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TikTok knew livestreams exploited kids — but turned a blind eye and ‘profited significantly’: Utah suit

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TikTok knew livestreams exploited kids — but turned a blind eye and ‘profited significantly’: Utah suit


TikTok has long known its video livestreams encourage sexual conduct and exploit children yet turned a blind eye because it “profited significantly” from them, according to newly unsealed material in a lawsuit by the state of Utah.

The accusations were made public on Friday, ahead of a scheduled Jan. 19 ban on TikTok in the United States unless its China-based owner, ByteDance, sells the popular social media app.

President-elect Donald Trump has asked the US Supreme Court to put that ban on hold. 

TikTok has long known its video livestreams encourage sexual conduct and exploit children yet turned a blind eye because it “profited significantly” from them, according to newly unsealed material in a lawsuit. AFP via Getty Images

TikTok, for its part, has said it prioritizes safe livestreaming.

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Utah’s original lawsuit accusing TikTok of exploiting children was filed last June by the state’s Division of Consumer Protection, with state Attorney General Sean Reyes saying the TikTok Live streaming feature created a “virtual strip club” by connecting victims to adult predators in real time.

Citing internal TikTok employee communications and compliance reports, Friday’s largely unredacted complaint said TikTok learned of the threats Live posed through a series of internal reviews into the feature.

It said a probe known as Project Meramec uncovered in early 2022 how hundreds of thousands of 13-to-15-year-olds bypassed Live’s minimum-age restrictions.

It said many children were then allegedly “groomed” by adults to perform sexual acts, sometimes involving nudity, in exchange for virtual gifts.

The complaint also said a probe launched in 2021, Project Jupiter, found that criminals used Live to launder money, sell drugs and fund terrorism including by Islamic State.

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According to the complaint, a probe known as Project Meramec uncovered in early 2022 how hundreds of thousands of 13-to-15-year-olds bypassed Live’s minimum-age restrictions. Shutterstock

In addition, an internal December 2023 study “documented what TikTok admits is ‘the cruelty’ of maintaining Live with its current risks for minors on the app,” the complaint said.

User safety

TikTok had fought the disclosures, citing confidentiality concerns and its interest in “preventing potential bad actors from getting a roadmap” to misuse the app.

A Utah state judge, Coral Sanchez, ordered the release of much of the previously redacted material on Dec. 19.

“This lawsuit ignores the number of proactive measures that TikTok has voluntarily implemented to support community safety and well-being,” a TikTok spokesperson said on Friday.

“Instead, the complaint cherry-picks misleading quotes and outdated documents and presents them out of context, which distorts our commitment to the safety of our community,” the spokesperson added.

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Utah Attorney General Sean Reyes says the TikTok Live streaming feature created a “virtual strip club” by connecting victims to adult predators in real time. AP

In October, a bipartisan group of 13 states and Washington, DC, separately sued TikTok for allegedly exploiting children and addicting them to the app.

“Social media is too often the tool for exploiting America’s young people,” Reyes said in a statement on Friday.

“Thanks to Judge Sanchez’s ruling, more of TikTok’s shocking conduct will now be public through this unredacted complaint,” he added. “(The) full extent of its culpability can be demonstrated at trial.”

President Joe Biden signed a law authorizing the TikTok ban last April, addressing concern TikTok could gather intelligence on American users and share it with the Chinese government.

The Supreme Court will hear arguments on whether to put the ban on hold on Jan. 10. It is expected to rule quickly.

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Walker Kessler’s Desired Extension Price With Utah Jazz Surfaces

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Walker Kessler’s Desired Extension Price With Utah Jazz Surfaces


It looks like we might have a general ballpark of what type of contract extension numbers Walker Kessler was seeking from the Utah Jazz before the 2025-26 NBA season when negotiations were ongoing.

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According to a batch of NBA rumors from Grant Afseth of DallasHoopsJournal, Kessler was said to have desired upwards of $120 million in total value for his next contract, a price that Utah was seemingly unwilling to match.

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“In contract discussions with the Jazz, Kessler sought upwards of $120 million in total compensation for a long-term contract extension, sources told , but Utah was unwilling to commit to that price range,” Afseth wrote. “There was a clear gap in talks between Kessler and Utah,’ one source said.”

It’s an interesting nugget thrown into the situation is Kessler’s pending new contract, offering a bit of insight into what exactly was expected from Kessler’s camp in the negotiations for a second deal with the Jazz.

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Kessler Was Searching for $120M From Utah Jazz

Earlier this summer, it initially seemed as if the expected outcome would be for the Jazz and Kessler to hammer out a new rookie extension to ink him on for the next four-to-five years.

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But instead, Utah wanted to prioritize having that cap flexibility until next summer rolled around; ultimately leaving their fourth-year big man to play out the final year of his deal, then hit restricted free agency in 2026.

That’s exactly what would transpire, but it wouldn’t take long for Kessler’s fourth season in the mix to be quickly derailed, as he would go down with season-ending shoulder surgery just five games into the year, now leaving him to prepare for the 2026-27 campaign, and cutting a pivotal contract year short.

