World
Manhattan’s Chinese Street Signs Are Disappearing
As with many neighborhoods in New York Metropolis, Chinatown has a historical past that’s legible in layers. Right here in Decrease Manhattan, Republic of China flags nonetheless flutter above the workplaces of household associations that had been based earlier than the Communist Revolution. Job posting boards coated in slips of paper cater to current immigrants. Instagrammable dessert outlets serve younger locals and vacationers alike. “For Lease / 出租” indicators are in all places, alluding to the shrinking variety of Chinese language companies and residents.
And above a dwindling variety of intersections dangle indicators declaring the names of the road in English and in Chinese language.
Bilingual road indicators have hung over the bustling streets of the town’s oldest Chinatown for greater than 50 years. They’re the product of a program from the Sixties aimed toward making navigating the neighborhood simpler for these Chinese language New Yorkers who may not learn English.
These indicators represented a proper recognition of the rising affect of a neighborhood that for greater than a century had largely been relegated to the margins of the town’s consideration. However because the prominence of Manhattan’s Chinatown because the singular Chinese language cultural middle of the town has waned within the twenty first century, this distinctive piece of infrastructure has begun to slowly disappear.
A minimum of seven bilingual road indicators have been eliminated because the Nineteen Eighties.
There are about 100 bilingual road indicators throughout two dozen streets in Chinatown right this moment, of the not less than 155 bilingual indicators ordered in 1985. Whereas there aren’t any official data of the eliminated indicators, a New York Instances evaluation has discovered photographic proof of not less than seven indicators which have been eliminated or changed by English-only indicators since 1985.
Location of present bilingual indicators
Streets that at the moment have bilingual indicators are labeled
Location of present bilingual indicators
Streets that at the moment have bilingual indicators are labeled
Location of present bilingual indicators
Streets that at the moment have bilingual indicators are labeled
Location of present bilingual indicators
Streets that at the moment have bilingual indicators are labeled
Streets that at the moment have bilingual indicators are labeled
Location of present bilingual indicators
Streets that at the moment have bilingual indicators are labeled
Location of present bilingual indicators
New York Instances evaluation of historic imagery from Google Avenue View, Chinatown: Lens on The Decrease East Aspect by Decrease East Aspect Preservation Initiative, Museum of Chinese language in America, Coronary heart of Chinatown: A Panoramic Tour by Iron Sights Studio.
Most data of this system appear to have both been destroyed in a flood at a Division of Transportation facility, misplaced within the subsequent transfer or (as recommended by just a few stumped officers interviewed for this text) by no means recorded within the first place.
We got down to survey what was left to piece collectively this system’s historical past.
Of the bilingual indicators which have been eliminated, not less than 4 had been taken down in recent times.
In keeping with the Division of Transportation, bilingual indicators which have not too long ago been broken or eliminated throughout building had been usually changed by English-only indicators.
Canal Avenue at Allen Avenue
Catherine Avenue at Chatham Sq.
Canal Avenue at Allen Avenue
Catherine Avenue at Chatham Sq.
Canal Avenue at Allen Avenue
Catherine Avenue at Chatham Sq.
Canal Avenue at Allen Avenue
Catherine Avenue at Chatham Sq.
Google Avenue View and James Estrin/The New York Instances
Bilingual companies are a reality of life in a metropolis the place greater than three million residents from nearly 200 international locations communicate greater than 700 languages and dialects.
New York offers language assist for metropolis capabilities like voting, subway wayfinding and courtroom proceedings, and single, non-English road identify indicators have been put in in among the metropolis’s ethnic communities, together with West thirty second Avenue in Koreatown, co-named Korea Method “한국 타운”, and a portion of Avenue C co-named “Loisaida” (Decrease East Aspect), in homage to the Puerto Rican neighborhood.
An Rong Xu for The New York Instances
However the indicators on Chinatown’s streets are totally different: They’re an unlimited, neighborhood-wide train in translation carried out hand-in-hand with the town authorities — a very bilingual road grid.
The historical past of those indicators tells the story of the expansion, decline and evolution of certainly one of Manhattan’s largest immigrant communities.
