poor condition. Investigators confirmed her identity on July 7.

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Banks, originally from Culpeper, had been living in the Richmond area where she was in rehab at the time she went missing, according to her family. She had a connection to at least one of the four suspects, according to Moser.

The four suspects — Devonti Gregory Pettaway, 20, of Chesterfield; Kennady Jade Lambert, 18, of Hopewell; Rashad Antonio Mayfield, 23, of Glen Allen; and Jaden Lamont Phillips, 19, of Richmond — now face charges of first-degree murder, use of a firearm in the commission of a felony, and conspiracy to commit murder in connection with Banks’ death. The charges represent an upgrade from the second-degree murder charges the four originally faced in McComber’s death.

WATCH: Brother of suspect charged in murder of Hopewell teen Jayden McComber speaks out

Brother of suspect charged in murder of Hopewell teen Jayden McComber speaks out

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Chief Deputy Travis Nutter outlined what investigators believe is the motive in McComber’s murder.

“We believe robbery to be the motive of the incident that happened with Jayden that ultimately led to his murder,” Nutter said.

As for the motive in Banks’ death, Nutter said investigators have not yet established one.

“There is no evidence to show that there was any sort of argument or disagreement between Ms. Banks or the four charged,” Nutter said.

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Banks was a mother of five and grandmother of six. Moser said she had no known ties to Caroline County, and that her body, like McComber’s, appeared to have been brought there from another jurisdiction.

WATCH: Neighbor reacts as suspects arrested after 2 bodies found in Caroline County

Neighbor reacts as suspects arrested after 2 bodies found in Caroline County

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McComber’s body was found in late March in a marshy area of Byrds Mill Pond near Sparta, near the Caroline and King and Queen County line. Banks’ remains were discovered about five miles away off Bagby Road. Investigators linked the two cases early on, in part because McComber’s AirTag had pinged about a mile and a half from where Banks’ remains were found.

Moser said the case has shaken the Sparta community but stressed that investigators moved quickly and that residents should feel reassured.

“Without a doubt this is a tremendous blow to the community,” Moser said. “When you come to this county and you do these types of crimes, we’re going to do everything we can to catch you… [We] are not used to these types of crimes being committed in Caroline.”

Moser credited a broad coalition of agencies for bringing the case to this point, including Commonwealth’s Attorney Ben Heidt, the medical examiner’s office, the U.S. Marshals Service and the broader community.

“Everyone has pulled together in a time of crisis; that’s what we do well here in Caroline,” Moser said. “We’ve had a lot of support from the community, a lot of information that’s been helpful in this investigation and that’s what community is all about.”

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Virginia’s voided special election cost $11.6 million

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Virginia’s voided special election cost .6 million


We now know how much it cost Virginia to hold an election that didn’t count: $11.6 million.

Of that, the state will pick up $4.99 million, leaving localities to pay the balance of $6.6 million for the April 21 special election on redistricting that the Virginia Supreme Court later ruled was placed on the ballot unconstitutionally.

The numbers come from the Department of Elections, after Cardinal News filed a Virginia Freedom of Information Act request to find out the cost of the election.

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I contacted localities small, medium and large and none said they’d have a particular problem paying their share. All said they’d already budgeted for primary elections that they expected in June. With the push to redraw Virginia’s congressional lines, those June primaries were bumped to August, putting them in a new fiscal year, so the money set aside for the June primaries was used to cover the special election on a proposed constitutional amendment to allow redistricting.

Election costs

Total cost of April 21 special election: $11,636,147

What state will pay for: $4,999,738

What localities must cover: $6,636,147

Source: Virginia Department of Elections

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The issue some localities face now is that the Aug. 4 primary becomes an unexpected expense, although all said they’d figure out a way to pay for it. “We always budget for extra elections, so I think we will have money to cover this,” said Buckingham County administrator Karl Carter by email. It cost $44,373 to run the special election in his county. Of that, the state will pay $9,019, leaving the county to cover $35,353. (Each locality submits its expenses and the state calculates a reimbursement rate based on that.)

