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Remembering Pancho Villa’s New Mexico Raid and the Punitive Expedition Into Mexico | Council on Foreign Relations

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Remembering Pancho Villa’s New Mexico Raid and the Punitive Expedition Into Mexico | Council on Foreign Relations


Say the words “September 11” and every American instantly knows what you are referring to. The same is true for “Pearl Harbor.” Most Americans vaguely know that during the War of 1812 the British shelled Fort McHenry and burned down the White House. But mention the words “Columbus, New Mexico” and you will draw blank stares. Yet on March 9, 1916, Mexican revolutionary leader José Doroteo Arango Arámbula—better known to history as Pancho Villa—led a surprise attack on Columbus that left eighteen Americans and eighty Mexicans dead. Within days, nearly 7,000 U.S. soldiers crossed the border into Mexico in search of Villa in what would become one of the more dismal chapters in U.S. military history: the Punitive Expedition.

The Mexican Revolution

The events in Columbus, New Mexico had a back story. In 1911, a popular uprising had ousted Porfirio Díaz as president (more accurately, dictator) of Mexico after thirty-five years in power. (Díaz is credited with uttering the line, “Poor Mexico, so far from God and so close to the United States!”) His overthrow ushered in a decade of political instability known as the Mexican Revolution. Mexico saw several leaders come to power as conflict wracked the country.

From left to right: Victoriano Huerta, Emilio Madero, and Pancho Villa in 1912.Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia.

The first person to succeed Díaz was Francisco Madero. The son of a wealthy landowner in northeastern Mexico, Madero studied in the United States and France and became a democracy advocate. He was also, to say the least, odd. As the historian Robert Ferrell tells it: 

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At one meeting with the American ambassador, Henry Lane Wilson, the president of Mexico placed a third chair in the circle and announced to the ambassador that a friend was sitting there. The friend was invisible, Madero explained, but there nonetheless.

In February, after holding power for less than two years, Madero was shunted aside by his leading military officer, General Victoriano Huerta. The general drank, and drank often; brandy was his preferred drink. (He died in 1916 from cirrhosis of the liver.) He had Madero and his vice president shot, possibly at the behest of Ambassador Wilson. Huerta had suggested to Ambassador Wilson that perhaps he should exile Madero or send him to an insane asylum. The ambassador responded ambiguously; Huerta “ought to do that which was best for the peace of the country.”

Madero’s murder outraged the incoming U.S. president, Woodrow Wilson, who was not related to Ambassador Wilson and who was inaugurated on March 4, 1913. (The tradition of inaugurating presidents on January 20 did not begin until after the passage of the Twentieth Amendment in 1933.) Once in office, Wilson refused to recognize Huerta’s legitimacy, saying the Mexican general led a “government of butchers.” Ever the moralist, Wilson told the British ambassador to the United States: “I am going to teach the South American republics to elect good men.” Wilson’s efforts to influence who would lead Mexico included using the Tampico Incident in April 1914 to order the U.S. invasion of Veracruz, Mexico. U.S. troops would remain there until that November.

Venustiano Carranza Takes Power

President Wilson got his wish for a new Mexican government in August 1914 when Huerta was ousted by Venustiano Carranza. Another son of a wealthy landowner and a Madero follower, Carranza was a former governor of the Mexican state of Coahuila. He quickly found his rule challenged by his former ally, Francisco (Pancho) Villa, who had led the “Division of the North” in fighting against Huerta loyalists.

Pancho Villa, commander of the División del Norte (North Division), and Emiliano Zapata, commander of the Ejército Libertador del Sur (Liberation Army of the South), on December 4, 1914. Villa is sitting in the presidential chair in the Palacio Nacional.DeGolyer Library of Southern Methodist University.

Villa at first had Carranza on the defensive. In December 1914, Villa’s forces briefly took control of Mexico City before being driven back north. Wilson thought that Villa might be friendly to U.S. interests, so he withheld formal recognition of the Carranza government. Villa in turn hoped that Wilson’s refusal to recognize the Carranza government would help his cause. He was soon disappointed, however. The war in Europe increasingly consumed Wilson’s time, and he wanted a way out of his confrontational policies toward Mexico. Carranza, as he put it, “will somehow have to be digested.” In October 1915, the United States did just that, formally recognizing his government. 

