World
How Israel Is Taking Control of Southern Lebanon
Few parts of southern Lebanon remain untouched by the war.
Entire villages have emptied after Israel issued sweeping evacuation warnings for nearly all of the south. Israeli airstrikes have destroyed homes, severed bridges and razed parts of towns. Israeli ground forces have advanced deeper into southern Lebanon, clashing with Hezbollah militants in the rugged, hilly terrain.
The war has brought intense uncertainty to the south, a predominantly Shiite Muslim area dominated by Hezbollah for decades.
This week, Israeli officials offered their most explicit plan to date to occupy a swath of southern Lebanon from the border up to the Litani River after the ground invasion ends. That would amount to about 10 percent of the entire country. Israeli officials have said they aim to establish a “security zone” to prevent the territory from being used to attack Israel.
The hundreds of thousands of displaced Lebanese who fled the south will not be allowed to return to their homes until the “safety and security of northern Israeli residents is ensured,” the defense minister, Israel Katz, said on Tuesday.
Lebanon’s government has condemned Israel’s military campaign and appealed to the international community to intervene. Last week, Prime Minister Nawaf Salam warned the U.N. secretary general, António Guterres, about the risk of Israel annexing the territory south of the Litani River.
Razing border villages
Mr. Katz reiterated on Tuesday that Israel’s plan in southern Lebanon includes demolishing entire Lebanese towns on the border.
Many of Lebanon’s border villages were devastated in the previous escalation of fighting in 2024. At least six villages saw widespread destruction in that war. Israeli airstrikes that persisted after the cease-fire made it virtually impossible for residents to rebuild in those villages.
“There was nothing to return to” after the last war in 2024, said Alaa Suleiman, 40, who fled from his home Kfar Kila, a village along the border with Israel. “Even when people tried to put up prefabricated houses, they were targeted by strikes. It meant we had no hope of ever returning.”
Since the latest war broke out last month after Hezbollah fired rockets at Israel in solidarity with Tehran, Israel has appeared to accelerate its destruction of the border towns.
One video circulating on social media and verified by The New York Times shows several large simultaneous explosions on March 17 in Aita al-Shaab, which is about a mile from the border. Satellite images viewed by The Times from later that day confirmed the damage to the area. The town was already heavily hit in 2024.
The destruction of communities along the border is part of a deliberate strategy by the Israeli military, according to Mr. Katz, who said that the practice of flattening homes in southern Lebanon is “following the Rafah and Beit Hanoun model in Gaza.” There, Israel used bulldozers and controlled demolitions to erase entire neighborhoods.
Bombing bridges
In March, the Israeli military demolished most of the key bridges across the Litani River, in what it said was an effort to prevent Hezbollah from moving reinforcements and combat equipment to southern Lebanon. The waterway, which is as much as 20 miles from the Israeli border at its furthest point, has long marked the dividing line between southern Lebanon and the rest of the country.
Much of the Litani River is situated at the base of a ravine, making the bridges critical — both for civilians still living in the south to leave as well as for medical supplies, food and other essentials to reach those who have remained.
By blowing up the major bridges connecting northern Lebanon to the south, Israel has forced civilian traffic onto a handful of smaller crossings. Should Israel target those crossings, southern Lebanon would be almost entirely severed from the north.
Israeli officials have not made clear whether the military will reach the river itself or only control it from afar, nor how long the military intends to stay there.
A video filmed by Reuters and verified by The Times shows several fiery explosions across a large bridge in Qasmiyeh, in the south of Lebanon. Dark clouds of smoke can be seen rising into the air, along with debris.
Ground assault
After the previous war between Hezbollah and Israel ended in a cease-fire agreement in late 2024, the Israeli military occupied five outposts near the border inside Lebanon.
Since the start of a new war, Israel has sent in at least 5,000 ground troops, according to two Israeli officials who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to the media.
Satellite images analyzed by The Times showed Israeli vehicles in new military positions in four Lebanese towns near the Israeli border. As of late March, vehicles were not visible much deeper into Lebanese territory than where Israeli troops previously reached during the 2024 ground invasion.
In the border town of Khiam, images reveal razed areas and destroyed buildings in various parts of the town.
