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Back-to-office orders have become common. Enforcement not so much

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Back-to-office orders have become common. Enforcement not so much

Since Cynthia Clemons’ employer announced last month that she was required to be in the office two days each week, the switch from remote work hasn’t been smooth.

The self-described extrovert, who works as an organizer for the nonprofit Abundant Housing LA, said she so far hasn’t “gotten into a rhythm of being productive at a desk again.”

“I feel like I’m back in grade school and being forced to sit down and do my homework,” she said. “Maybe it’s a matter of getting used to it.”

More than four years after the COVID-19 pandemic scrambled work culture by closing offices and forcing people to work from home, friction between bosses and their employees over the terms of their return shows no signs of abating.

About 80% of organizations have put in place return-to-office policies, but in a sign that many managers are reluctant to clamp down on the flexibility employees have become accustomed to, only 17% of those organizations actively enforce their policies, according to recent research by real estate brokerage CBRE.

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“Some organizations out there have ‘mandated’ something, but if most of your organization is not following that mandate, then there is not too much you can do to enforce it,” said Julie Whelan, head of research into workplace trends for CBRE.

So, for many employers, setting rules for how often workers must come to the office has turned into a tricky search for a Goldilocks formula that will keep both bosses and workers reasonably happy — or at least not in open conflict. Managers may yearn for the days when daily attendance was a given, but their employees have moved on to a new normal and appear to be in no mood to go back.

The tension “is due to the fact that we have changed since we all went to our separate corners and then came back” from pandemic-imposed office exile, said Elizabeth Brink, a workplace expert at architecture firm Gensler. “It’s fair to say that we have different needs now.”

A disconnect persists between employer expectations for office attendance and employee behavior, CBRE found. Sixty percent of leaders surveyed said they want their employees in the office three or more days a week, while only 51% reported that employees work in the office at that frequency.

Conversely, 37% of employees show up one or two days a week, yet only 17% of employers are satisfied with that attendance.

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CBRE surveyed 225 corporate real estate executives who oversee portfolios of office buildings to analyze trends among occupants seeking to implement hybrid work models.

As employers struggle to get their employees back in person, they also are also calculating whether to shed office space to cut down on rent, typically the largest cost of operating a business after payroll. Some employers are eliminating personal desks in favor of unassigned work stations that can be occupied as needed, allowing businesses to shrink their office footprints.

Such downsizing has contributed to widespread office vacancies in some urban centers including downtown Los Angeles, where overall vacancy is more than 30%, according to CBRE.

In efforts to raise attendance, companies are experimenting with carrots and sticks, trying to make the office a more appealing place to visit while testing methods to enforce in-office policies.

At Los Angeles financial services firm Wedbush Securities, most employees are expected to be in the office one-third of the days of the month while working remotely the rest of the time. The reduction in required time on-site has allowed the firm to cut its office footprint dramatically from more than 100,000 square feet in downtown L.A. to 20,000 square feet in an ongoing move to new quarters in Pasadena.

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President Gary Wedbush is depending on supervisors “to keep their teams honest” about how often they show up at work, he said, but some compliance measures may be coming.

“There definitely needs to be some type of enforcement function,” he said, though the firm hasn’t settled on one yet. Among the options are tracking security badge swipes or checking where company laptops are plugged in during the day.

Attendance will also be “an important factor” in performance evaluations, Wedbush said. “We need to have colleagues be together to collaborate, because we definitely think that’s going to support and continue to improve our client experience. We feel very strongly about that.”

Employees at the DTLA Alliance business improvement district in downtown Los Angeles do not have to follow a formal or enforced attendance policy, Executive Vice President Nick Griffin said, but “the expectation is you should default to working in the office unless there is a good reason otherwise.”

“I personally prefer being in the office, to be close to my team and to be able to chat through things at the drop of a hat,” he said. “That’s very valuable to me.”

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Flexibility is helpful to employees, though, he said. Some of Griffin’s staff work from home now and then, and he highlighted an employee with a small child who lives far from the office who is allowed to work remotely most of the time while being “among the most productive members of our team.”

