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Video: How a Single Family Was Shot Dead on a Street in Gaza

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Video: How a Single Family Was Shot Dead on a Street in Gaza

So last December, there was this brief video that was posted on social media. It showed members of a family, the Abu Salahs, dead on a street in Northern Gaza. I’m going to start the story by showing you that video. But just as a warning, it’s extremely graphic. Two brothers lay huddled with their mother, Inshirah. Two other brothers lay on the street, one next to a stretcher. And next to the hand of their father, Saadi, lay a white flag. What struck us about this video is that for all the scenes of death and destruction that we see out of Gaza, what we see on the street is actually quite rare. Normally, when we see evidence of civilian casualties in Gaza, those people have often been killed by bombs or rockets launched from far away. If and when people have been killed by gunfire, the aftermath is seldom captured. But here they were, members of an immediate family, all seemingly killed at once. And as we’ll show, it was Israeli troops who shot them. But what were the circumstances, and why was the family all together? Why were they carrying a stretcher and two shovels? And what about that white flag? When we presented our findings to the Israeli military, they didn’t deny responsibility. They said their forces in the area, quote, “experienced many encounters with terrorists who fight and move in combat areas while wearing civilian clothes.” But our analysis of what happened showed that the Abu Salahs posed no threat, yet were still targeted with clear intention at close range. Here’s the story of who they were, how they ended up on that street at midday on Dec. 6 and how we determined it was Israeli troops who killed them. So the Abu Salah family was displaced from their home in Northern Gaza on Oct. 8, just as Israel launched its military response to the Oct. 7 attacks. It’s been pretty tough to get in touch with people in Northern Gaza because of the war. However, over the course of several months, we were able to get in touch with Hanady Abu Salah. She’s a sister and daughter of the people we see lying dead in the video. She was sheltering in a school just 200 feet away from her family when they were killed and heard the gunfire. Across many conversations with her, Hanady was eager to talk about her family. Hanady said that home ended up being destroyed during the fighting, and that their father had dreamed of rebuilding it after the war. Like many Palestinians, they were forced to flee. They ended up living with other displaced families at a girls high school turned shelter. Still, the violence followed them. This video was filmed by Hanady’s brother Ahmed. Ahmed was one of the brothers killed just weeks later. The school they lived at is here. It’s one of several schools in the immediate area that are now acting as shelters. And just up the road is the Indonesian Hospital. It has a strategic view of the entire area. The makeup and layout of the neighborhood is important to know because at the time of the killings, it was full of civilians coming and going. But the area had also been the site of several clashes between Israeli troops and militants. The I.D.F. has said its purpose there was to root out Hamas fighters operating in and around the Indonesian Hospital, and has generally accused Hamas of using refugee camps as cover for its activities. “The Indonesian Hospital is being used by Hamas to hide the underground command and control center. They use the area around the hospital as a base of terror against Israel today.” The hospital was damaged during I.D.F. operations at least twice in the weeks before the Abu Salahs were killed. [explosion] In one case, after the I.D.F. claimed militants fired from inside the building. Because of the destruction, the hospital could no longer function. After those operations, a video captured several of the brothers inside the hospital helping to clean up the damage. Ahmed. Mahmoud. Yousif. And Srour. It would likely be the same building they were shot from. The night before the killings, witnesses told us they heard the sound of bulldozers at the hospital, signaling that the I.D.F. was back. Satellite imagery shows several structures were destroyed overnight. What happened the next morning set in motion a chain of events which would lead to the shooting of the Abu Salahs several hours later. Hanady said the next morning seemed calmer, so her teenage nephew, Assad, stepped outside to see what had happened overnight. According to Hanady, it was Israeli soldiers, now in control of the hospital, who fired the shot from the complex. We did put this accusation to the I.D.F., but the response that I noted earlier, that militants were in the area disguising themselves as civilians, didn’t specifically address Assad’s death. Hanady sent us a photograph of Assad’s body wrapped in a white burial shroud with blood soaking through it. The file’s data confirms the photo was taken just three hours before his six other family members were killed. There’s another detail about the photograph worth mentioning. The orange stretcher visible beneath the shroud appears to match the type of stretcher seen in the footage of his dead relatives. This also tracks