Pancho Villa’s Revenge

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Villa viewed Wilson’s decision as a betrayal, especially after Washington allowed Carranza’s troops to travel on U.S. railroads through New Mexico and Arizona to pursue Villa and his men rather than cross the harsh northern Mexican desert by horseback. German agents also urged Villa to turn on the United States. They hoped to bog the United States down in a war with Mexico that would prevent a U.S. entry into World War I.

With events having shifted against him, Villa devised a new strategy. He would seek to provoke the United States into attacking Mexico, thereby discrediting Carranza as a pawn of the United States. Villa put his plan into effect in January 1916. As Ferrell tells the story, Villa’s troops:

Met a Mexican Northwestern train at Santa Ysabel on January 11, 1916, carrying seventeen young American college graduates who had just come into Mexico from California under a safe conduct from Carranza to open a mine. Villa killed sixteen of them on the spot.

Villa spared one of the young Americans so he could tell his countrymen what happened. 

The news of the Santa Ysabel massacre did not trigger the U.S. retaliation that Villa expected. So, he turned to something even more audacious. In the predawn hours of March 9, 1916, Villa’s men raided the town of Columbus, New Mexico, three miles north of the border. A regiment of the U.S. Army’s 13th Cavalry was encamped at the town, and its munitions depot was a target of the raid. Despite being caught off guard, the U.S. troops quickly regrouped and returned fire—at one point setting up a machine gun in front of the town’s lone hotel. The fighting, as well as the fires Villa’s men set, left the town in ruins.

A soldier stands near the smoking ruins of Columbus, New Mexico, after the raid by Pancho Villa’s forces.Museum of New Mexico and the National Guard. 

The Punitive Expedition

By the end of the day on March 9, Wilson had ordered General John J. Pershing to cross into Mexico to hunt down Villa. The incursion would have been an act of war, except that Carranza had reluctantly consented to it; he essentially had no other choice. He did, however, extract one face-saving concession: Mexico had the right, at least in theory, to pursue bandits across the border into the United States.

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“I’ve Had About Enough of This.” Uncle Sam leaps across the border fence with Mexico to chase Pancho Villa. Made on March 10, 1916 by Clifford K. Berryman.National Archives Berryman Collection. 

The Punitive Expedition began with much enthusiasm and moral righteousness in Washington. It proved in practice, like most of Wilson’s policies toward Mexico, to be a political and diplomatic blunder. Pershing’s troops trekked more than 300 miles through northern Mexico without setting eyes on Villa, who knew the unfriendly terrain and was a hero to the local people. Critics back in the United States began to call the incursion as the “Perishing Expedition.”

American soldiers cross the arid plains south of Columbus, New Mexico, March 1916.United States Army. 

Rather than cut his losses, Wilson surged more troops into Mexico. Soon more than 12,000 U.S. soldiers had crossed the border. Carranza understandably wanted them all to go home. Even though General Pershing assured Washington that “the natives are not generally arming to oppose us,” in June 1916 U.S. forces clashed with the Mexican army, leaving a dozen Americans and forty Mexicans dead. Within days, Wilson had ordered nearly 150,000 National Guard troops to the border. War seemed likely. 

Reversing Course

Wilson’s stubbornness and self-righteousness partly explain why he continued to dig his hole deeper in Mexico rather than stop shoveling. Politics also played a part—1916 was a presidential election year. Like many presidents who would follow him, Wilson did not want to hand an election issue to his opponent by looking “weak” in his dealing with Mexico.

Events on the other side of the Atlantic eventually forced Wilson’s hand. With relations with Germany worsening, and the likelihood of a U.S. entry into World War I growing, he ordered the withdrawal of U.S. troops in early January 1917. The last U.S. soldiers left Mexico on February 5, 1917. Less than four weeks later, the American public would learn about the  Zimmermann Telegram.

The 6th and 16th Infantry Battalions of the U.S. Army returning to the United States between Corralitos Rancho and Ojo Federico, Mexico, January 29, 1917.United States Army. 

Today Columbus, New Mexico, is home to about 1,800 people. It lies thirty five miles south of Deming, New Mexico, and sixty-five miles west of El Paso, Texas. You can find it by taking New Mexico State Highway 11 south from I-10 or New Mexico State Highway 9 from El Paso. Should you ever visit Columbus, be sure to check out Pancho Villa State Park. 