“One of the things that we have found is that good employees are good employees, whether they’re in the office or remote, and mediocre employers are mediocre, whether they’re chained to their desk or not.”

The DTLA Alliance’s accommodation of the employee with a young child and a long commute reflects the challenge bosses have in meeting the desires of employees in different stages of their lives and careers as companies move past one-size-fits-all attendance policies.

Younger people may value the freedom to get their work done around going to the gym or meeting with friends, while an older employee might be juggling commuting to the office with child care or elder care, Whelan said.

“First of all, regardless of generation, from baby boomers down to Gen Z, flexibility is important,” Whelan said. “Nobody wants to be told anymore that there’s one place they need to be from eight to six, five days a week.”

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An employee works in a common space at the Los Angeles offices of ChowNow, an online food-ordering platform.

(Dania Maxwell / Los Angeles Times)

Bosses, meanwhile, see value in having people of all experience levels in the office to build a corporate culture and shared sense of mission.

“The crux of this challenge is keeping people at younger stages engaged and feeling like they’re part of something bigger, and that they’re getting that knowledge-sharing and mentorship they need to really further their career,” Whelan said. “The younger generation needs the older generation to be there to pass down that knowledge.”

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Being in the office can boost employees’ mental health, Brink said, especially if it has a variety of work spaces that allow staff to both collaborate and work privately.

“One of the reasons people do want to come in to the office is to connect with one another,” she said, “because it’s been really challenging for many people to be so isolated.”

Free food and drinks, comfortable furniture, and communal work tables can be draws, Brink said. Some newer offices have library-type spaces designated as quiet zones, where cellphones and conversations are not allowed.

“That can be really helpful for people who need that intense focus,” she said.

Offices will remain “a very core piece of organizational culture” in the years ahead, Whelan said, but how often employees will be required to be there is far from settled.

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“I do believe that it will take a generational change in management before this story is really fully told,” she said. Future generations of leadership may decide to vary in-office requirements depending on the goals of their organizations at particular points in time.

“It will become less of a conversation of how many days of the week and more of a conversation about, are the things that I’m supposed to be accomplishing with my team together being accomplished?”

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

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In a first for the country, voters in Monterey Park ban data centers

Residents of Monterey Park voted overwhelmingly to ban data centers on election day, making the San Gabriel Valley city the first in the nation to do so by public vote.

As of Wednesday, 86% of votes were in favor of Measure NDC, the city ban, according to the Los Angeles County registrar-recorder/county clerk.

Other cities and towns have passed moratoriums on data centers, as a wave of opposition sweeps the country. But the Monterey Park vote can only be overturned by another ballot measure, making it the most permanent data center ban in a jurisdiction.

Monterey Park’s City Council had already banned data centers by ordinance, after a proposed 247,000-square-foot data center met an outpouring of public anger and concern. The developer withdrew that plan.

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That facility would have been less than 500 feet away from the nearest home, and would have used three times the electricity of the entire 60,000-person city. Residents said it would have caused noise and air pollution and driven up electricity rates.

“This ensures long-lasting protections for current and future generations,” Amy Wong, co-founder of the group San Gabriel Valley Progressive Action, said of the vote. “It means that future city councils cannot overturn a data center ban, even if data center developers wanted to spend money to fund pro-data center candidates.”

The measure had no formal opposition. The developer of the proposed facility, investment firm HMC StratCap, said it wouldn’t engage in the ballot fight when it withdrew in March.

The Data Center Coalition, an industry trade group, expressed disappointment in the vote.

“It sends a signal that the area is closed for business, both for data centers and for other significant economic development projects,” state policy director Khara Boender said.

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“It deprives local residents of the opportunity to compete for jobs and investment, while also causing the area to relinquish substantial long-term economic investment, high-wage jobs, and critical tax revenue to neighboring areas or other states.”

SGV Progressive Action worked with hyperlocal groups including No Data Center Monterey Park to rally support for the measure.