In 1883, Wong Chin Foo (王淸福) — an early author and advocate on Chinese language American points — arrived in Manhattan and began New York Metropolis’s first Chinese language-language newspaper, The Chinese language American. For the paper’s headquarters, he selected an workplace house on Chatham Avenue (now Park Row) just a few blocks south of what was shaping as much as be the town’s first Chinatown.
Mr. Wong wrote that his goal was “to make this paper provide the long-felt need of our countrymen, of whom not one in a thousand can learn a phrase of English.”
Town’s earliest Chinese language residents had began settling within the space round Mott and Pell Streets just a few many years earlier than, across the time Mr. Wong arrived in the US to attend school. As Mr. Wong pursued his American training, Chinese language immigration to the nation was rising as 1000’s of Chinese language had been recruited to work on the development of the transcontinental railroad. Chinese language immigrants usually confronted horrendous therapy, authorized discrimination and unfair labor practices, which Mr. Wong wrote about and lectured on across the nation.
Chinese language names for Manhattan streets are as previous as Chinatown itself.
The primary version of the Chinese language American within the 1800s included the workplace’s tackle in each Chinese language and English on its masthead, translating Chatham Avenue (now generally known as Park Row) to 咀啉街, a phonetic transliteration of the road.
Museum of Chinese language in America
After the ultimate spike was pushed on the transcontinental railroad in 1869, Chinese language laborers discovered themselves with out dependable work and dealing with rising racial animus and violence within the Western states. An rising quantity began migrating to Japanese cities. By the point Mr. Wong arrived in 1883, Manhattan’s Chinatown had change into a vacation spot for Chinese language immigrants.
through Library of Congress
It was additionally round this time that casual Chinese language road names started to appear in Chinatown — written on store home windows and in private correspondence.
On June 11, 1966, two law enforcement officials, Joseph LaVeglia and Chris Columbo, had been on Chatham Sq. in matching plaid shirts and buzzcuts. That they had been despatched by the town to put in new indicators above the Chinatown’s police name containers (a fast technique to attain an area police precinct in an period earlier than cellphones). The indicators defined what the containers had been for and learn how to use them — in Chinese language.
New York Instances article printed on June 12, 1966.
The brand new Chinese language-language directions had been an try by the town to accommodate the rising quantity of people that didn’t communicate English fluently, pushed by an enormous inflow of immigrants from throughout China and the Chinese language diaspora following the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, which fully overhauled Chinese language immigration to the US.
Carl T. Gossett/The New York Instances
Across the similar time, one other effort to help new arrivals with navigating the neighborhood was taking form: The Chinese language Chamber of Commerce, one of many few native organizations that acted as a conduit between Chinatown and the town forms, was petitioning the New York Metropolis Transit Authority to create and set up bilingual road indicators in Chinatown “to make life less complicated for the 1000’s of latest Chinese language immigrants,” wrote The New York Instances in 1969, “who arrive with little information of the English language or Latin alphabet.”
The rising profile of Chinatown fanned simmering conflicts with neighboring communities.
The Chinese language-language World Journal reported in 1985 that the bilingual road indicators sparked racially motivated vandalism and violence years in the past, that “Italian youth even beat up officers from the Division of Transportation,” and that “the youth additionally vandalized the road indicators, crossing out the Chinese language characters with black paint.”
Jerry S.Y. Cheng and William E. Sauro/The New York Instances
The thought of “official” Chinese language road names, nonetheless, opened up a novel situation: What Chinese language names to make use of? Whereas Chinese language dialects share the identical written language (both in simplified or conventional types), the pronunciation of every character can range broadly, dialect to dialect.
Within the late Sixties, a majority of immigrants in Chinatown got here from China’s southern areas of Toisan and Canton (now generally known as Guangzhou). Whereas the ultimate names had been reportedly based mostly on neighborhood submissions and chosen to be phonetically comprehensible to immigrants talking totally different dialects, Toisanese and Cantonese are most clearly mirrored within the names chosen.
There are two major approaches to those translations.
Literal: Direct translation to significant phrases in Chinese language that don’t sound like their English counterparts.
Phonetic: Transliteration utilizing Chinese language characters to imitate related sounds to their English counterparts that might not be significant in any other case in Chinese language.