Other local government officials had similar things to say. The cost of running elections — paying for poll workers is one of the main expenses — depends largely on how big a locality is. Elections cost more in bigger localities, but they also have bigger budgets.

In Virginia Beach, the election cost $750,533. The state will pay $265,509, leaving the city to cover $465,023. City spokesperson Ali Weatherton-Shook said the city would save enough money through unfilled vacancies to cover unexpected election expenses.

In Chesterfield County, the election cost $619,970. The state will pay $223,356, leaving the county to cover $396,613. “Chesterfield tries to plan ahead for these growing demands,” said county spokesperson Stephen Bays. “In the county’s FY2027 budget, we added $630,000 to the Registrar’s budget to help fill the gap to cover the increasing costs of elections.”  

The most expensive locality was, not surprisingly, the state’s biggest: Fairfax County. It cost $1,545,781 to hold the election there. The state will pay $655,424, leaving the county to cover $910,356. “We allocated additional funds out of carryover to address not only the special election on the amendment but a number of special elections due to both elected officials winning other seats and elected officials that went into the administration,” said county supervisor Pat Herrity, a Republican.

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The closest I came to finding a locality that felt pinched by the election cost was Dickenson County. “Unfortunately, moving the primary to August added a third election to our FY-27 budget, which was already very tight,” said Dickenson County administrator Larry Barton by email. (The other two are the fall general election and presumed primaries next June for the 2027 local and legislative elections.) It cost $39,748 to run the special election in Dickenson. Of that, the state will cover $7,802, leaving Dickenson to pay $31,946.

While officials in other localities, though, said they’d have no problem paying the expense, they also pointed out the obvious: Money is finite. “Any time you spend money it competes with critical services and/or increases the tax burden on our residents,” said Herrity, the Fairfax County supervisor.

And some said they’d welcome additional state funding. “Like many localities, Chesterfield would welcome additional state funding for special elections,” said Bays, the county spokesperson. “When state funding falls short, local dollars must fill the gap, leaving fewer resources for other priorities.”

The new state budget that the General Assembly just approved does include an additional $680,000 to help with the cost of three proposed constitutional amendments that will be on the November ballot, in addition to congressional elections and, in some places, local elections.

Since I’m writing this as an opinion column, I will go ahead and inject my opinion here: The Virginia Supreme Court could have avoided this. The court declined to rule on legal challenges to the special election before the vote, citing a 1912 court ruling involving a similar challenge to an upcoming constitutional amendment. In that case, the court held that it should only rule after the vote, on the grounds that passing a constitutional amendment is akin to passing a law — and just as a court won’t intervene until after the governor signs a bill, it shouldn’t intervene until after voters approve a constitutional amendment.

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I’m not a legal scholar, but that seems sound reasoning except for one thing: When the Supreme Court let the disputed 1912 amendment vote go forward, it was part of an election that was going to happen anyway, the 1912 presidential election — so there was no additional expense incurred. In this case, the only reason the special election was happening — and so there was expense involved. The court’s adherence to that 1912 precedent cost Virginia $11,636,147.

Of course, some might also say that Virginia Democrats cost the taxpayers that amount by skirting the rules involved in placing an amendment on the ballot, although there was legal dispute over those rules. You’ll recall that the constitutional question turned on when an election legally begins. The constitution says that the legislature must pass an amendment twice, with an election in between. Democrats contended that passing the amendment the first time in a special session in late October satisfied that requirement, because it was ahead of the November general election. The court later ruled that, legally speaking, the election really began when early voting started in September, so Democrats had misread the legal calendar. Democrats could say that Republicans are ultimately to blame, because it was President Donald Trump and Texas Republicans who started the push to redraw congressional lines to “find” more Republican districts so Democratic-controlled states such as Virginia had no choice but to respond in kind to balance things out.

Whoever you choose to blame, we can now put a dollar figure to that attempt — 11.6 million of them.

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