Utah
Deep red Utah wants to keep voting by mail • Stateline
When it comes to voting by mail, Utah is not your typical deep red state.
In 2020, when many states scrambled to implement mail-in voting so voters had a safe way to cast a ballot during the pandemic, Utah already had a system.
Republican conspiracy theories questioning the integrity of voting by mail in the tumultuous aftermath of the 2020 election never rang true for most Utahns. They’d been testing the system for years and found it trustworthy and convenient.
In Utah, that appreciation has stuck in the four years since, despite several legislative attempts by Republicans to curb residents’ access to mail-in ballots.
Again this year, members of the Republican supermajority in Salt Lake City joined Democrats in rejecting attempts to curb the state’s universal vote-by-mail system. The failed bills would have added a new deadline for turning in ballots and required voters to request mail-in ballots rather than having them sent automatically.
There’s a different story playing out nationally. Former President Donald Trump, the presumptive 2024 Republican nominee, has — without evidence — lambasted the voting process as being rife with fraud and has blamed it for rigging elections for his opponents. Republican lawmakers around the country have listened to him.
Republican-led states have restricted access to voting by mail through tighter deadlines, limiting who can request a mail-in ballot and eliminating drop boxes. Utah, though, continues to back its approach to ballot access, as bipartisan opponents turned aside efforts to restrict mail-in voting.
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The mistrust of an unfamiliar voting method that dominated other red states’ politics never landed fully in Utah, said TJ Ellerbeck, executive director of the Rural Utah Project, a group that advocates for Native American and rural voters.
“Most average voters in Utah don’t think that there’s anything wrong that needs to be fixed,” Ellerbeck said. “The ideas that are put forth by a handful of legislators in states across the country just really don’t reflect what people actually think about our voting system.”
Some of the Republican lawmakers behind proposed mail-voting restrictions in Utah concede that point, even as they try to navigate the prevailing mood in their party. In order to restore confidence in elections, the argument goes, voting rules must be tightened.
Republican state Rep. Norm Thurston, for example, proposed a measure that would have required that mailed ballots get to county clerks on Election Day, instead of merely being postmarked by Election Day. That would have cut into potential voters’ time to make their decisions and added uncertainty in rural areas with slower mail service.
“In Utah, I don’t know that we have a particular problem,” Thurston said in an interview.
“But one of my concerns is making sure that our voters have confidence that our voting process is not flawed or vulnerable,” he said. “We want people to know our process is solid and that people can have trust in how things are going to turn out.”
In Utah, though, voter confidence is high.
We have a very vibrant voting system in Utah. We have been able to prove that we are a model for the nation on mailed ballots.
– Katharine Biele, president of the League of Women Voters of Utah
According to a January poll commissioned by the Sutherland Institute, a Utah-based conservative think tank, 76% of likely 2024 voters in the state think the vote-by-mail process produces fair outcomes.
“There’s a political momentum on the Republican side to put more restrictions on it,” said Derek Monson, chief growth officer at the Sutherland Institute. “But it’s up against this experiential reality that people like it, they’re familiar with it, they’re confident in it.”
In the large, rural state, whose southeastern end includes a slice of the Navajo Nation, voting by mail allows remote voters who may be hours from a polling place to conveniently cast their ballots. Even before the pandemic, Utah was one of four states (Colorado, Hawaii and Oregon were the others) where nearly all voters used mail-in ballots, keeping only a handful of vote centers open for people to drop them off in person. Today, Utah is the sole Republican state among the eight states (plus the District of Columbia) that send mail-in ballots to every voter.
“We have a very vibrant voting system in Utah,” said Katharine Biele, president of the League of Women Voters of Utah. “We have been able to prove that we are a model for the nation on mailed ballots.”
So far, Utah has resisted attempts at making major changes to its vote-by-mail system. But voting rights advocates are not breathing easy.
“Utah is not immune,” said Ellerbeck. “It’s a fight we’re winning, but we haven’t won.”
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There are some members of the legislature who, like Thurston, want to add limits in the name of improving accuracy and integrity of elections. Utah wouldn’t be alone among states that have tighter rules around voting by mail, even in states led by Democrats.
He got the idea for his legislation, he said, during a National Conference of State Legislatures summit. There, he heard that blue Colorado, which also has a vote-by-mail system, requires that ballots be received by county clerks by 7 p.m. on Election Day.
“We were trying to figure out if there is a way that we can accelerate the finalization of the election with the goal of giving more people confidence that our election processes is safe,” said Thurston, who added that he returns his ballot early through a drop box, not trusting the mail.
Hundreds of supporters of voting by mail showed up at the committee hearing for his bill in January; they argued that a change in long-standing procedure could confuse and potentially disenfranchise voters who have slow mail in rural areas.
After the bill was held in committee by a unanimous vote, including by Thurston, committee leaders didn’t take up another bill that would have limited voting by mail.
