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Back-to-office orders have become common. Enforcement not so much

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Back-to-office orders have become common. Enforcement not so much

Since Cynthia Clemons’ employer announced last month that she was required to be in the office two days each week, the switch from remote work hasn’t been smooth.

The self-described extrovert, who works as an organizer for the nonprofit Abundant Housing LA, said she so far hasn’t “gotten into a rhythm of being productive at a desk again.”

“I feel like I’m back in grade school and being forced to sit down and do my homework,” she said. “Maybe it’s a matter of getting used to it.”

More than four years after the COVID-19 pandemic scrambled work culture by closing offices and forcing people to work from home, friction between bosses and their employees over the terms of their return shows no signs of abating.

About 80% of organizations have put in place return-to-office policies, but in a sign that many managers are reluctant to clamp down on the flexibility employees have become accustomed to, only 17% of those organizations actively enforce their policies, according to recent research by real estate brokerage CBRE.

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“Some organizations out there have ‘mandated’ something, but if most of your organization is not following that mandate, then there is not too much you can do to enforce it,” said Julie Whelan, head of research into workplace trends for CBRE.

So, for many employers, setting rules for how often workers must come to the office has turned into a tricky search for a Goldilocks formula that will keep both bosses and workers reasonably happy — or at least not in open conflict. Managers may yearn for the days when daily attendance was a given, but their employees have moved on to a new normal and appear to be in no mood to go back.

The tension “is due to the fact that we have changed since we all went to our separate corners and then came back” from pandemic-imposed office exile, said Elizabeth Brink, a workplace expert at architecture firm Gensler. “It’s fair to say that we have different needs now.”

A disconnect persists between employer expectations for office attendance and employee behavior, CBRE found. Sixty percent of leaders surveyed said they want their employees in the office three or more days a week, while only 51% reported that employees work in the office at that frequency.

Conversely, 37% of employees show up one or two days a week, yet only 17% of employers are satisfied with that attendance.

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CBRE surveyed 225 corporate real estate executives who oversee portfolios of office buildings to analyze trends among occupants seeking to implement hybrid work models.

As employers struggle to get their employees back in person, they also are also calculating whether to shed office space to cut down on rent, typically the largest cost of operating a business after payroll. Some employers are eliminating personal desks in favor of unassigned work stations that can be occupied as needed, allowing businesses to shrink their office footprints.

Such downsizing has contributed to widespread office vacancies in some urban centers including downtown Los Angeles, where overall vacancy is more than 30%, according to CBRE.

In efforts to raise attendance, companies are experimenting with carrots and sticks, trying to make the office a more appealing place to visit while testing methods to enforce in-office policies.

At Los Angeles financial services firm Wedbush Securities, most employees are expected to be in the office one-third of the days of the month while working remotely the rest of the time. The reduction in required time on-site has allowed the firm to cut its office footprint dramatically from more than 100,000 square feet in downtown L.A. to 20,000 square feet in an ongoing move to new quarters in Pasadena.

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President Gary Wedbush is depending on supervisors “to keep their teams honest” about how often they show up at work, he said, but some compliance measures may be coming.

“There definitely needs to be some type of enforcement function,” he said, though the firm hasn’t settled on one yet. Among the options are tracking security badge swipes or checking where company laptops are plugged in during the day.

Attendance will also be “an important factor” in performance evaluations, Wedbush said. “We need to have colleagues be together to collaborate, because we definitely think that’s going to support and continue to improve our client experience. We feel very strongly about that.”

Employees at the DTLA Alliance business improvement district in downtown Los Angeles do not have to follow a formal or enforced attendance policy, Executive Vice President Nick Griffin said, but “the expectation is you should default to working in the office unless there is a good reason otherwise.”

“I personally prefer being in the office, to be close to my team and to be able to chat through things at the drop of a hat,” he said. “That’s very valuable to me.”

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Flexibility is helpful to employees, though, he said. Some of Griffin’s staff work from home now and then, and he highlighted an employee with a small child who lives far from the office who is allowed to work remotely most of the time while being “among the most productive members of our team.”

“One of the things that we have found is that good employees are good employees, whether they’re in the office or remote, and mediocre employers are mediocre, whether they’re chained to their desk or not.”

The DTLA Alliance’s accommodation of the employee with a young child and a long commute reflects the challenge bosses have in meeting the desires of employees in different stages of their lives and careers as companies move past one-size-fits-all attendance policies.

Younger people may value the freedom to get their work done around going to the gym or meeting with friends, while an older employee might be juggling commuting to the office with child care or elder care, Whelan said.