with another detail: the shovels they were carrying. Because according to Hanady, they were on their way back from burying Assad when they were shot. Hanady told us her family first took Assad from the school to this hospital, then back to the school so other family members could say their goodbyes. And finally, they carried him to a cemetery for burial. So the I.D.F. likely saw the family coming and going with the stretcher multiple times to and from the school. Each time, they held their fire until the family headed back to the school after burying Assad. Hanady had been waiting hours for their return and was starting to get worried. Then, around midday, they heard a loud burst of gunfire. Hanady and another person at the scene all said that gunfire was coming from the direction of the Indonesian Hospital. We know the I.D.F. controlled the hospital, not only from witnesses, but from footage released by the Israeli military itself. The footage shows an operation to recover evidence related to the Oct. 7 attacks. Even though its undated, there are clues that place it on the day of the killings. First, look here. The pavement has been torn up. A satellite image taken just two days before on Dec. 4 shows smooth, unbroken pavement in the same location. So the video had to have been filmed after the 4th. Let’s take a look at this structure in the video. A satellite image from Dec. 7 shows the same building here completely destroyed. That means the video had to have been filmed before the satellite image was taken. The video also shows clear skies. Since Dec. 5 was overcast, it must have been filmed on the 6th. Not only that, but the length and direction of the shadows tell us the video was filmed around 9 a.m., showing the soldiers were at the hospital just a few hours before the Abu Salahs were killed. Beyond the hospital, we found the I.D.F. had taken up other positions within visibility and range of the shootings, including at these towers, where soldiers posted photos of themselves on social media taken around the time the family was killed. Other areas in range of the shootings were either occupied by displaced Palestinians or lack a direct line of sight to the family. So now let’s examine the footage of the bodies more closely. We spoke to a forensic pathologist and an expert in crime scene reconstruction to learn more about the shooting. While we weren’t able to find witnesses to the shooting itself, both experts said the state of the family’s bodies indicates the footage was filmed shortly after they were killed. Jonathyn Priest, the former head of the Denver Police Homicide Unit, said that because we see three of the Abu Salah family members huddled together, it, quote, “suggests a potential cowering or defensive position.” He said that this likely meant that they weren’t acting in any sort of aggressive way. He also said it’s likely that some of the shots that killed them were fired as they were already on the ground, attempting to shield each other from the gunfire. Both experts also agreed that all of the family’s wounds were to their upper bodies, which implies they were killed by aimed shots rather than random gunfire. Neither the I.D.F. nor witnesses we spoke to mentioned any fighting between Israeli troops and militants on the street when the family was killed. So that also rules out the possibility that they were killed in a crossfire. In some social media posts, at least one family member appeared to sympathize with Hamas before the Oct. 7 attacks, and Hanady did so too with the attacks themselves. But there’s no evidence these opinions played any role in the family’s killings. The I.D.F. told us that the killing of the Abu Salahs has been referred to military investigators who examine potential cases of misconduct by Israeli forces. But those findings are seldom made public, and human rights groups say that the Israeli military rarely penalizes soldiers for harming Palestinians. Despite our multiple requests for updates on the investigation, the I.D.F. said they had nothing to add. As for the white flag that Saadi Abu Salah carried, it’s a practice we’ve seen used by other civilians in Gaza to signal to I.D.F. troops that they’re not a threat. In several instances, civilians carrying such flags — [gunshot] have still been shot at, including three Israeli hostages using makeshift white flags to identify themselves to Israeli forces. The I.D.F. rarely comments on civilians carrying white flags who were killed, but admitted their mistake after the shooting of the hostages. The I.D.F. has also said Hamas militants have carried white flags as a way to blend in with civilians and hide their movements. The next morning, I.D.F. troops began conducting mass arrests of people left in the neighborhood. The military said those arrests were necessary to determine if Hamas fighters were hiding among civilians. Hanady and her surviving relatives left that day for Central Gaza, but the bodies of her family remained on the street. Several weeks later, Israeli forces withdrew from the area and residents ventured outside. A local reporter filmed video of what at first appeared to be piles of bulldozed rubble. But soon, one could see limbs, a head and a torso, with clothing and wounds matching the Abu Salahs. These were the family’s remains, bulldozed into a pile of garbage not far from where they were shot.