The United States celebrates its 250th anniversary in 2026. To mark that milestone, I am resurfacing essays I have written over the years about major events in U.S. foreign policy. A version of this essay was published on March 9, 2011.

Oscar Berry assisted in the preparation of this post.

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New Mexico

New Mexico AG launches criminal investigation into DEA over allegations agents let fentanyl flood state

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New Mexico AG launches criminal investigation into DEA over allegations agents let fentanyl flood state


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New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez on Friday announced a criminal investigation into allegations that the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) knowingly allowed hundreds of thousands of fentanyl pills to reach New Mexico communities while agents pursued larger criminal investigations.

The inquiry comes days after The Associated Press reported that DEA agents repeatedly monitored—but did not seize—large fentanyl shipments between 2023 and 2025 while attempting to build broader criminal cases.

Torrez said the investigation will examine potential legal remedies, including criminal prosecution, civil litigation and structural reforms intended to prevent similar conduct by DEA agents in the future.

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“The families who have lost children, siblings, and parents to fentanyl deserve the truth about what the federal government knew and what it failed to do,” Torrez said in a statement.

‘ILLICIT’ VERSION OF FENTANYL LINKED TO DEADLY NEW MEXICO INCIDENT THAT SICKENED FIRST RESPONDERS

Photo released by the DEA shows fentanyl pills seized in New Mexico on April 28, 2025, as the agency faces scrutiny over allegations it allowed other shipments to reach the streets. (DEA via AP)

“If the DEA stood by while poison flooded our communities, that is not a bureaucratic failure,” he continued. “It is a betrayal of the people it was sworn to protect.”

Torrez said his office “will pursue every legal avenue available to hold the responsible parties accountable and make certain this never happens again.”

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New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham called for the investigation earlier this week, saying she was “appalled” by allegations that federal agents knowingly allowed hundreds of thousands of fentanyl pills to reach communities across the state.

NATIONAL GUARD DEPLOYED TO BLUE CITY OVERRUN WITH JUVENILE CRIME, FENTANYL IS ‘NOT ENOUGH,’ STATE GOP SAYS

New Mexico’s attorney general has opened a criminal investigation into allegations that DEA agents allowed large fentanyl shipments to reach local communities while pursuing larger criminal cases. (Joe Burbank/Orlando Sentinel via AP)

“Make no mistake: the DEA knew people would die if these pills made it into New Mexico communities, and the agency let it happen anyway,” Grisham said. “The result: hundreds of New Mexican parents burying their kids. Hundreds of New Mexican kids growing up without stable parents. All while the federal government stood by.”

Grisham also pointed to allegations that DEA agents monitored the delivery of 74,000 fentanyl pills to a mobile home park in Albuquerque without intervening.

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COLORADO DRUG BUST UNCOVERS CARTEL-CONNECTED ILLEGAL ALIENS, APPROXIMATELY 130K FENTANYL PILLS

DEA Special Agent David Howell, who filed a whistleblower complaint, poses for a portrait outside the U.S. district courthouse in Albuquerque, N.M., on Friday, June 12, 2026. (AP Photo/Susan Montoya Bryan)

“Shockingly, the federal government stood by while monitoring shipments, tallying exact pill counts, and watching as these deadly drugs hit the streets,” she said.

Current and former DEA agents, including whistleblower David Howell, told the AP the agency’s tactics gambled with public safety and may have violated Department of Justice guidelines.

While the DEA initially denied Howell’s allegations in a statement to the AP, the agency later requested that the Justice Department’s Office of the Inspector General conduct an independent review.

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JUSTICE DEPARTMENT HALTS DEA’S RANDOM SEARCHES OF AIRPORT TRAVELERS AFTER REPORT FINDS ‘SERIOUS CONCERNS’

Fentanyl pills seized by the DEA in New Mexico on April 28, 2025. New Mexico officials have since launched a criminal investigation into allegations involving the agency’s handling of separate fentanyl shipments. (DEA via AP)

“Should that review identify areas of improvement, the DEA will of course implement changes to better their practices,” the Justice Department said in a statement. “We welcome a partnership with Governor Lujan Grisham, as well as New Mexico state and local leaders, to fight the scourge of fentanyl and keep her constituents safe.”