“First of all, regardless of generation, from baby boomers down to Gen Z, flexibility is important,” Whelan said. “Nobody wants to be told anymore that there’s one place they need to be from eight to six, five days a week.”

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An employee works in a common space at the Los Angeles offices of ChowNow, an online food-ordering platform.

(Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)

Bosses, meanwhile, see value in having people of all experience levels in the office to build a corporate culture and shared sense of mission.

“The crux of this challenge is keeping people at younger stages engaged and feeling like they’re part of something bigger, and that they’re getting that knowledge-sharing and mentorship they need to really further their career,” Whelan said. “The younger generation needs the older generation to be there to pass down that knowledge.”

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Being in the office can boost employees’ mental health, Brink said, especially if it has a variety of work spaces that allow staff to both collaborate and work privately.

“One of the reasons people do want to come in to the office is to connect with one another,” she said, “because it’s been really challenging for many people to be so isolated.”

Free food and drinks, comfortable furniture, and communal work tables can be draws, Brink said. Some newer offices have library-type spaces designated as quiet zones, where cellphones and conversations are not allowed.

“That can be really helpful for people who need that intense focus,” she said.

Offices will remain “a very core piece of organizational culture” in the years ahead, Whelan said, but how often employees will be required to be there is far from settled.

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“I do believe that it will take a generational change in management before this story is really fully told,” she said. Future generations of leadership may decide to vary in-office requirements depending on the goals of their organizations at particular points in time.

“It will become less of a conversation of how many days of the week and more of a conversation about, are the things that I’m supposed to be accomplishing with my team together being accomplished?”

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Trump’s plan for rising energy costs: Pump oil, make data centers pay

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Trump’s plan for rising energy costs: Pump oil, make data centers pay

Energy affordability was in the spotlight during President Trump’s lengthy and at times rambling State of the Union address Tuesday evening as the president promised to bring down electricity prices in an effort to assuage voter concerns about rising costs.

The president announced a new “ratepayer protection pledge” to shield residents from higher electricity costs in areas where energy-thirsty artificial intelligence data centers are being built. Trump said major tech companies will “have the obligation to provide for their own power needs” under the plan, though the details of what the pledge actually entails remain vague.

“We have an old grid — it could never handle the kind of numbers, the amount of electricity that’s needed, so I am telling them they can build their own plant,” the president said. “They’re going to produce their own electricity … while at the same time, lowering prices of electricity for you.”

The announcement comes as polling shows Americans are dissatisfied with the economy and concerned about the cost of living. Experts on both sides of the political spectrum have said the energy affordability issue could translate to poor outcomes for Republicans in the midterm elections this November, as it did in a few key races in New Jersey, Virginia and Georgia last year.

While Trump has focused on ramping up domestic production of oil, gas and coal, residential electric bills have been soaring — jumping from 15.9 cents per kilowatt-hour in January 2025 on average to 17.2 cents at the end of December, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

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Through one year into his second term as president, Trump has vastly changed the federal landscape when it comes to energy and the environment, reversing many of the efforts made by the Biden administration to prioritize electrification initiatives and investments in renewable energy via the Inflation Reduction Act and Bipartisan Infrastructure Law.

Among several changes, Trump’s administration has slashed funding for solar programs, ended federal tax credits for electric vehicles and canceled grants for offshore wind power — even going so far as to try to halt some such projects that were nearing completion along the East Coast.

Trump has also championed fossil fuel production and on Tuesday doubled down on his “drill baby drill” agenda, touting lower gasoline prices, increased production of American oil and new imports of oil from Venezuela.

Many of the president’s efforts are designed to loosen Biden-era regulations that he has said were burdensome, ideologically motivated and expensive for taxpayers.

Trump has taken direct aim at California, which has long been a leader on the environment. Last year, the president moved to block California’s long-held authority to set stricter tailpipe emission standards than the federal government — an ability that helped the state address historical air quality issues and also underpinned its ambitious ban on the sale of new gas-powered cars in 2035.

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Trump also slashed $1.2 billion in federal funding for California’s effort to develop clean hydrogen energy while leaving intact funding for similar projects in states that voted for him. In November, his administration announced that it will open the Pacific Coast to oil drilling for the first time in nearly four decades, a move the state vowed to fight.

But perhaps no issue has come across voters’ kitchen tables more than energy affordability.

So far this term, Trump has canceled or delayed enough projects to power more than 14 million homes, according to a tracker from the nonprofit Climate Power. The group’s senior advisor, Jesse Lee, described the president’s data center announcement as a “toothless, empty promise based on backroom deals with his own billionaire donors.”