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Hong Kong’s Cabbies, Long Scorned and Frustrated, Face the End of an Era

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Hong Kong’s Cabbies, Long Scorned and Frustrated, Face the End of an Era

The air is laced with cigarette smoke and Cantonese profanities as half a dozen taxi drivers hang out by their fire-engine-red cabs on a quiet corner of the gritty Prince Edward neighborhood of Hong Kong.

It is the afternoon handover, when day shift drivers pass their taxis to those working the night shift. They are surrendering wads of cash to a taxi agent, a matriarchal figure who collects rent for the vehicles, manages their schedules and dispenses unsolicited advice about exercising more and quitting smoking. The drivers wave her off.

There may be no harder task in this city of more than seven million than trying to change a taxi driver’s habits. Often grumpy and rushing to the next fare, cabbies in Hong Kong have been doing things their way for decades, reflecting the fast-paced, frenetic culture that has long energized the city.

But taxi drivers are under pressure to get with the times. Their passengers are fed up with being driven recklessly, treated curtly and, in many cases, having to settle fares with cash — one of the strangest idiosyncrasies about life in Hong Kong. The practice is so ingrained that airport staff often have to alert tourists at taxi ranks that they need to carry bills.

The government, both because of the complaints and to revitalize tourism, has tried to rein in taxi drivers. Officials ran a campaign over the summer urging drivers to be more polite. They imposed a point system in which bad behavior by drivers — such as overcharging or refusing passengers — would be tracked and could result in the loss of licenses.

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In early December, the government proposed requiring all taxis to install systems to allow them to accept credit cards and digital payments by the end of 2025, and to add surveillance cameras by the end of 2026.

Predictably, many taxi drivers have opposed the idea of closer supervision.

“Would you want to be monitored all the time?” said Lau Bing-kwan, a 75-year-old cabby with thinning strands of white hair who accepts only cash. “The government is barking too many orders.”

The new controls, if put in place, would signal the end of an era for an industry that has long been an anomaly in Hong Kong’s world-class transportation system. Every day, millions of people commute safely on sleek subways and air-conditioned double-decker buses that run reliably.

Riding in a taxi, by comparison, can be an adventure. Step into one of Hong Kong’s signature four-door Toyota Crown Comfort cabs and you will most likely be (what is the opposite of greeted?) by a man in his 60s or older with a phalanx of cellphones mounted along his dashboard — used sometimes for GPS navigation and other times to track horse racing results. Pleasantries will not be exchanged. Expect the gas pedal to be floored.

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You will then reflexively grab a handle and try not to slide off the midnight-blue vinyl seats as you zip and turn through the city’s notoriously narrow streets. Lastly, before you arrive at your destination, you will ready your small bills and coins to avoid aggravating the driver with a time-consuming exit.

“When they drop you off, you have to kind of rush,” said Sylvia He, a professor of urban studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong who, like many residents of this city, feels conditioned to walk on eggshells around a cabby. “I don’t want to delay their next order.”

To many cabbies, the impatience and brusqueness is a reflection of their harsh reality: when scraping by in a business with shrinking financial rewards, no time can be wasted on social niceties. Lau Man-hung, a 63-year-old driver, for instance, skips meals and bathroom breaks just to stay behind the wheel long enough to take home about $2,500 a month, barely enough to get by in one of the most expensive cities in the world.

“Some customers are too mafan,” said Mr. Lau using a Cantonese word that means causing trouble and annoyance. “They like to complain about which route to take. They tell you to go faster.”

Driving a cab used to be a decent way to make a living. But business has gotten tougher, made worse by the fallout of mainland China’s economic slowdown. The city has had trouble reviving its allure with tourists, while its bars and nightclubs, once teeming with crowds squeezed into narrow alleyways, now draw fewer revelers.

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Even before the downturn, some owners of taxi licenses were struggling. Taxi licenses are limited by the government and traded on a loosely regulated market. Some owners suffered huge losses after a speculative bubble drove prices up to nearly $1 million for one license a decade ago, then burst.

Today, licenses are worth about two-thirds of their decade-ago high. Many businesses and drivers who own licenses are focused more on recouping losses than on improving service.

Tin Shing Motors, a family-owned company, manages drivers and sells taxi license mortgages and taxicab insurance. Chris Chan, a 47-year-old third-generation member of the company, says Tin Shing is saddled with mortgages bought when licenses were worth much more.