Before getting injured this season to be sidelined for the entire year, Kessler played five games where he averaged a career-best 14.4 points a game, along with 10.8 rebounds, 3.0 assists, and 1.8 block in just over 30 minutes a night.

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Oct 22, 2025; Salt Lake City, Utah, USA; Los Angeles Clippers guard Cam Christie (12) drives against Utah Jazz center Walker Kessler (24) during the second half at Delta Center. Mandatory Credit: Rob Gray-Imagn Images | Rob Gray-Imagn Images

It’s not exactly concrete of exactly what Kessler was searching on that new contract, but a $150 million value over the next five years would place him into the top-12 highest paid centers in the NBA per AAV.

That’s a hefty price to pay, no doubt. But for one of the more appealing young rim protectors around the league who’s gotten better every season, that might be a deal one team may be willing to pay him on the restricted free agency market, which would then force the Jazz to match that $30 million annually to keep him on their own roster.

Inevitably, the Jazz and Kessler will hit the negotiation table once again this summer as the two sides try to remain paired together for the long haul. Then, time will tell if they’ll be able to come to that long-awaited agreement to lock him into a fresh contract for what could be the next half-decade.

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Commentary: Recalling the Christmas of Catholic nuns and slave cabin singers

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Commentary: Recalling the Christmas of Catholic nuns and slave cabin singers


It’s not easy to pick the most memorable Christmas in Salt Lake City history.

There was, of course, that first Dec. 25 in Utah for the Mormon pioneers. They worked on Christmas Day 1847 but paused briefly for a simple feast.

The original Catholic church in Utah — the old St. Mary Magdalene on 200 East between South Temple and 100 South — hosted the city’s first Christmas midnight mass in December 1871.

The Salt Lake Tribune helped launch the tradition of downtown holiday decorating in 1945 and the old ZCMI store (where Macy’s now sits) on Main Street started decorating its windows with Christmas candy in the early 1970s. Temple Square’s Christmas light displays began in 1965.

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The Tabernacle Choir at Temple Square did not perform annual Christmas concerts until 2000. Willam Christensen choreographed “The Nutcracker” in California in 1944 but first brought it to Utah a decade later.

And memorable for all the wrong reasons, just after noon on Dec. 25, 1859, Salt Lakers had to dodge dozens of bullets from a Christmas Day gunfight that raged up and down Main Street.

Although all these holidays were unique, December 1875 stands out for me. It was the Christmas of Catholic nuns and slave cabin singers.

The Holy Cross sisters arrive

The Holy Cross Sisters had first arrived here from their convent in Notre Dame, Indiana, six months earlier. Sister Raymond (Mary) Sullivan and Sister Augusta (Amanda) Anderson traveled to Salt Lake City via train and stagecoach at the invitation of Father Lawrence Scanlan (soon to be Utah’s bishop), and more followed.

Scanlan hoped the nuns would help his fledgling Catholic community build schools and meet other human and spiritual needs. They did just that.

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A few years earlier, Sister Augusta had started her Holy Cross work as a Civil War nurse. She managed two Union army hospitals so well in the 1860s that Gen. Ulysses S. Grant exclaimed, “What a wonderful woman she is. She can control the men better than I can.”

Utah bard Gerald (Gary) McDonough’s aunt was a Holy Cross Sister, too, but a few years later. In his poem “Porch Nuns,” McDonough colorfully described the long black Holy Cross robes, also donned by pioneers like Sister Augusta.

Calling their veils “corrugated halos that circled their heads, Like broad white-walled tires,” he explained that whenever they visited his family, intrigued Latter-day Saint neighbors would emerge to watch “the giant emperor penguins, milling about the McDonoughs’ front porch.”

One can only imagine how unusual it was for the Salt Lake City Latter-day Saints to see those “giant emperor penguins” milling about downtown for the first time during the Christmas season of 1875.

That December, the women of St. Mary Magdalene church organized a fair to raise money for the new Holy Cross Hospital. A large crowd — including Catholics and Latter-day Saints — attended.

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The Tribune called it the “greatest attraction of the season,” one with music, plays, shooting galleries, “richly furnished refreshment tables,” and a “magnificent display of skillfully and delicately wrought fancy articles” for sale.

‘The Tennesseans’ perform

(Wikimedia Commons) Tennesseans concert poster shows Donavin’s original Tennessean slave cabin singers.

During the same week the grand fair was open, a popular singing group called “the Tennesseans” was in town as part of a national tour.

Contemporary newspaper articles and advertisements described the Tennesseans as “slave cabin singers” who performed “old plantation melodies and camp meeting hymns” from the South. These college students who once were slaves earned rave reviews wherever they sang.

After watching them perform, The Tribune said the widespread praise for the Tennesseans was well deserved. The Utah Evening Mail proclaimed them better than “any singers that have visited Salt Lake,” and the Deseret News called them the “most superb colored company in America.”

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(The Salt Lake Tribune) December 1875 Tribune ad for the Tennesseans’ December 1875 concerts in Salt Lake City.

