Connect with us

Montana

63-year-old transgender woman is caught in Montana’s birth certificate dispute

Published

on

63-year-old transgender woman is caught in Montana’s birth certificate dispute


At 10 years outdated, Susan Howard knew she was a woman, although her delivery certificates mentioned in any other case. It wasn’t till final 12 months, at age 62, that the Montana resident got here to phrases with being transgender.

Howard underwent hormone remedy, had gender-affirming surgical procedure, and started altering her identify and gender on official paperwork. “It has been a godsend for me,” Howard mentioned. “I really feel so proper and comfy with myself for the primary time in so some ways.”

She has been in a position to change her Social Safety card, driver’s license, and pension accounts. However she has not been in a position to alter one essential piece of private identification. “The whole lot’s been modified besides my delivery certificates,” Howard mentioned. “That is the one factor hanging up. Everyone else has acknowledged my gender, however they won’t do it.”

Susan Howard
Susan Howard obtained a courtroom order confirming her gender-affirming surgical procedure, however Montana’s well being division denied her request to alter the intercourse on her delivery certificates to feminine.

Advertisement

Susan Howard


A string of legislative and administrative actions has made Montana considered one of 4 states the place amending their delivery certificates is almost inconceivable for transgender folks.

Montana well being officers defend the restrictions as a method to protect the accuracy of important information. LGBTQ+ advocates say it deprives transgender folks of their dignity and denies them equal safety beneath the legislation.

In June 2021, the American Medical Affiliation adopted a coverage saying it’s going to advocate for the removing of intercourse designations on publicly obtainable delivery certificates, saying that might shield folks’s privateness and stop discrimination. The AMA mentioned that, beneath this coverage, a person’s intercourse designation at delivery would nonetheless be collected and submitted for medical, public well being, and statistical makes use of.

The AMA already had insurance policies recognizing “the medical spectrum of gender” and the concept each individual has the correct to find out their gender identification and intercourse designation on authorities paperwork.

Advertisement

Dr. Nicole Clark, the Montana delegate to the AMA, mentioned the Montana Medical Affiliation had accepted the AMA’s delivery certificates coverage.

Within the overwhelming majority of states, the method for transgender folks to replace their paperwork is comparatively straightforward, with out the type of administrative hurdles created by Montana. The three exceptions, in addition to Montana, embrace Tennessee, which has a legislation that bans trans folks from amending their delivery certificates. (The state has been preventing a lawsuit difficult that coverage since 2019.) In Oklahoma, Gov. Kevin Stitt signed an govt order in November barring transgender folks from altering their delivery certificates. And in West Virginia, circuit courts had beforehand accredited intercourse designation adjustments on delivery certificates, however a 2020 state Supreme Courtroom ruling mentioned they cannot order the state well being division to make them.

Cathryn Oakley, state legislative director and senior counsel for the Human Rights Marketing campaign, an LGBTQ+ advocacy group, mentioned taking away somebody’s alternative to alter a delivery certificates denies the individual the “means to be a full, full member of society.”

“It disregards all trendy medical information about what it means to be transgender and goes towards the American Psychological Affiliation, the American Medical Affiliation, the Nationwide Affiliation [of] Social Employees, who say that affirming somebody’s gender identification is of their finest curiosity from a well being standpoint,” Oakley mentioned.

In April 2021, Montana Gov. Greg Gianforte signed into legislation Senate Invoice 280, which mentioned the state Division of Public Well being and Human Companies might change a delivery certificates solely after receiving a courtroom order saying the individual’s intercourse had been surgically modified.

Advertisement

The legislation supplanted a 2017 rule that required transgender folks to easily affirm their gender to alter their delivery certificates. The rule didn’t require gender-confirmation surgical procedure or different surgical procedures, which might be pointless or cost-prohibitive.

Two Montanans represented by the American Civil Liberties Union sued the state and challenged the 2021 legislation on constitutional grounds, arguing that it was obscure and violated privateness and equal safety rights.