Over time, totally different names utilizing totally different characters have been given for a similar streets based mostly on what sounded proper to the translator. Right here is an instance of how translation for East Broadway has modified.
Title utilized in a map from 1958
伊士
Phonetic transliteration of “East”
布律威
Phonetic transliteration of “Broadway”
Trendy D.O.T. road signal
東
Literal translation of “East”
百老滙
Phonetic transliteration of “Broadway”
One Chinese language road identify can have many pronunciations.
A number of sounds within the English language don’t exist in lots of Chinese language dialects, making the recreation of English phrases with Chinese language characters a typically troublesome activity. Moreover, a reputation that, in Cantonese, may sound nearly equivalent to the road’s English identify can sound fully totally different in one other dialect — and nothing just like the English identify.
English Cantonese Mandarin Toisanese Fujian dialect
且林市果
且林市果
English Cantonese Mandarin Toisanese Fujian dialect
科西街
科西街
English Cantonese Mandarin Toisanese Fujian dialect
柏路
柏路
English Cantonese Mandarin Toisanese Fujian dialect
勿街
勿街
Museum of Chinese language in America and Chang W. Lee/The New York Instances
Within the late Sixties and early Seventies, Chinatown was turning into extra numerous. With immigrants from different areas, dialects like Mandarin and Fujianese rapidly unfold by the neighborhood.
Don Hogan Charles/The New York Instances
Whereas the indicators didn’t signify the range of dialects, their arrival represented a brand new period of prominence for Manhattan’s Chinatown, because the neighborhood had grown right into a thriving residence and business middle for Chinese language New Yorkers.
100 years after Mr. Wong arrange his newspaper’s headquarters on Chatham Avenue, a younger city planner named Jerry S.Y. Cheng (鄭向元) discovered himself down the road, making an attempt to determine learn how to make sense of the snarled site visitors round Chatham Sq..
From when Mr. Wong arrived in Chinatown as much as the passage of the 1965 Immigration Act, Chinatown’s inhabitants grew steadily to round 15,000 residents. When Mr. Cheng immigrated from Taiwan in 1969, the inhabitants had already began to balloon, and by 1985, it had grown to 70,000 residents. The world’s economic system, powered by the garment and eating places industries, was booming. There have been extra enterprise, extra outlets, extra individuals and extra site visitors.
Paul Hosefros/The New York Instances
Consequently, Mr. Cheng discovered himself in demand. “They’d come to me with issues as a result of I’m Chinese language,” Mr. Cheng mentioned. “I do know the leaders, I can translate — I grew to become like a bridge.”
It was on this context that Mr. Cheng met Li Boli (李立波), the president of the Chinese language Consolidated Benevolent Affiliation, a supervisory physique for some 60 organizations that has lengthy been an unofficial (although oft-disputed) governmental physique in Chinatown.
Handwritten calligraphy was used for the indicators.
The Chinese language characters on the indicators had been handwritten by Tan Bingzhong (譚炳忠), a outstanding native calligrapher. Chinese language media on the time wrote that “his vigorous and forceful handwriting introduced a creative ambiance to the practicality-oriented highway indicators.” Whereas Edward I. Koch, then mayor, wasn’t on the official 1985 signal unveiling, he did write a private letter of due to Mr. Tan.
New York Metropolis Division of Transportation and Chang W. Lee/The New York Instances
Tiny variations make each character distinctive.
As a result of each Chinese language identify was drawn by Mr. Tan, his handiwork may be seen within the particulars. 街, the character for “road,” seems on nearly each signal, however there are small variations within the character on each one.
Chang W. Lee/The New York Instances
In 1984, Mr. Li known as Mr. Cheng to speak about road indicators. By then, the geographic footprint of Chinatown had grown — by some estimates, doubling in measurement — and had began to embody areas beforehand thought of Little Italy, the Bowery and the Decrease East Aspect. After President Richard Nixon’s well-known 1972 go to to China and the thawing of U.S.-Chinese language relations, increasingly Mandarin- and Fujianese-speaking immigrants had been arriving yearly.