One evening just before Christmas, right after the Tennesseans had finished a concert at the old Salt Lake Theatre, they stopped by the fair. To the crowd’s delight, they sang a couple of songs.

And then they did something that made the Christmas of 1875 one of the most memorable in Utah history. The former slaves serenaded the Holy Cross Sisters.

The Tribune reported that the Tennesseans sang some of “their finest melodies” to honor “Mother Augusta for her services in checking the Negro massacre at Fort Pillow during the war.” The Utah Evening Mail called the impromptu concert “an expression of gratitude” to the Holy Cross Sisters whose “humane services in aiding to suppress the Fort Pillow massacre” and whose “uniform devotion to the relief of the soldiers” would never be forgotten.

About the massacre

(Wikimedia Commons) A hand-colored 1892 print of the Battle of Fort Pillow by Kurz and Allison, a well-known Chicago firm specializing in colorful and dramatic chromolithograph prints of American historical events. The original is in the Library of Congress.

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In April 1864, Confederates massacred hundreds of Black Union soldiers stationed at a fortress the rebels had conquered in Tennessee. Sister Augusta cared for the surviving Fort Pillow victims at a nearby hospital she supervised.

It was difficult work.

Sister Augusta’s journal describes the appalling conditions of that hospital when she arrived: “Although we were tired and sick for want of sleep, there was no rest for us. We pinned up our habits, got brooms and buckets of water, and washed the bloodstained walls and scrubbed the floors. … The hospital was full of sick and wounded, but after some days, we succeeded in getting it comparatively clean.”

Notre Dame President Father William Corby — the chaplain of the Irish Brigade that famously fought at the Battle of Gettysburg — noted the full measure of Sister Augusta’s devotion: “The labors and self-sacrifices of the [Holy Cross] Sisters during the war need no praise here. Their praise is on the lips of every surviving soldier who experienced their kind and careful administrations.”

The grateful Tennesseans also remembered and thanked the Holy Cross Sisters with the gift of music. I cannot say for certain just what they sang 150 years ago in Salt Lake City during that most unusual Christmas of 1875. But I like to think that as the stars and the moon bathed the Wasatch foothills with a soft white light, the lovely lyrics of one song in particular — an old spiritual also born on a Southern plantation — rose gently into the crisp winter air and echoed off the snow-covered Oquirrh slopes, perhaps for the first time:

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When I was a seeker,

I sought both night and day.

I asked the Lord to help me,

And he showed me the way.

Go tell it on the mountain,

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Over the hills and everywhere,

Go tell it on the mountain,

That Jesus Christ is born!

(Courtesy photo)
Writer and attorney Michael Patrick O’Brien.

Note to readers Michael Patrick O’Brien is a writer and attorney living in Salt Lake City who frequently represents The Salt Lake Tribune in legal matters. His book “Monastery Mornings: My Unusual Boyhood Among the Saints and Monks,” was chosen by the League of Utah Writers as the best nonfiction book in 2022. His new holiday novel, tentatively titled “The Merry Matchmaker Monks of Shamrock Valley,” will be published in time for Christmas 2026. He blogs at theboymonk.com.

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Utah repeals ban on collective bargaining for teachers, firefighters, police unions

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Utah repeals ban on collective bargaining for teachers, firefighters, police unions


SALT LAKE CITY — Utah has repealed a collective bargaining ban passed earlier this year that prevented labor unions serving teachers, firefighters, police and other public employees from negotiating on behalf of their workers.

Republican Gov. Spencer Cox on Thursday approved the repeal of a policy that experts had called one of the most restrictive labor laws in the country.

The state’s Republican-controlled Legislature originally approved the policy in February, saying it was needed to allow employers to engage directly with all employees, instead of communicating through a union representative. Thousands of union members from the public and private sector rallied outside Cox’s office for a week, urging him to veto the bill, which he decided to sign.

Pushback continued in the months after it became law, with the Legislature ultimately deciding on a reversal during a special session this month.

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Republican state Rep. Jordan Teuscher, the original House sponsor, said the repeal “allows us to step back, to lower the temperature and to create space for a clearer and more constructive conversation.”

He maintained that it was a “good policy” that has been “overshadowed by misinformation and unnecessary division.”

The decision comes as Utah Republicans are preparing to defend their four U.S. House seats in the 2026 midterm elections under a new congressional map that creates a heavily Democratic-leaning district in the Salt Lake City area.

A repeal helps Republicans appease the many police officers and firefighters — groups that often lean conservative — who were frustrated by the ban.

State employees were still allowed to join unions under the law, but the unions could not formally negotiate on their behalf for better wages and working conditions.

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Many public educators, the state’s most frequent users of collective bargaining, viewed the policy as way for Republicans to weaken teachers unions and clear a path for their own education agenda.

Teachers unions have been outspoken opponents of Republican policies in Utah and other states where lawmakers have sought to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion programs, expand school choice vouchers and restrict transgender bathroom use and sports participation in schools.

Union leaders celebrated the repeal and the work of their members who rallied opposition to the law.

Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, and Brad Asay, the Utah chapter leader, called the repeal “a historic step in the right direction to return respect and dignity to the workers of Utah.”



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