In April 2022, Yellowstone County District Courtroom Choose Michael Moses quickly barred the well being division from imposing the legislation whereas the case was being litigated. Transgender advocates anticipated that order would restore the 2017 rule and that trans folks would once more be allowed to amend their delivery certificates by filling out a kind. However the well being division refused to conform.

A month later, the well being division issued an emergency rule extra restrictive than SB 280. The rule mentioned Montanans can amend a delivery certificates solely in circumstances that contain a clerical error or when folks use a DNA check to show their intercourse was misidentified at delivery. “Intercourse is completely different from gender and is an immutable genetic truth, which isn’t changeable, even by surgical procedure,” the rule reads.

The state well being division is searching for to maintain the brand new rule in place so long as Moses’ injunction of the 2021 legislation is in impact.

Advertisement

Well being division spokesperson Jon Ebelt mentioned the decide’s injunction created a regulatory hole for processing delivery certificates that wanted to be crammed. “There was no rule in place to which the Division might revert. And the Division has an obligation to make sure the accuracy of important information,” Ebelt mentioned in an e mail.

The ACLU of Montana filed a movement asking Moses to make clear the necessities of the injunction and order the well being division to observe the extra permissive 2017 rule.

“Leaving transgender Montanans with none avenue for accessing an correct, usable delivery certificates may be very harmful,” mentioned ACLU lawyer Malita Picasso. “It is exhausting to emphasise how excessive that transfer can be.”

On Could 18, a number of months after Howard began the method to alter her delivery certificates, she obtained a decide’s order confirming that her intercourse had been surgically modified. Following the necessities specified by the 2021 legislation, she despatched the paperwork to the well being division two days later through licensed mail. She anticipated the ultimate approval Could 23, however that turned out to be the day the emergency rule took impact.

After not listening to something for a number of days, Howard referred to as the well being division’s Workplace of Very important Information. It mentioned that her kind had been acquired however that in response to the brand new rule the intercourse on her delivery certificates could not be modified, regardless of her courtroom order. Howard was informed the state was not processing any gender adjustments on delivery certificates.

Advertisement

“I do not know easy methods to clarify how disheartening it was at that second,” Howard mentioned. “It simply felt terrible.”

Dr. Carl Streed Jr., an assistant professor on the Boston College College of Drugs and the analysis lead within the Heart for Transgender Drugs and Surgical procedure at Boston Medical Heart, mentioned the gender marker on a delivery certificates “would not replicate the fact of what it means to be a human or the fact of biology or intercourse and gender” as a result of there are a number of chromosomal variations in addition to XX and XY.

Streed, who can be a main care doctor, mentioned stress round identification can negatively have an effect on an individual’s well being, resulting in “important psychological well being and psychological misery over the long run.”

Updating a delivery certificates would not retroactively change public well being statistics which have already been reported, he added.

In keeping with UCLA’s Williams Institute, which does analysis on sexual orientation and gender identification legislation and public coverage, an estimated 3,900 transgender folks age 13 and older reside in Montana. A type of folks is Howard.

Advertisement

Earlier than she transitioned, there have been occasions when Howard did not wish to reside. However now she loves feeling free to be herself, wanting ahead to each day.

“I can not consider some other method to outline myself as an individual. I’m only a transgender girl residing her life at age 63,” Howard mentioned. “What is the large deal if I wish to change my gender marker? Why does it hassle you if I modify my gender marker? I am not altering yours. I simply do not perceive the hostility.”


KHN (Kaiser Well being Information) is a nationwide newsroom that produces in-depth journalism about well being points. Along with Coverage Evaluation and Polling, KHN is likely one of the three main working packages at KFF (Kaiser Household Basis). KFF is an endowed nonprofit group offering info on well being points to the nation.



Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed.