With Mr. Cheng’s assist, the Benevolent Affiliation petitioned the Transportation Division to develop the bilingual road identify program to mirror the realm’s progress.
“There wasn’t loads of pushback from D.O.T.,” mentioned David Gurin, who was deputy commissioner on the time. “The neighborhood requested for the indicators, and they also had been type of a courtesy.”
The one controversy was over the place precisely the boundaries of the Chinese language road indicators (a proxy for the boundaries of Chinatown) must be drawn. The Transportation Division apparently commissioned a two-month examine of the extent of Chinatown, however the outcomes of that examine are most certainly misplaced.
The data of this system are misplaced, destroyed or incomplete.
This map (with out accompanying key, legend or documentation) and different fragmented data appear to point out that streets as far north as Broome Avenue and as far west as Lafayette Avenue had been thought of for bilingual indicators. Not one of the individuals concerned on this mission who’re nonetheless dwelling have been in a position to say definitively.
Highlighted streets the place the division appears to have thought of putting in bilingual indicators.
Outlined space the place bilingual indicators had been put in.
Highlighted streets the place the division appears to have thought of putting in bilingual indicators.
Outlined space the place bilingual indicators had been put in.
New York Metropolis Division of Transportation
Once I requested Mr. Cheng if he remembered what sorts of data is likely to be stored, he laughed out loud. “No, no, I don’t assume so,” he mentioned. “I do not assume there might be a lot. Virtually everybody concerned on this has handed away.”
What we do know is that when the streets had been agreed upon, the subsequent hurdle was, once more, selecting the Chinese language names. This time, the group making the choices was a committee inside the Benevolent Affiliation — enterprise house owners, property house owners and longtime residents who predominantly spoke Toisanese and Cantonese.
An Rong Xu for The New York Instances
They had been selecting names for a really totally different Chinatown, but the chosen names once more relied on Toisanese and Cantonese dialects, ignoring massive segments of Chinatown’s latest immigrants.
In addition they ignored the colloquial road names that had been widespread in components of the neighborhood. Completely different waves of Chinese language immigrants had given names to streets that spoke extra to the tradition on the road than the English identify. For instance, to many in Chinatown, Mulberry was generally known as Corpse Avenue as a result of it was lined with funeral properties, florists and effigy outlets. Many of those names are nonetheless utilized in Chinatown right this moment.
Jerry S.Y. Cheng
Chinatown continues to be a vibrant cultural middle for Chinese language and Chinese language People and a touchdown pad for brand new Chinese language immigrants, however the neighborhood is shrinking. Asians are the quickest rising inhabitants in New York Metropolis, in line with the 2020 census. Nonetheless, Chinatown has skilled the most important exodus of Asian residents of any neighborhood within the metropolis, at the same time as rising numbers settle in Brooklyn and Queens.
The modifications are a results of cumulative results that return to not less than Sept. 11, 2001; the aftermath of the assaults dealt an immense blow to the Chinatown economic system, particularly the restaurant and garment industries. In the meantime, actual property hypothesis and overseas funding have fueled rising rents, and most not too long ago, the pandemic has led to an increase in racist rhetoric and violence, and a lower in enterprise on the space’s outlets.
An Rong Xu for The New York Instances
In recent times, native efforts have been channeled towards neighborhood organizing and demonstrations, like these in opposition to the closure of Jing Fong (the historic dim sum restaurant, and the final union restaurant in Chinatown), the development of a brand new jail within the coronary heart of the neighborhood, the most recent metropolis rezoning efforts and gentrification and displacement. Protests in opposition to anti-Asian violence have stuffed parks and public plazas. Within the face of those visceral struggles, points like bilingual road indicators appear to command little consideration.
Which is possibly why many haven’t realized that the bilingual road indicators are additionally disappearing.
Solely 101 bilingual indicators stay in Chinatown. On the program’s peak, not less than 155 had been ordered to be printed. Of the 40 streets that Mr. Tan was requested to do calligraphy for, almost half now not have a single remaining bilingual signal. In keeping with Alana Morales, deputy press secretary on the Transportation Division, “The Chinese language-bilingual indicators are usually not a part of the U.S. DOT’s Handbook on Uniform Site visitors Management Units for Streets and Highways.” Which means if bilingual road indicators are knocked down or broken, she mentioned, “they’re changed with indicators in English.”