Thurston said he understood the concerns local election officials and voters voiced about changing deadlines, acknowledging that it might require a “massive” voter awareness campaign, which could be expensive and difficult.
Similar objections were raised in 2022, when one Republican lawmaker attempted to scrap the state’s vote-by-mail system and return to in-person voting. That bill also failed to advance out of committee, with several Republicans joining Democrats to defeat it.
Voting by mail remains at risk in many other states.
Last month, the Republican-led Arizona House passed a bill that would limit mail-in voting to people with disabilities, military members and older people, with limited exceptions for people temporarily out of the state. The bill is awaiting a committee hearing in the state Senate.
Meanwhile, at least two dozen other states are exploring further limits this year, though few if any have been signed into law. Last year, 14 states enacted 17 restrictive voting laws that included banning ballot drop boxes, requiring more information to receive mail-in ballots and shortening deadlines for turning in absentee ballots, according to the Brennan Center for Justice, a New York-based voting rights advocacy organization.
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Even in Utah, new hurdles to voting have emerged in recent years.
In 2022, Republican Gov. Spencer Cox signed into law a measure that requires 24-hour video surveillance of ballot drop boxes. Voting rights advocates opposed the bill, arguing it would limit some locations for drop boxes in heavily rural areas, especially on the Navajo Nation, where there is sporadic electricity, said Ellerbeck, of the Rural Utah Project.
And in Utah County, the second most populous in the state, County Clerk Aaron Davidson, a Republican, decided the county would no longer pay postage for mail-in ballots.
The move aims to encourage voters to use ballot drop boxes, instead of relying on the mail. It will also save the county $110,000 a year, he said. Nineteen Utah counties don’t provide postage for mail-in ballots, Davidson pointed out, while 10 others do, including Salt Lake County, home to more than a third of Utahns.
Davidson made the announcement while speaking in favor of Thurston’s legislation during the committee hearing in January. He told Stateline, though, that he had softened his position on mail-in ballot deadlines after hearing testimony from clerks in smaller, more rural counties who worried delays in the mail could make it harder to make an Election Day deadline.
“Society has just got more complex, and people need that ability to vote by mail,” Davidson said. “But I do believe it needs some more restrictions.”
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
March 26, 2026
Media Contacts:
Louisa Tavlas
ltavlas@niskanencenter.org
Arnold Ventures
media@arnoldventures.org
Olin: Legislators, Cox, “providing law enforcement with additional resources to improve investigative outcomes” and keep Utah safe.
Washington, DC (March 26, 2026) — The Niskanen Center and Arnold Ventures applaud the Utah State Legislature and Governor Spencer Cox for passing new, bipartisan legislation designed to solve more crimes and provide support for crime victims. The bill, H.B. 137, passed both the Utah House of Representatives and the Utah Senate by wide, bipartisan margins and was signed into law by the Governor today.
“Making Utah as safe as possible requires ensuring law enforcement has every available resource to identify and arrest every criminal who preys upon innocent citizens,” said Jason Olin, senior government affairs manager for criminal justice at the Niskanen Center. “HB 137 establishes a Violent Crime Clearance Rate Fund that will provide law enforcement with additional resources to improve investigative outcomes. We thank Rep. Clancy and Sen. McKell for their leadership on this critical issue and Gov. Cox for signing this important piece of legislation.”
“Solving more violent crimes quickly can bring peace to victims and reduce the number of future victims,” said Kevin Ring, vice president of criminal justice advocacy at Arnold Ventures. “Would-be offenders need to know that they will be held accountable, and this law will make it more likely they will. We thank legislative leaders, including Rep. Clancy and Sen. McKell, and Gov. Cox for making sure Utah taxpayers and communities get the biggest public safety bang for their buck.”
H.B. 137, sponsored by Rep. Tyler Clancy (R-60) and Sen. Mike McKell (R-25), creates the Violent Crime Clearance Rate Fund to assist Utah law enforcement agencies in solving violent crimes. The fund will support hiring additional law enforcement officers and providing them with the tools they need to solve crimes. H.B. 137 includes provisions to ensure that resources from the fund reach departments of all sizes across both urban and rural jurisdictions. It will also help researchers conduct rigorous evaluations of the policies and practices that are most effective in solving crimes.
Utah is one of the safest states in the nation. But since 2019, the state’s violent crime clearance rate has hovered around 53%. That means nearly half of all violent crimes reported in Utah result in no arrest and no accountability. Even Utah’s 2024 homicide clearance rate of 74% — well above the national average — leaves more than 1 in 4 murders unsolved. Behind each of those unsolved cases is a victim whose family has been denied justice.
Olin, Ring, and other criminal justice experts are available for interview or comment.
More information on the Niskanen Center’s criminal justice policy work can be found here.
More information on AV’s criminal justice policy work can be found here.