The group is now focused on stopping data center proposals in the City of Industry and fighting a move by City of Industry, Santa Fe Springs, Vernon and City of Commerce to welcome data centers and other industry with fast-tracked permitting and tax incentives.

City of Industry, in the San Gabriel Valley, and Vernon, south of downtown L.A., are primarily industrial areas, each with around 300 permanent residents. They are employment centers, and tens of thousands of workers commute in daily.

There has been little vocal opposition to data centers among the few residents of these cities. Wong said the protest is primarily coming from the surrounding neighborhoods.

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“If a data center gets built in City of Industry, residents across the region would bear the brunt of pollution and increased utility costs,” Wong said, noting that it is surrounded by 16 other cities and unincorporated communities.

Data center proposals have been limited in California compared to Virginia, Texas, Georgia, Illinois and Arizona, which sit at the center of a recent boom in hyperscaler facilities to power artificial intelligence.

California has the third-most data centers in the country, with 300, but high electricity rates, expensive land and regulatory hurdles mean that fewer, and smaller, facilities are currently planned than in other hotspots.

That doesn’t mean opposition hasn’t been fierce. In Coachella and Imperial County, residents are showing up in droves to protest local proposals.

In the San Gabriel Valley, Montebello, El Monte and Baldwin Park have all enacted temporary moratoriums, and Alhambra recently banned data centers as part of a zoning code update.

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Wong said she hoped the ballot measure vote would galvanize the opposition. “The vote is a testament to the people power of our region,” she said. “Our region is worth protecting, and we won’t let data centers determine our future.”

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

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Rent-hike ban to protect fire victims ends despite gouging concerns

A rule intended to prevent rent gouging in the wake of the Eaton and Palisades fires has lapsed in Los Angeles County, possibly exposing some renters to hikes.

The executive order that blocked rent increases was issued by Gov. Gavin Newsom amid the devastating wildfires last year. Under the order, landlords couldn’t increase rents by more than 10% above their prefire levels.

The rule, which was supposed to be temporary and was repeatedly extended, ended Friday after a vote to extend it again failed to garner enough votes. Supervisor Lindsey Horvath, whose district includes Pacific Palisades, sounded the alarm in a motion to extend price protections that failed to pass at the Board of Supervisors’ May 19 meeting.

“These price gouging protections continue to be necessary as construction and rebuilding continue, and as thousands of people remain displaced,” the motion said. “Families which signed short-term leases could face drastic price increases of 50% or more without further price gouging protection.”

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Los Angeles County is home to more than 1 million rental properties, though not all of them needed protection from the new rule. There are already stricter rent increase caps for many residences, depending on the location, type and age of the building. Despite the rent control in the region, the people of Los Angeles pay among the highest rents in the country.

It is uncertain whether renters will face rapidly rising rents now that the protection has lapsed. But some real estate experts and policymakers said there was no need for the temporary rule that was part of the governor’s state of emergency.

Supervisors Kathryn Barger, Janice Hahn and Holly Mitchell abstained from voting on the motion to extend the protection, while Supervisors Hilda Solis and Horvath supported it.

“I abstained because I did not see sufficient evidence to justify extending this emergency ordinance, nor did I see evidence to eliminate it entirely,” Hahn said.

Barger’s office said she supported allowing the protections to sunset while waiting to see whether new information emerged.

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“Market data already shows countywide rents are only about 2% above pre-emergency levels and rental inventory has grown,” Barger representative Helen E. Chavez Garcia said. “The Supervisor is also mindful of the burden these ongoing protections place on small property owners throughout the county.”

Mitchell did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

There haven’t been steep rent hikes in neighborhoods within three miles of the Palisades fire, according to a Times analysis of data from Zillow, the property listing company.

In ZIP Codes within three miles of the Palisades fire, rent increased 4.8% from December 2024 to April 2025. In areas around the Eaton fire, which destroyed swaths of Altadena, rent jumped 5.2% in the same period.

In L.A. County, ZIP Codes farther from the fires saw only about a 2% increase.