Chang W. Lee/The New York Instances
Lots of the individuals concerned within the Nineteen Eighties push are lifeless, and there’s little stress to keep up this system. The indicators are seen by the town as a one-time program that can slowly fade away, slightly than as some everlasting a part of the town’s infrastructure.
In present-day Chinatown, organizations just like the Chinese language Chamber of Commerce and the Benevolent Affiliation nonetheless have affect — they’re widespread stops, for instance, for native politicians on the lookout for an endorsement in Chinatown. However because the neighborhood has change into extra numerous, their time as the principle liaison between the town and the neighborhood has handed.
In the meantime, a bunch of latest advocacy organizations have risen up with new priorities and serving totally different segments of Chinatown’s inhabitants, specializing in points like inexpensive housing, displacement, neighborhood companies and Covid aid.
Not one of the native residents, neighborhood organizers, enterprise house owners or students interviewed for this text had been beforehand conscious that the indicators had been disappearing.
World
‘Much more persecution’: Venezuela braces for Nicolas Maduro’s inauguration
Bogota, Colombia – Jesus Medina Ezaine had already spent 16 months in a Venezuelan military prison, accused of crimes he said were related to his work as a photojournalist.
But another prison stint seemed imminent, particularly after the contested re-election of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro.
With Maduro set to be sworn in for a third term, Medina, 43, made a difficult decision: to flee his home in Venezuela for the relative safety of Bogota, the capital of neighbouring Colombia.
“Before they could put me back in prison, I decided to escape,” said Medina.
Maduro’s government has long faced criticism for the alleged repression of political rivals. But Friday’s inauguration ceremony is set to bring the recent electoral crisis to a head, with observers warning that the violence may escalate as Maduro strives to hold onto power.
“The regime is going to do everything they can to ensure that Maduro can be re-inaugurated and that he can continue with his administration,” said Juan Pappier, deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Americas division.
“If they see that possibility challenged in any way, for example through [opposition-led] demonstrations, they are going to repress them brutally.”
A climate of fear
Medina remembers his final months in Venezuela as being drenched in fear.
In the lead-up to the controversial election, he had joined the campaign of opposition leader Maria Corina Machado as a photographer, documenting her efforts to galvanise support for presidential candidate Edmundo Gonzalez.
But that work once again made him a target.
Medina was not unknown to the Maduro government: In 2018, he was arrested on charges of money laundering, criminal association and inciting hate, all of which he denies.
Instead, he maintains his arrest was in retaliation for his reporting on human rights abuses. He was held without trial in the Ramo Verde military prison until January 2020.
“The Venezuelan regime does not tolerate any comments or information against them,” he said.
“The media is scared,” Medina added. “Freedom of expression in Venezuela has been completely lost because journalists inside Venezuela are doing what they can to avoid imprisonment.”
But the presidential election on July 28, 2024, brought political repression worse than any Medina had witnessed before.
Hours after polls closed, the National Electoral Council named Maduro the winner, without offering its usual breakdown of voting tallies.
Meanwhile, the opposition published receipts of the votes that instead suggested Gonzalez had won the election with nearly 70 percent of the vote. As protests erupted over the alleged electoral fraud, a government crackdown ensued.
As state forces swept the streets for protesters, seizing dissidents from their homes, Medina said he was tipped off that he would be jailed — again.
He quickly went into hiding. Medina spent two months holed up in different locations in the capital Caracas, trying to avoid arrest. He said the country’s intelligence forces had already knocked at the door of his home in the city.
Feeling cornered, Medina decided to flee on September 15 to Bogota, where he has stayed ever since.
A wave of repression
As many as 2,500 people were ultimately detained in the post-election protests, according to government statistics.
Another 25 people were killed, in what independent investigators for the United Nations called “unprecedented levels of violence”.
A UN fact-finding mission announced earlier this month that at least 56 political opposition activists, 10 journalists and one human rights defender were among the arrested between August and December.
On Tuesday, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights also published a report alleging systematic state repression intended “to prevent the political participation of the opposition” and “sow terror among citizens”.