To chip away at that debt, Mr. Chan needs to rent out his taxis as much as possible. But he struggles to find drivers. Many cabbies have aged out, and young people have largely stayed away from the grueling work. Profit margins have dwindled, he added, especially with the cost of insurance almost doubling in recent years. Uber, despite operating in a gray area in Hong Kong, has also taken a chunk of customers away.

“It’s harder and harder to make money,” Mr. Chan said.

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At the bottom are the drivers, about half of whom are 60 and older. Many cannot afford to retire. They have to make about $14 an hour to break even after paying for gas and the rent of their vehicles. To them, cash in hand is better than waiting days for electronic payments to clear.

Tension between the public and taxi drivers plays out with mutual finger pointing. When the government introduced the courtesy campaign last year, a driver told a television reporter that it was the passengers who were rude.

In many ways, Hong Kong’s taxi drivers embody the high-stress, no-frills culture of the city’s working class. Their gruffness is no different from the service one gets at a cha chaan teng, the ubiquitous local cafes that fuel the masses with egg sandwiches, instant noodles and saccharine-sweet milk tea. Servers are curt, but fast.

“People tend to have one bad experience and remember it for the rest of their life,” said Hung Wing-tat, a retired professor who has studied the taxi industry. “Consequently, there is an impression among the public that all taxi drivers are bad when most of them just want to earn a living. They don’t want any trouble.”

Indeed, there are cabbies like Joe Fong, 45, who sees no value in antagonizing his customers and has tried to adapt to his passengers’ needs.

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“Why fight?” Mr. Fong said. “We need each other. You need a ride and I need your money.”

Mr. Fong maximizes his income by splitting his time between driving a private car for Uber and a cab for a taxi fleet called Alliance. Mr. Fong has five cellphones affixed to his dashboard. He welcomes electronic payments, and he did not raise an eyebrow when Alliance installed cameras in all their taxis last year.

“I’m not like those old guys,” said Mr. Fong, who drives one of Hong Kong’s newer hybrid taxis made by Toyota, which look like a cross between a London cab and a PT Cruiser. “The world has changed. You have to accept it.”

Olivia Wang contributed reporting.

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Jake Sullivan, Biden discussed possibility of hitting Iran nuclear program: report

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Jake Sullivan, Biden discussed possibility of hitting Iran nuclear program: report

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In a top meeting with National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan roughly a month ago, President Biden was presented with a series of strike options should Iran make a move to develop a nuclear weapon, reported Axios on Friday. 

The White House did not immediately respond to Fox News Digital’s questions regarding the strike options, but according to the report, Biden has not signed off on any plans to hit Iran’s nuclear program. 

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Biden has vowed not to let Iran develop a nuclear weapon on his watch, but it remains unclear what steps Iran would have to take in order for the Biden administration to respond with direct hits, given that Tehran has already been reported to have stockpiled near-weapons-grade uranium and to be bolstering its weaponization capabilities. 

A big banner depicting Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei is placed next to a ballistic missile in Baharestan Square in Tehran, Iran, on September 26, 2024, on the sideline of an exhibition that marks the 44th anniversary of the start of Iran-Iraq war.  (Photo by Hossein Beris / Middle East Images / Middle East Images via AFP via Getty Images)

IRAN EXPANDS WEAPONIZATION CAPABILITIES CRITICAL FOR EMPLOYING NUCLEAR BOMB

The president was reportedly presented with a series of scenarios and response options during the meeting, though sources told the outlet that Biden has not made any final decisions regarding the information he was given. 

Another source reportedly said that currently there are no active discussions on militarily hitting Iran’s program.

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Biden repeatedly warned Israel against hitting Tehran’s nuclear program as tensions between the two nations reached a boiling point last year amid the conflict with Hamas and Hezbollah – both of which had the backing of Iran. 

But some aides close to the president have reportedly argued that the U.S. has the “imperative” and the “opportunity” to strike Tehran’s nuclear ambitions given its efforts to accelerate its program and its weakened position given the significantly degraded standing of Iran’s proxy forces. 

Sources told Axios that Sullivan did not advise the president to take action either way but merely presented him with scenarios. 