###
The Niskanen Center advances an evidence-based agenda to reduce the social costs of crime and punishment. Our priority is to deter crime and reduce violence by building effective systems that deliver proportional punishment swiftly and predictably, and by ensuring law enforcement has the capacity to keep our neighborhoods safe.
Arnold Ventures is a philanthropy that supports research to understand the root causes of America’s most persistent and pressing problems, as well as evidence-based solutions to address them. By focusing on systemic change and bipartisan policy reforms, AV works to improve the lives of American families, strengthen communities, and promote economic opportunity.
The Utah Jazz are clearly doing everything they can to keep their pick in the upcoming NBA draft. Something tells me that next season, we won’t see as many players on the injury report as this season. That means that the core of this Jazz team will play, and it’s clear they’re going to play well. The question is, of the current Jazz roster, who is going to be the most important player next season? Now, Utah may win the lottery and that could change this entire question. If Utah drafts someone like Darryn Peterson or AJ Dybantsa, that changes everything. That said, let’s just ignore the lottery and draft for the sake of this question. If we’re looking at the odds, it’s statistically a little more likely Utah doesn’t draft in the top four of the draft anyway.
Welcome to SB Nation Reacts, a survey of fans across the NBA. Throughout the year we ask questions of the most plugged-in Jazz fans and fans across the country. Sign up here to participate in the weekly emailed surveys.
It’s been nearly 13 years since a pass-catcher on the Utah football team finished a season with at least 1,000 receiving yards.
Whether that streak reaches 14 remains to be seen, but if it does, it certainly won’t be due to a lack of talent.
“Y’all gonna see a different room. I promise y’all that,” said senior wideout Kyri Shoels after Tuesday’s practice session. “We hungry, and that’s really how it is. We don’t got too much to say.”
Shoels, who joins the Utes following a productive season at San José State, where he finished second on the team in receiving yards behind only the nation’s leader in that category, Danny Scudero, has to wait five more months to let his actions do all the talking on the playing field.
By that point, the buzz around Utah’s new wide receiver corps could be ineffable. At least, it seems to be trending that way through one week of spring practices.
“It’s a lot deeper than what it usually is,” said quarterback Byrd Ficklin of the Utes’ wide receiver room. “There’s ballplayers all over.”
Media sessions after spring practices are often a prime setting for coaches and players to hype up one another while the stakes are still low as far as public perception goes. But based on the production and skillset of some of Utah’s newest pass-catchers, there’s reason to assume the praise they’ve received early on in spring practice is more than just good public relations at work.
Take Braden Pegan, for example. The California native is fresh off serving as the No. 1 option at Utah State, where he recorded 60 receptions for 926 yards and five touchdowns, including three games with 100-plus receiving yards, and boasts the size at 6-foot-3, 210 pounds, to compete at the highest level in the Big 12. Also, he reunites with his Aggies offensive coordinator, Kevin McGiven, and the wide receiver coach who previously recruited him in high school, Chad Bumphis.
That all sounds good on paper, but what speaks even louder volumes about Pegan’s impact on the team is the fact he’s already earned a spot on the team’s leadership council, which is voted on by the players.
“That’s one of those dudes that you wish you had 20 of them,” said head coach Morgan Scalley of Pegan. “He’s such a good kid, smart football player, athletic, can jump out of the gym. We’re excited to have him.”
Pegan isn’t the only one helping Utah’s returners understand the ins and outs of the team’s new offense. Shoels, who brings an understanding of McGiven’s pass-friendly system with him from San José State, where McGiven served as the wide receivers coach during Shoels’ first season with the Spartans, aids in that transition process as well.
The 6-foot-tall Las Vegas native also possesses an element of speed that Utah’s wide receiver room was missing last season. Coming off a season in which he recorded 13 yards per reception on 59 catches (768 yards total), Shoels should get a lot of passes thrown his way as the potential No. 2 option behind Pegan.
That said, there’s a group of returners vying for meaningful playing time this season as well. Larry Simmons and Creed Whittemore are two players who ended the 2025 campaign on positive notes; Tobias Merriweather, the 6-foot-5 senior who transferred in from Cal a year ago, has an opportunity to strengthen his rapport with Devon Dampier heading into his second season with the team. Daidren Zipperer could work his way into the rotation as well after missing a majority of last season due to injury.
Time will tell whether Mana Carvalho, Utah’s primary kick returner in 2025, and Ricky Johnson, a sophomore transfer from Mississippi State, play their way onto the field in 2026. It’s worth noting the departures of the team’s top three receivers from last season — Ryan Davis, Dallen Bentley and JJ Buchanan — have opened up more playing opportunities for returners and newcomers alike.
With only so many spots to go around, though, there’s not enough room to cram every pass-catcher Utah has into the main rotation. It’s not the worst problem Bumphis and Scalley could have on their plate, though it does make spring and fall camp essential in determining the pecking order for the regular season.
“Everybody, every practice is ready to go,” Pegan said. “We’re all locked in. It’s exciting. I can’t wait to see what everyone does this year.”
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