But in the lead-up to Friday’s inauguration, more than 1,500 prisoners detained in the post-election sweep have been released, in what critics say could be an attempt to reduce scrutiny on the government’s human rights record.
Alfredo Romero, the director of Foro Penal, a Venezuelan human rights watchdog, explained that “having a number of innocent youths with their relatives, especially their mothers, at the door of the prisons” holding vigils was reflecting poorly on the Maduro administration.
Rights groups have also questioned the accuracy of the government’s numbers.
Romero said that at least 1,749 prisoners remained in custody as of the first week of January, and more alleged dissidents had since been detained.
“People may be released from prison, but it doesn’t mean that new ones won’t be jailed,” he said.
Inauguration backlash
Despite widespread fear over repression, demonstrations are expected on the day of Maduro’s third inauguration.
Gonzalez, the opposition’s presidential candidate, has also pledged to return to Venezuela from his exile abroad and be sworn in on Friday. It is unclear how or if he will follow through on that pledge.
In a video message posted to social media on Sunday, Machado, who has remained in hiding in Venezuela for months, called on Venezuelans to march in support of a transition of power this week.
“Maduro is not going to leave on his own, we must make him leave with the strength of a population that never gives up,” Machado said. “It is time to stand firm and make them understand that this is as far as they go. That this is over.”
In turn, the Maduro government has ramped up security and deployed more than 1,200 military personnel to cities across the country to “guarantee peace” on inauguration day.
The government has also detained more than 12 human rights defenders, political activists, and relatives of opposition figures in recent days, according to Amnesty International, a human rights organisation.
The detainments allegedly include Gonzalez’s son-in-law, Rafael Tudares: The presidential candidate said Tudares was abducted by masked men in Caracas on Tuesday.
And on Thursday, Machado herself was detained as she left an anti-Maduro protest, according to opposition officials who said her transportation was fired upon. She was swiftly released.
An uncertain future
The recent arrests have prompted a new swell of international condemnation.
The United States Embassy in Venezuela has called the detention of Gonzalez’s son-in-law an act of “intimidation” against the opposition. Colombian President Gustavo Petro said that the arrests prevented him from attending Maduro’s inauguration on Friday.
Still, Maduro’s control of state institutions has allowed security forces to act with impunity, according to the recent report from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.
Medina himself believes repression in Venezuela may escalate if Maduro remains in power for a third term.
“If we do not achieve freedom, there will be much more persecution,” said Medina. “They will try to put an end to everything that they consider the opposition, including political leaders and the media.”
For now, he added that he hopes to continue his work exposing human rights abuses from abroad.
“What I have decided is that, no matter what, I’ll fight for my country.”
World
As wildfires rage in Los Angeles, Trump doesn't offer much sympathy. He's casting blame.
WASHINGTON (AP) — As cataclysmic wildfires rage across Los Angeles, President-elect Donald Trump hasn’t been offering much sympathy. Instead, he’s claiming he could do a better job managing the crisis, spewing falsehoods and casting blame on the state’s Democratic governor.
Trump has lashed out at his longtime political foe Gov. Gavin Newsom’s forest management policies and falsely claimed the state’s fish conservation efforts are responsible for fire hydrants running dry in urban areas. Referring to the governor by a derisive nickname, Trump said he should resign.
Meanwhile, more than 180,000 people have been under evacuation orders and the fires have consumed more than 45 square miles (116 square kilometers). One that destroyed the neighborhood of Pacific Palisades became the most destructive blaze in Los Angeles history.
Trump v. Newsom: Round 2 was to be expected — the liberal Democrat has long been one of Trump’s biggest foils. But the Western fires are also a sign of something far more grave than a political spat or a fight over fish. Wildfire season is growing ever longer thanks to increasing drought and heat brought on by climate change.
Trump refuses to recognize the environmental dangers, instead blaming increasing natural disasters on his political opponents or on acts of God. He has promised to drill for more oil and cut back on renewable energy.
On Thursday, Trump said on social media that Newsom should “open up the water main” — an overly simplistic solution to a complex problem. “NO MORE EXCUSES FROM THIS INCOMPETENT GOVERNOR,” Trump said, adding, “IT’S ALREADY FAR TOO LATE!”