Montana

Montana failed to consider pollution from new power plant, but Supreme Court won't stop it • Daily Montanan

Published

on

Montana failed to consider pollution from new power plant, but Supreme Court won't stop it • Daily Montanan


In a years-long fight to stop a power plant near Laurel from releasing the pollution equivalent of 167,000 cars per year, the Montana Supreme Court decided unanimously that both the state’s Department of Environmental Quality as well as NorthWestern Energy had skirted the state’s environmental law by refusing to acknowledge or take action on the greenhouse gases released by the power plant. But the decision will do little to stop the already-operational power plant.

The ruling will now force the DEQ to go back and fully analyze the pollution impacts of the 18 methane-combustion generators, and report the effects that greenhouse gases and industrial lighting will have on the environment.

However, the Montana Supreme Court orders will do nothing to stop or change the operations — at least not immediately — or halt any of the pollution the two environmental groups proved will happen.

Owing to a unique set of circumstances and unconstitutional laws passed by the Montana Legislature and struck down later, the Montana Supreme Court said that because the DEQ was following the law at the time, and because the environmental groups did not ask the district court judge to halt the operational permit for the Laurel Generation Station, it will be allowed to operate under its current permit, even though the justices acknowledged that state government, including the DEQ and the governor, have a constitutionally mandated obligation to protect the environment from harm.

Advertisement

The ruling was cheered by NorthWestern Energy, the state largest public utility company, as it noted the plant was running to provide energy to customers in the state’s largest county even as the forecast called for as much as 10 inches of snow during the weekend.

“Today’s Montana Supreme Court’s decision reinstating the Yellowstone County Generating Station permit will help ensure reliable energy service and keep bills as low as possible for our customers. This is good news for Montanans already relying on the critical, cost-saving capacity of the 175-megawatt Yellowstone County Generating Station, including for power during this first winter storm of 2025,” said NWE spokeswoman Jo Dee Black.

The successful environmental groups cheered the ruling as a reinforcement of the Montana Constitutional mandate that requires a “clean and healthful environment,” but noted the ruling will have little effect on the substantial air pollution that neither NorthWestern or DEQ denies the plant will produce.

“We are pleased that the Montana Supreme Court has ruled that Montanans deserve to know the full harm that the 770,000 tons of annual climate pollution NorthWestern Energy’s power plant will impose on our farmers, ranchers, economy, and health,” said Edward Barta, chair of Northern Plains Resource Council, one of the two groups that brought the lawsuit. “However, we are disappointed that NorthWestern’s dangerous plant is allowed to continue operations without any accountability for the state ignoring our constitutional right to a clean and healthful environment. It’s time for DEQ to take its job seriously so that everyday Montanans are not sacrificing their health and livelihoods for one corporation’s profits.”

The Sierra Club was the other organization that challenged the Laurel Generation Station.

Advertisement

The Supreme Court order, authored by Justice Beth Baker, said that despite the Legislature’s attempt to gut the Montana Environmental Policy Act, it can’t avoid the constitution’s mandate. Furthermore, it said that even though the plant is operational, the DEQ must go through and analyze, and even possibly require mitigation in the future.

What was not in dispute is the amount of greenhouse gases and other pollutants the Laurel Generation State will produce, and the court outlined those:

  • 75 tons of Particulate Matter 10
  • 28 tons of Particulate Matter 2.5
  • 222 tons per year of nitrogen oxides
  • 246 tons per year of carbon monoxide
  • 215 tons per year of volatile organic compounds
  • 14 tons per year of sulfur dioxide
  • 93 tons of hazardous air pollutants
  • The equivalent of 769,706 of carbon dioxide

The Montana Supreme Court also said that while the Montana Environmental Policy Act does not allow the DEQ to necessarily stop the construction of a power plant like the one in Laurel, it said that a thorough analysis of its effects must be studied and disclosed to the public. Moreover, depending on the results of those analyses, the DEQ could require changes to design or apply other parts of state law to stop or mitigate pollution:

“The district court observed — and DEQ does not disagree — that the agency ‘did not take any sort of look at the impacts’ of the Laurel Generation Station’s greenhouse gas emissions within Montana. A review under the Montana Environmental Policy Act must, among other things, identify ‘any adverse effects on Montana’s environment that cannot be avoided if the proposal is implemented.’ One purpose of the environmental assessment is to ‘avert potential environmental harms through informed decision making.’ As we have observed, ‘MEPA’s procedural mechanisms help bring the Montana Constitution’s lofty goals into reality by enabling fully informed and considered decision making, thereby minimizing the risk of irreversible mistakes depriving Montanans of a clean and healthful environment … The state does not have a ‘free pass to pollute the Montana environment just because the rest of the world insists on doing so.’”

The Supreme Court also said that the DEQ or other state officials cannot rely solely on federal standards for pollution because of the state’s constitutional requirement of a clean and healthful environment.

“Federal standards tell the people of Montana little or nothing about any potential impact of the greenhouse gas emissions of the Laurel Generation State specifically, and do not satisfy the Montana Environmental Policy Act’s role in fulling ‘the strongest environmental protection provision found in any state constitution,’” the ruling said.

Advertisement

It also said that even if the state DEQ will not stop a proposed project like the Laurel Generation Station, that it has an obligation to “identify impacts and acknowledge their significance.”

The court’s opinion also faulted the DEQ for failing to address or respond to hundreds of comments raising concerns about the environmental impact of the plant, noting that the vast majority of the public response to the project was negative, and criticized the department’s silence on the subject of air pollution.

As part of the case, the Supreme Court also found that the DEQ had properly considered the noise impacts of the plant, and reversed District Court Judge Michael Moses’ portion of the ruling, which said the agency had not properly considered it. However, the state’s highest court affirmed that the DEQ did not conduct an adequate review of the possible light pollution from the plant, and its effects on the property owners around it.

The justices ordered the DEQ to conduct an analysis, which could mean the NWE would have to change some lighting around the plant, which sits approximately 300 feet from the banks of the Yellowstone River and nearby the CHS refinery.

Advertisement

One dissenting opinion … sort of

Justice Laurie McKinnon along with Justice Ingrid Gustafson, agreed with the fellow justices, making it unanimous that the Supreme Court found that the state had failed to conduct a proper review under the Montana Environmental Policy Act, and acknowledged the impacts the power plant could have on the environment.

However, they dissented in part, saying that the court’s rationale and findings were undermined by its conclusion to let the plant continue ahead with operations, despite the fact that none of the parties disputed the pollution it would create.

“Alarmingly, and in contravention of clear precedent, the remedy the court chooses to do is nothing. The court allows the Laurel Generation Station to continue with its environmental harm and remands so that public may be informed of what it already knew — the consequential impact on its community from LGS’s emission of greenhouse gases,” the dissent said. “The only relief that can ensure the public is not irreparably harmed is to prevent the Laurel Generation Station from becoming operational until adequate Montana Environmental Policy Act review is completed. Our decision is empty and will be meaningless to the Montanans who want and believe the plant should be evaluated for its greenhouse gases before it becomes operational.”

LGS plant SupCo 010325

Advertisement



Source link

Continue Reading

Montana

Montana legislative leaders discuss expectations for the 2025 session

Published

on

Montana legislative leaders discuss expectations for the 2025 session


HELENA — On Friday, with just three days to go before the start of the Montana Legislature’s 69th session, lawmakers were already at the State Capitol – some going through trainings on state law and the budget, others laying out their priorities for the session.

However, the real work starts on Monday. Legislators will have 90 working days to make decisions on key issues for people across the state, from taxes to health care to housing.

Republicans again hold the majority in both the House and Senate – as they have for every session since 2011. Sen.-elect Matt Regier, R-Kalispell, the incoming Senate president, says he’s expecting a “conservative bent” to the session, especially in light of the Republican victories at the federal level.

Regier says he believes it’s not a matter of whether lawmakers will approve tax relief this session, but of how much relief they’ll approve and how it will be done. During the 2023 session, Republican leaders endorsed a package of six tax- and budget-related bills that moved quickly through the process. Regier said it may be different this time around.