A mix of Merkava tanks and armored personnel carriers are visible in the images, said Jeremy Binnie, Middle East defense specialist at Janes, a London-based defense intelligence firm.
News of the destruction in Khiam has stirred alarm among residents, nearly all of whom fled when the war broke out.
“After the last war, we rebuilt our home. We said it’s over. And now it’s all being destroyed again,” said Ali Akkar, 78, who was displaced from his home in Khiam. “In the last war, we had some hope to return home. Now we have none.”
Satellite imagery verified by The Times also suggests that there was an Israeli military presence at a hospital near Meiss al-Jabal, a town near the Israel-Lebanon border. Satellite imagery showed what appeared to be armored vehicles in various positions around the hospital complex.
While it has been possible to access satellite imagery from southern Lebanon, cloud coverage obscured the visibility of many areas after March 18, making more recent positions of Israeli forces in Lebanon harder to independently verify.
Targeting infrastructure
Israeli airstrikes have also hit homes, gas stations, money exchanges and other civilian infrastructure that the Israeli military says are being used by Hezbollah.
Israel struck in March at least four fuel stations run by the Al-Amana Petroleum Company, a major fuel distributor that was previously placed under U.S. sanctions for its alleged links to Hezbollah. Israeli officials say these stations are “significant economic infrastructure” for the group.
Video filmed by Agence France-Presse showed the damage to a gas station between the cities of Naqoura and Tyre, in southwest Lebanon. A sign hangs from the roof, which is partially damaged, and a large crater is visible on the pavement.
While Israeli officials say the gas stations help fund Hezbollah, they have also benefited many Lebanese. At times, they have sold fuel at subsidized prices, making them a lifeline for poorer people as the war in Iran drives up fuel costs.
The devastation has anguished residents of the south who have fled and watched from afar as their towns and villages have been destroyed.
“There’s so much more destruction, more fighting, the stakes of this war are much higher than the last one,” said Hooda Rajab, 28, who was displaced from her home on the outskirts of Khiam. “Now we’re asking: Will we ever be able to return home? Even if we can, will there be anything for us to return to?”
World
Michigan’s Dominance Poses Threat to NCAA Title Game Ratings
As much as cable’s dwindling reach presents an obvious challenge to pay-TV advertisers, Michigan’s tendency to blow out its opponents may prove to be the biggest drain on the audience deliveries for Monday night’s national championship game.
The Wolverines have buzzsawed through the 2025-26 hoops campaign on rampage mode, racking up the fourth-biggest scoring average for a Power Four team (87.8 points per game), or nearly 11 points higher than UConn’s output (76.9). And if Michigan seemed averse to taking its foot off the gas during the regular season, Dusty May’s squad has all but tear-assed its way through March Madness, becoming the first-ever team to score 90 points or better in each of its five tournament games.
Michigan’s offense has been particularly relentless down the stretch—so much so that its last two games were effectively decided before the half. The Wolverines were up 48-26 against Tennessee after the first 20-minute stretch of their Elite Eight matchup, which did CBS no favors. Per Nielsen, the Sunday afternoon broadcast averaged 7.49 million viewers, a far cry from the 13.4 million viewers who took in UConn-Duke in the lead-out window. (And let this be a lesson to fair-weather fans who bail at the midway mark: While the Huskies were down 44-29 at the half, they would go on to Laettner their way to a delirious 73-72 victory, courtesy of Braylon Mullins’ 35-foot buzzer beater.)
After Michigan dispatched the Vols by a 33-point margin, the Big Ten outfit did a similar number on fellow No. 1 seed Arizona in the Final Four. At the half, the Wolverines had established a 48-32 lead over the Wildcats, and, thanks in part to a 26-12 advantage in points off turnovers, Michigan would propel itself to the title game with a suspense-free 91-73 win.
All told, Michigan has posted a relentless 21.6-point average margin of victory in the tourney since it breezed past Howard 101-80 in the opening round. That game averaged 4.52 million viewers on CBS.
Through the Final Four, Michigan in this year’s tourney has averaged 94.4 points per game while allowing its opponents to put up 72.8. UConn’s offense hasn’t been nearly as prolific, averaging 73.2 points per game, although its D has been downright miserly. Over the last five games, the Huskies have ceded a stingy 65.0 points per outing. That said, Michigan is a 6.5-point favorite—which, as it just so happens, are the same odds UConn boasted ahead of the opening tip of the 2023 and 2024 championship games.