Biden Sullivan

U.S. President Joe Biden confers with his National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan during a roundtable with Jewish community leaders in the Indian Treaty Room of the Eisenhower Executive Office Building October 11, 2023, in Washington, D.C.  (Photo by Drew Angerer/Getty Images)

IRAN LAUNCHES ROCKET WITH HEAVIEST-EVER PAYLOAD INTO SPACE AMID HEIGHTENED CONCERN OVER NUCLEAR PROGRAM

The report also noted that the National Security Adviser, along with other aides to the president, believed that the degraded nature of Iran’s air defenses and missile capabilities and weakened proxy forces could improve the likelihood of a successful strike and decrease the chance of Iranian retaliation. 

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Biden reportedly focused on the issue of urgency and whether Iran had taken specific steps to justify a potentially conflict-inducing military strike just weeks before a new administration takes office – though it remains unclear what those steps would include. 

“You can look at the public statements of Iranian officials, which have changed in the last few months as they have been dealt these strategic blows, to raise the question: Do we have to change our doctrine at some point? The fact that that’s coming out publicly is something that has to be looked at extremely carefully,” Sullivan said during remarks in New York just one week before Christmas Day. 

Iranian protesters carry flowers while standing in front of a giant banner depicting a portrait of Lebanon's Hezbollah Secretary General, Hassan Nasrallah, during a protest gathering to condemn an Israeli air strike against Hezbollah's headquarters in the suburb of Beirut, and the killing of Hassan Nasrallah and an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps' (IRGC) Quds Force commander, General Abbas Nilforoushan, in Tehran, Iran, on September 30, 2024. 

Iranian protesters carry flowers while standing in front of a giant banner depicting a portrait of Lebanon’s Hezbollah Secretary General, Hassan Nasrallah, during a protest gathering to condemn an Israeli air strike against Hezbollah’s headquarters in the suburb of Beirut, and the killing of Hassan Nasrallah and an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ (IRGC) Quds Force commander, General Abbas Nilforoushan, in Tehran, Iran, on September 30, 2024.  (Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto via Getty Images)

He also pointed to the blows Iran has seen this year and argued that they could push Iran to develop a nuclear weapon rather than deter it. 

“It generates choices for that adversary that can be quite dangerous, and that’s something we have to remain extremely vigilant about as we go forward,” Sullivan said.

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Montenegro holds memorial service for 12 victims of mass shooting

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Montenegro holds memorial service for 12 victims of mass shooting

Prime Minister Milojko Spajić said that holders of registered guns will undergo new security and psychological checks while ‘draconian’ punishment is planned for those who hold weapons illegally.

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A memorial service has been held in Montenegro for the 12 victims of a mass shooting that happened on New Year’s Day.

The ceremony in the central town of Cetinje was attended by family members of the victims as well as political and church leaders.

“Every word we say today seems weak, powerless to mitigate the suffering of those who lost their loved ones,” Nikola Đurašković, the mayor of Cetinje, said at the commemoration.

“There are no words to explain this senseless tragedy…At this moment, the only thing we can do is to express our deepest condolences to the families of the killed, to extend our hand in support and to convince them that they are not alone in their pain. Because this is not just a loss for the families, this is a loss for all of us.”

There has been shock and dismay across Montenegro since the shooting in Cetinje on Wednesday.

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The victims included seven men, three women and two children, born in 2011 and 2016.

Police said the gunman, identified as Aco Martinović, eventually shot himself in the head and died shortly after.

At least four others were wounded, officials said.

In a separate massacre in the same town in August 2022, an attacker killed 10 people, including two children, before he was shot and killed by a passerby.

A top-level meeting in the capital Podgorica on Friday promised tough measures to curb illegal weapons after the second such tragedy in less than three years in the small Balkan country.

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An emergency session of Montenegro’s National Security Council announced a new, strict gun law and urgent actions to confiscate what are believed to be abundant illegal weapons in possession of Montenegro’s 620,000 citizens.

Prime Minister Milojko Spajić said that holders of registered guns will undergo new security and psychological checks while “draconian” punishment is planned for those who hold weapons illegally.

Spajić specified that authorities would give people a period of two months to surrender illegal weapons without facing any consequences.

After that, he said, “the law will be explicit and even minimal sentences handed by judges will be drastic.”

State television broadcaster RTCG reported on Friday that Montenegro is sixth in the world when it comes to the number of illegal weapons per capita.

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