Standing on the street in a scorched subdivision as a home behind him was engulfed in flames, Newsom responded to the criticism when asked about it by CNN.
“People are literally fleeing. People have lost their lives. Kids lost their schools. Families completely torn asunder. Churches burned down, and this guy wants to politicize it,” Newsom said. “I have a lot of thoughts and I know what I want to say, but I won’t.”
In a post on his Truth Social media network, Trump tried to connect dry hydrants to criticism of the state’s approach to balancing the distribution of water to farms and cities with the need to protect endangered species including the Delta smelt. Trump has sided with farmers over environmentalists in a long-running dispute over California’s scarce water resources. But that debate has nothing to do with the hydrant issue in Los Angeles, driven by an intense demand on a municipal system not designed to battle such blazes.
About 40% of Los Angeles city water comes from state-controlled projects connected to northern California and the state has limited the water it delivers this year. But the southern California reservoirs these canals help feed are at above-average levels for this time of year.
Roughly 20% of hydrants across the city went dry as crews battled blazes, Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass said. Firefighters in Southern California are accustomed to dealing with the strong Santa Ana winds that blow in the fall and winter, but the hurricane-force gusts earlier in the week took them by surprise. The winds grounded firefighting aircraft that should have been making critical water drops, straining the hydrant system.
“This is unlike anything I’ve seen in my 25 years on the fire department,” Los Angeles Fire Capt. Adam VanGerpen told CBS This Morning.
Janisse Quiñones, head of the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power, said the ferocity of the fire made the demand for water four times greater than “we’ve ever seen in the system.”
Hydrants are designed for fighting fires at one or two houses at a time, not hundreds, Quiñones said, and refilling the tanks also requires asking fire departments to pause firefighting efforts.
President Joe Biden, who was in California for an environmental event that ended up being canceled as the fires raged, appeared with Newsom at a Santa Monica firehouse on Wednesday and quickly issued a major disaster declaration for California, releasing some immediate federal funds.
But any additional federal response will be overseen by Trump, who has a history of withholding or delaying federal aid to punish his political enemies.
In September, during a press conference at his Los Angeles golf course, Trump threatened: “We won’t give him money to put out all his fires. And if we don’t give him the money to put out his fires, he’s got problems.”
Trump’s support in California has increased in recent years, which could further embolden him in his tussles with Democratic leaders there. In 2024, he improved on his vote share in Los Angeles and surrounding areas hit by the fires by 4.68 percentage points. And while he still lost the state overall, he grew his overall margin by 4 points compared to the 2020 election.
As for the impact of the fires on Californians, Trump said areas in Beverly Hills and around it were “being decimated” and that he had “many friends living in those houses.” He framed the losses as a potential hit to the state’s finances.
“The biggest homes, some of the most valuable homes in the world are just destroyed. I don’t even know. You talk about a tax base, if those people leave you’re going to lose half your tax base of California,” Trump said.
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Associated Press Writer Maya Sweedler contributed to this report.
World
Thousands of Venezuelan opposition supporters take to the streets ahead of Maduro's third inauguration
- Venezuelan opposition parties and their supporters protested around the country on Thursday in a last-minute effort to put pressure on President Nicolás Maduro, one day before he is due to be sworn in for his third six-year term.
- Maria Corina Machado, Venezuela’s most popular opposition leader, made an appearance for the first time since August when she went into hiding at an unknown location.
- Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, 62, has been in power since 2013.
Venezuelan opposition parties and their supporters – including leader Maria Corina Machado, who had been in hiding – protested around the country on Thursday in an eleventh-hour effort to put pressure on President Nicolás Maduro, one day before he is due to be sworn in for his third six-year term.
The opposition and the ruling party are locked in an ongoing dispute over last year’s presidential election, which they both claim to have won.
The country’s electoral authority and top court say Maduro, whose time in office has been marked by a deep economic and social crisis, won the July vote, though they have never published detailed tallies.