Speaking of which, those two games were the least-watched title tilts on record, as UConn’s 76-59 defeat of San Diego State in 2023 averaged 14.7 million viewers on CBS, while the following year’s 75-60 win over Purdue eked out 133,000 more impressions.
UConn has never been a huge TV draw, as its 2004 win over Georgia Tech averaged a relatively meager 17.1 million viewers, down from 18.6 million for the previous year’s Syracuse-Kansas game and off 28% compared to Maryland-Indiana in 2002 (23.7 million). That said, the Huskies’ first national title appearance averaged 26.3 million viewers in 1999, although its opponent—Mike Krzyzewski’s Duke Blue Devils—have long been the college game’s star attraction. Duke’s 1992 victory over Michigan averaged a staggering 34.3 million viewers, making it the second most-watched college basketball game in history. (Top honors go to the Bird vs. Magic/Indiana State-Michigan State slugfest in 1979, which averaged 35.1 million viewers on NBC.)
Of course, UConn has a whole lot of history on its side, having never lost a title in six trips. While the North Carolina Tar Heels have matched the Huskies in the W column, UNC has also lost a half-dozen championship bouts. Kentucky is 8-4, with its last victory coming against Kansas in 2012, while even mighty UCLA tasted defeat twice in the course of amassing a record 11 crowns. John Wooden’s program ran up a perfect 10-0 mark from 1964 to 1975.
If UConn manages to preserve its unblemished streak, TNT Sports may have a shot at coming within shooting distance of last year’s Florida-Houston turnout (18.1 million viewers). As much as cable’s reach puts TBS et al at something of a disadvantage, it’s worth noting that CBS has the dubious distinction of drawing the all-time low in 2023. Still, the gap separating the broadcast networks from their cable counterparts is not inconsiderable; including those fans who access their favorite cable channels via a virtual MVPD, the reach of the TNT Sports portfolio now lags the old school over-the-air nets by more than 20 million households.
Michigan appeared in three of the 10 most-watched games of the regular season, so a close contest could go a long way toward boosting Monday night’s TV numbers. And clearly there’s been interest throughout this year’s tourney, which through the Elite Eight is averaging a 33-year high of 10.3 million viewers per window. Deliveries are up 9% versus the year-ago stretch, and while Nielsen’s upgraded ratings methodology is responsible for some of those gains, the fact that CBS and the TNT sports nets have met their March Madness guarantees is the only thing that really matters to their advertisers.
In the absence of any significant makegoods, the media partners are on pace to split more than $1 billion in total advertising revenue. If UConn and Michigan can keep things close on Monday night, the broadcast network and its cable colleagues will have a real shot at making a profit, as the combined rights fee for this year’s tourney was $1.02 billion. A nailbiter will also go a long way toward justifying the inevitable hike in next year’s pricing, which will be necessitated by yet another bump in the NCAA payout.
In 2027, the fee will reach $1.05 billion. By the time the 2030 rolls around, escalators will push the buy-in to $1.17 billion—up 14.2% compared to this year’s rate.
World
Mauro compares Iran rescue of missing colonel to Maduro capture, credits intelligence preparation
CIA deception operation rescues missing US airman in Iran
Paul Mauro, Fox News contributor, explains the intricate Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) deception operation that rescued a U.S. airman missing for over 36 hours in Iran. The CIA used fabricated information to mislead Iranian searchers while precisely locating and extracting the airman. Mauro emphasizes the crucial role of human intelligence (HUMINT) and synchronized efforts, underscoring that intelligence, despite technological advances, fundamentally relies on people.
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U.S. intelligence agencies had already done the groundwork needed to locate a missing colonel inside Iran, Paul Mauro said Monday, arguing the operation relied on intelligence gathered well before the mission began.
“You’ve got to collect, you collect, you collect and a lot of it sometimes you’re never going to use,” Mauro told “Fox & Friends.”
“The key is when you need it, it has to be there.”
Mauro pointed to the Maduro case, which unfolded at the behest of the Trump administration in January, noting U.S. forces’ ability to pinpoint where the Venezuelan dictator and his wife were going to be at the time in order to make an effective capture.