“Making it worse, Trump is continuing to block clean-energy production across the board — the only sources that can keep up with demand, ensure utility bills don’t keep skyrocketing, and prevent massive new amounts of pollution,” Lee said in a statement.

Earlier this month, Trump’s Environmental Protection Agency repealed the endangerment finding, the U.S. government’s 2009 affirmation that greenhouse gases are harmful to human health and the environment, in what officials described as the single largest act of deregulation in U.S. history. The finding formed the foundation for much of U.S. climate policy. The EPA also loosened guidelines around emissions from coal power plants, including mercury and other dangerous pollutants.

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The president’s environmental record so far is “written in rollbacks that put the interests of some corporate polluters above the health of everyday Americans,” read a statement from Marc Boom, senior director of the Environmental Protection Network, a group composed of more than 750 former EPA staff members and appointees.

Further, Trump has worked to undermine climate science in general, often describing global warming as a “hoax” or a “scam.” During his first year in office, he fired hundreds of scientists working to prepare the National Climate Assessment, laid off staffers at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and dismantled the National Center for Atmospheric Research, one of the world’s leading climate and weather research institutions, among many other efforts.

In all, the administration has taken or proposed more than 430 actions that threaten the environment, public health and the ability to confront climate change, according to a tracker from the nonprofit Natural Resources Defense Council.

The opposition’s choice for a rebuttal speaker is indicative of how seriously it is taking the issue of energy affordability: Virginia Gov. Abigail Spanberger focused heavily on energy affordability during her campaign against Republican Lt. Gov. Winsome Earle-Sears last year, including vows to expand solar energy projects and technologies such as fusion, geothermal and hydrogen. Virginia is home to more than a third of all data centers worldwide.

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Public Storage is the latest company to leave California for Texas

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Public Storage is the latest company to leave California for Texas

Public Storage is moving to Texas after more than 50 years in California.

The company shared its plans to move its corporate headquarters from Glendale to Frisco, Texas, a suburb of Dallas, ahead of an earnings call this month. The largest self-storage brand in the U.S. has been based in Southern California since its founding in 1972 in El Cajon. The company operates more than 3,500 self-storage facilities across 40 U.S. states and has more than 5,000 employees.

Company leadership framed the move as a logistical decision rather than a full-on California exodus. The move to Texas, part of a wider overhaul of the company, will help it benefit from the “depth of talent and innovation in that market,” according to a statement.

Incoming Chief Executive H. Thomas Boyle, currently the company’s chief financial and investment officer, said during the fourth-quarter earnings call that the company has long operated in both Glendale and Dallas. Corporate job openings often were posted across both offices, but most new roles over the last several years have been filled in the Texas location, Boyle said.

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“It’s about finding the right talent across the country and building the team going forward, and we look forward to strong leadership in both offices,” Boyle said.

The news comes shortly after Senate Bill 709 took effect at the start of the year. The bill was designed to place price caps on California’s self-storage industry but was scaled back to a transparency law requiring disclosures of rent hikes in rental agreements. The California Self Storage Assn., of which Public Storage is a funder, heavily lobbied against the bill.

California has been losing more companies than it’s been gaining since 2014, many to Texas. However, experts and economists have told The Times the corporate departures represent adjustments to California’s $4.1-trillion economy, rather than signs of systemic decline.

Last year the hair care company John Paul Mitchell Systems moved from Southern California to Wilmer, Texas, and the green energy company GAF moved from San José to Georgetown, Texas.

In 2024, Chevron announced plans to move its headquarters from San Ramon to Houston after years of butting heads with politicians in Sacramento over climate and energy policies.

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That year, Elon Musk moved the headquarters of SpaceX and X to Texas because of a new state law that prohibits mandating that teachers notify families about student gender identity changes. Three years earlier, Tesla moved its headquarters from Palo Alto to Austin, Texas.

In 2019, financial services company Charles Schwab relocated from San Francisco, where it was founded, to Westlake, Texas.

Other billionaires including Oracle founder Larry Ellison and Palantir founder Peter Thiel have begun distancing themselves from California as a labor-backed coalition gathers signatures in the hopes of putting a one-time 5% tax on state billionaires’ total wealth on the November ballot.

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Video: Why the I.R.S. Wants $15 Billion From Meta

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Video: Why the I.R.S. Wants  Billion From Meta

new video loaded: Why the I.R.S. Wants $15 Billion From Meta

The I.R.S. is in a legal battle with the tech giant Meta for $15 billion. Our investigative reporter Jesse Drucker explains what Meta did to get into the agency’s crosshairs.

By Jesse Drucker, Alexandra Ostasiewicz, June Kim and Joey Sendaydiego

February 24, 2026

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