VENEZUELAN OPPOSITION LEADER MARÍA MACHADO HAS URGENT MESSAGE FOR PRESIDENT-ELECT DONALD TRUMP
The government, which has accused the opposition of fomenting fascist plots against it, said it will arrest opposition leader Edmundo Gonzalez should he return to the country and has detained prominent opposition members and activists in the lead-up to the inauguration.
The opposition says Gonzalez, 75, won in a landslide. It has published its own vote tallies as evidence, winning support from governments around the world, including the United States, which consider Gonzalez the president-elect.
Machado, who is the country’s most popular opposition leader but who was barred from running in 2024, joined a protest in Chacao in eastern Caracas at around 2:20 p.m. local time (18:20 GMT), dressed in a white shirt and blue jeans and waving a Venezuelan flag from the top of a truck.
“They lost the streets, which are ours, they are barricaded in Miraflores (presidential palace),” Machado told the crowd. “From today we are in a new phase.”
Her appearance marked her first public outing since August when she went into hiding at an unknown location.
Machado, 57, urged protesters to peacefully flood the streets and repeatedly asked members of the police and military – who guarded polling stations during the election – to back Gonzalez’s victory.
“I’m not afraid, I lost my fear a long time ago,” said 70-year-old Neglis Payares, a retired central bank worker, as she gathered with other opposition supporters in western Caracas in the morning.
“We don’t know how many of them have their heart on our side,” she added, gesturing at security forces who had gathered near the protest.
2 AMERICANS ARRESTED IN VENEZUELA ON EVE OF MADURO INAUGURATION OVER ‘TERRORISM’ CLAIMS
Reuters witnesses estimated some 7,000 people had gathered in Caracas by around 2:20 p.m. local time. In the days after the election, thousands also took to the streets.
Maduro, 62, has been in power since 2013. He has the vociferous support of leaders in the armed forces and the intelligence services, which are run by close allies of powerful Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello.
“I am convinced nothing will happen,” Cabello said on state television on Monday. “But that doesn’t mean we will lower our guard.”
The military’s financial interests make loyalty shifts unlikely, said BancTrust, a London investment bank, in a note. “A limited military rebellion would entail significant risks for those involved, thus diminishing incentives to participate,” it wrote.
‘WE HAVE NO WORK’
Security forces set up checkpoints around the country.
In the western oil city of Maracaibo, an opposition protest of dozens of people was quickly dispersed by motorcycle-mounted security forces by late morning. In central Valencia, protesters gathered at another location after initially being met with tear gas.
Opposition supporters also gathered in San Cristobal, near the border with Colombia, in the western city of Barquisimeto and in eastern Puerto Ordaz.
“I’m here because we need to get rid of this government. We have no money, we have no work,” 62-year-old housewife Roisa Gomez said at a protest in the central city of Maracay. “I’m fighting for my vote, which I cast for Edmundo Gonzalez. They cannot steal the election.”
Soon afterward, security forces used tear gas to disperse the Maracay protesters.
Many of the demonstrators were of retirement age and said they wanted change so their migrant children and grandchildren would return to the country. More than 7 million Venezuelans live abroad.
The ruling party was holding rival marches nationwide, images of which were broadcast on state television.
“We’ve come out to show that there is a democracy. On this side are the patriots who will be sworn in with Nicolas (Maduro), on the other side are fascists who want (foreign) intervention, war, to sell their country,” said 50-year-old Caracas motorcycle taxi driver Manual Rincon.
Gonzalez, who has been on a tour of the Americas this week and met with U.S. President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump’s national security advisor, has repeatedly pledged to return to Venezuela but given no details about how.
An arrest warrant was issued for Gonzalez for alleged conspiracy, prompting his September flight to Spain.
Machado is being investigated by the attorney general in at least two cases, but no warrant for her has been made public.
The government has detained several high-profile politicians and activists, including a former presidential candidate. This week, the attorney general’s office said it had freed more than 1,500 of the 2,000 people, including teenagers, detained during post-election protests.
Venezuelans living abroad also held protests, including in Madrid, where Gonzalez’s daughter Carolina Gonzalez spoke to hundreds of demonstrators.
“My dad sends a hug to all of you, glory to the brave people of Venezuela,” she said, her voice breaking.
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