RESCUE EXPERT SAYS MOST DANGEROUS MOMENT COMES AFTER ‘JACKPOT’ CALL IN RECOVERY BEHIND ENEMY LINES
War Secretary Pete Hegseth shakes the hand of an American airman on a covert CENTCOM visit with troops in theater. (War Secretary/X)
“They got him as they were running to a safe room without a scratch. Everybody comes out without a scratch,” he said.
“They got them as they were fleeing. That’s how detailed the messaging was, and that’s how synchronized the operation was.”
Mauro said that same level of preparation and coordination was on display in the Iran mission, where U.S. forces rescued a missing U.S. weapons systems officer from a downed F-15E following a multi-day search inside enemy territory.
TRUMP CALLS RESCUE OF DOWNED AIR FORCE PILOT AN ‘EASTER MIRACLE’
Artificial intelligence is a big factor in the Iran war and Iran realizes it. (iStock)
U.S. intelligence was able to act quickly to retrieve the missing colonel once his location was confirmed.
“[This] was one of those situations where the bell rang. ‘Guys, what [have] you got?’ President turns around, [War Secretary] Hegseth turns around, [and] they all talk to [CIA Director John] Ratcliffe and they say, ‘What [have] you got, director?’ and fortunately it was there.”
Mauro said the operation highlights a broader fact about intelligence work that is apparent to those working within its community: its success comes down to the people running the sources.
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“At the end of the day… it comes down to people,” he said.
“If you think that you can sit in a cubicle someplace and get everything you need to be done, that’s not how it’s going to go. You need people in country, in dangerous areas, Americans working on our behalf that you’ll never hear about… they’re running the sources so that, again, when you need it, they say, ‘My source is good.’“
World
US Supreme Court clears path for Steve Bannon criminal case dismissal
Bannon, an ally of US President Donald Trump, served a four-month prison sentence after his 2022 conviction for contempt of Congress.
Published On 6 Apr 2026
The United States Supreme Court has cleared the way for the Justice Department to move forward with dismissing a criminal case against Steve Bannon, a key ally of President Donald Trump, who was convicted after refusing to testify or provide documents to Congress despite being issued a subpoena.
The department’s request to drop Bannon’s case was one of multiple actions it has taken that have benefited allies and supporters of the Republican president since Trump returned to office last year.
Bannon served a four-month prison sentence after being convicted in 2022 on two counts of contempt of Congress for refusing to provide documents or testify to the House committee investigating the January 6, 2021, attack on the US Capitol by Trump supporters.
Trump’s Justice Department, in urging the Supreme Court to toss the lower court’s decision, told the justices in court papers that it has determined that dismissing Bannon’s case “is in the interests of justice”. The department had already filed a motion to dismiss the case at the trial court level.
Evan Corcoran, a lawyer for Bannon, welcomed the Supreme Court’s action on Monday.
“It has been one battle after another for five years, but today the Supreme Court vacated an unjust conviction, and in doing so validated a fundamental rule – like oil and water, politics and prosecution don’t mix,” Corcoran said.
A dismissal would remove Bannon’s conviction from the record, but would have little practical impact because he has already served his sentence.
Who is Steve Bannon?
Bannon, 72, served as a key adviser to Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign and his chief White House strategist in 2017 during Trump’s first term in office before a falling out between them that was later patched up.
Bannon was released from prison a week before Trump’s victory over Democrat Kamala Harris in the 2024 US presidential election.
Bannon cast himself as a political prisoner and told reporters upon his release, “I am far from broken. I have been empowered by my four months at Danbury federal prison.”
Bannon resumed hosting his “War Room” podcast.
A firebrand, Bannon helped articulate the “America First” right-wing populism and stout opposition to immigration that has helped define Trump’s presidency.
Bannon has played an instrumental role in right-wing media, promoting right-wing causes and candidates in the US and abroad.
Lawyers for Bannon raised various legal arguments to contest the subpoena, including issues related to executive privilege, a legal principle that lets a president keep certain communications private, and the congressional committee’s authority to issue the subpoena.
Trump also pardoned many people convicted in connection with the January 6 US Capitol riot, as well as several political allies facing other criminal cases related to efforts to overturn the 2020 election, which Trump lost to former US President Joe Biden.
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