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A landlords representative, Jesus Rojas of the Apartment Owners Assn. of Greater Los Angeles, told the supervisors during public comment at the meeting that the county’s rent-gouging rules have “long outlived the emergency they were intended to address” and are now being “wrongfully used to harm thousands of rental housing providers throughout the county.”

“There is no proof that multifamily rental housing providers are hugely increasing rents for impacted homeowners,” Rojas said.

Indeed, there are strong signs that the property market in the Los Angeles area has at last begun to cool.

L.A. metro-area rent prices recently fell to a four-year low, with the median rent slipping to $2,167 in December.

Meanwhile, condominium sales had their slowest start of the year in decades. Condo sales in Los Angeles have plummeted to a 20-year low, with fewer than 2,000 units sold in January and February — the worst start to the year since 2005.

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Newsom defended the price-gouging protections shortly after they went into effect.

“In the days following the Los Angeles firestorms, we worked quickly to protect Los Angeles survivors from any form of exploitation,” he said in February 2025. “The state has the tools in place to not only block price gouging during this emergency, but also to prosecute bad actors.”

The Los Angeles County Department of Consumer and Business Affairs said it received more than 2,000 complaints after the fires, alleging that retailers and landlords were taking advantage of people put in hardship by their losses, and sent out more than 2,000 cease-and-desist letters to businesses and landlords for alleged price gouging, said Morine Merritt, who oversees department investigations into consumer and real estate fraud.

“Close to 90% of the complaints that we received involved allegations of rent increases,” Merritt said in an interview. Now that the fire-related protections have expired, existing laws and “regular market conditions determine price increases for goods and services, including rents,” she said.

Crackdowns on fire-related rent gouging have been rare, said Chelsea Kirk of the activist organization the Rent Brigade, which analyzed L.A. County’s rental market in the year after the fires. It reported 18,360 potential examples of price gouging in listings but said that few lawsuits had been filed by authorities so far.

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Last week, Rent Brigade announced what it said was the first private civil lawsuit brought by a family that claimed to be rent-gouged in the aftermath of the wildfires. Plaintiffs Randall and Candy Renick, whose Altadena home was damaged, said they were charged nearly three times the maximum permitted rate for nearly 10 months. They seek restitution of $96,000 plus civil penalties and attorneys’ fees.

The rental market has probably stabilized since the fires, Kirk said, but other families may still be “locked into illegal rents” that they agreed to pay when they were in a rush to find housing after they were displaced.

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

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Read Nick Bilton’s Letter to Scott Pelley

Dear Mr. Pelley:

I meant what I said in my letter last week to the 60 Minutes team: joining 60 Minutes is the honor of my career and I am grateful to be working alongside the people who have contributed to the most important television journalism brand this country has ever produced. While I’m new to 60 Minutes, I’ve devoted my career to investigative journalism and storytelling. I started this job excited to collaborate and to benefit from the wisdom and experience of the 60 Minutes veterans, with you among them. For that reason, one of the first things I did in my new role was call you to talk and invite you to dinner. It is a profound disappointment that you rejected that overture and chose ambush instead. Yesterday, you hijacked my first meeting with staff to disparage me, my qualifications, and my intentions with remarkable incivility and contempt. I welcome a diversity of viewpoints and respectful debate among the team, but this was nothing of the sort. Yesterday’s performative display of hostility enacted in front of the staff instead of in a civil, private conversation-demonstrated that you have no interest in contributing to the future success of the show, or approaching my new tenure with a mind open to collaboration and progress. I am here to deliver first-in-class news programming, not to make headlines about newsroom drama. I am eager to work alongside those who share this goal.

Despite yesterday’s misconduct, I had hoped that in sitting down with you today we could find a path forward together. You made clear that you are not interested in such a path.

Your antipathy to the future of the show has come through loud and clear. And I have heard you. I therefore write on behalf of CBS News, Inc. (“CBS”) to inform you that your employment with CBS is terminated for cause effective immediately. Enclosed is your formal termination letter.

Sincerely,

Nick Bilton

Executive Producer, 60 Minutes

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