The allegations stem from enforcement operations conducted during the deadliest drug epidemic in U.S. history, even as the DEA promoted its “One Pill Can Kill” public awareness campaign warning that even a small amount of fentanyl can be fatal.

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Fox News Digital has reached out to the DEA for comment regarding the investigation.

The Associated Press contributed to this report.



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New Mexico

New Mexico AG opens formal probe into claims DEA let fentanyl pills spread statewide

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New Mexico AG opens formal probe into claims DEA let fentanyl pills spread statewide


New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez announced on Friday that his office has opened a formal investigation into allegations that the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration knowingly allowed fentanyl pills to be distributed throughout the state.

The move comes after three current and former DEA agents and government records, reviewed by the Associated Press, show that federal agents allowed thousands of fentanyl pills to reach New Mexico communities while pursuing larger drug-trafficking cases.

New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham has since called for a criminal investigation into the matter in a June 24 letter.

Torrez said New Mexico has been among the states hardest hit by the fentanyl crisis, with overdose deaths devastating communities across the state.

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“The families who have lost children, siblings, and parents to fentanyl deserve the truth about what the federal government knew and what it failed to do. If the DEA stood by while poison flooded our communities, that is not a bureaucratic failure. It is a betrayal of the people it was sworn to protect. This office will pursue every legal avenue available to hold the responsible parties accountable and make certain this never happens again,” Torrez said.

The New Mexico Department of Justice will transmit a formal Touhy letter to the federal government demanding documents and information about the DEA’s conduct in New Mexico and nationally, to determine whether the alleged failures reflect a broader pattern of reckless or unlawful behavior.

Torrez said the investigation will evaluate the full range of available legal remedies, including criminal prosecution, civil litigation, and structural relief to prevent similar conduct in the future.

READ THE LETTER:

RECOMMENDED: Feds allowed millions of fentanyl pills to ‘walk’ on New Mexico streets: DEA Whistleblower

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NM PRC hears pushback on El Paso Electric rate hike that could add $40 a month

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NM PRC hears pushback on El Paso Electric rate hike that could add  a month


Some El Paso Electric customers in New Mexico are speaking out against a proposed rate increase that could raise the average monthly household bill by more than $40 by late next year.

The New Mexico Public Regulation Commission, which will decide whether to approve the proposal, held a public comment hearing earlier this week in Las Cruces.

During the meeting, customers and community members questioned the size of the request and whether the utility is doing enough to serve customers in southern New Mexico.

“This is a border town. It is a college town. It is a retiree town. It’s a military town. We’re not rich like Santa Fe, and the rates just keep going up and up and up,” said Kathy Lucero, a Las Cruces resident.

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“We ratepayers and energy consumers should not be asked to subsidize these excessive profits,” said Lynn Moore, a Dona Ana County resident.

El Paso Electric is asking for a $70.4 million increase to its base rates for customers in New Mexico.

El Paso Electric seeks $70.4M hike; average NM bills could rise nearly $42 a month

The utility says the request is needed to recover costs from more than $400 million in New Mexico system investments, including upgrades, reliability improvements and rising costs.

After the hearing, Israel Chavez, a local civil rights attorney, said accessibility is also a concern as the utility asks customers to pay more.

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“El Paso Electric closed its office on Water Street. There is no physical office to go to if you live with a disability, if you don’t have the technology to access your utility bill or to talk to somebody, there is no place to go unless you go to El Paso. And I think it’s wrong for El Paso Electric to cut services and then increase rates,” Chavez said.

In a statement addressing concerns about access, El Paso Electric said, “El Paso Electric continues to provide reliable service, along with a range of customer support resources to meet diverse needs, including assistance with account access, bill understanding, and payments.”

The utility added, “We recognize that changes like this can have its challenges, particularly for customers who may face barriers to technology or prefer in-person support. However, we remain committed to ensuring our customers feel supported and have access to the help they need when they need it.”

El Paso Electric said customers can still manage their accounts online, call customer care, or use authorized payment kiosks throughout its service area.

The New Mexico PRC has not made a final decision on the rate request.

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If approved, the increase would start taking effect next year in two phases.

FULL PUBLIC COMMENT HEARING

Final community meeting on proposed EPE rate hike in New Mexico draws mixed reactions

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