Advertisement

“I don’t picture it going through fast and unanimous at all,” he said. “Everybody’s got an idea of where they want to cut taxes: The governor obviously wants income tax, I know the Senate wants property tax, they’re talking about vehicle license fees – that goes to the general fund and it doesn’t need to – whether it’s child tax credit, veterans’ pensions, Social Security exemption – there’s been a lot of ideas floated around in the Senate.”

Regier said he believes his caucus wants to take a harder look at the state budget, to find areas where they can address spending.

Democrats in the Legislature have said tackling what they call a “crisis of affordability” in Montana is their top goal. They want to prioritize property tax relief as well, though they’ve argued their own proposals will be focused on targeting that relief to lower- and middle-income Montanans. They want to see more state investment in child care and in public schools, and to increase support for affordable housing.

House Minority Leader Rep. Katie Sullivan, D-Missoula, believes, despite differences, there are still areas where Democrats can find common ground with Republicans.

“I think the people of Montana have made it quite clear what we need to do when we get to Helena in January, and that includes property tax relief, housing costs, affordability of our everyday-to-day lives,” she said. “I think those are all big areas for bipartisan support, and I do expect that we work together to get those things done as quickly as possible.”

Advertisement

Sullivan also said she hopes the Legislature will act quickly to extend Montana’s Medicaid expansion program, so it doesn’t hang over the entire session. Republicans in the Legislature remain split on whether to continue the program.

One area GOP leaders are putting special emphasis on this session is proposed legislation to reform Montana’s judicial branch. Regier and House Speaker Rep. Brandon Ler, R-Savage, held a news conference at the Capitol Friday morning to highlight some of the 27 draft bills that came out of a Republican-led committee during the interim.

During the last two sessions – dating back to a 2021 dispute – Republicans have accused judges of systemic bias against conservatives and of issuing rulings that overstepped their proper authority. Those arguments have continued after more rulings this year – notably the Held v. Montana climate change lawsuit.

“With the egregious overreach of our judicial branch. I believe it is our job as the Legislature to do our due diligence in being their check and balance on government,” said Ler Friday.

Some of the most notable proposals include making judicial elections partisan, creating a new “Court of Chancery” appointed by the governor to handle business and constitutional cases, and changing the procedures for evaluating and disciplining judges.

Advertisement

Democrats have consistently pushed back against what they call “attacks on the judiciary,” and they refused to participate in the committee that proposed the 27 bills. Senate Minority Leader Sen. Pat Flowers, D-Belgrade, said he believed judges are doing their jobs properly, but that legislative leadership simply didn’t like the rulings.

“If you weaken the judicial branch, you are in effect weakening the power of our constitution,” he said. “We know Montanans love their constitution, and we want to make sure that our judges have the ability, in an impartial way, to uphold the integrity of that constitution. We’re going to do everything we can to make sure that we can deliver that for Montanans.”

The 2025 legislative session will officially get underway on Monday, Jan. 6, at noon, when House and Senate members take the oath of office.





Source link

Advertisement
Continue Reading

Montana

How Do Montana State, North Dakota State Compare To Past FCS National Championship Contenders?

Published

on

How Do Montana State, North Dakota State Compare To Past FCS National Championship Contenders?


As we prepare for the 2025 FCS National Championship game, we wanted to take a look at how Montana State and North Dakota State compare to previous teams who have made appearances in the FCS national title game over the past five seasons.

Do these teams belong in the same conversation as last season’s South Dakota State team or the 16-0 North Dakota State team in 2019? We examine both teams in this season’s national title game and compare them to those who have appeared in the national title game in the last five full seasons. Due to the unique format of the season, we excluded the shortened spring 2021 season.

We utilized several advanced metrics, including the Massey Power Rating, Sagarin Power Rating, and College Football Reference’s Simple Rating System (SRS). The SRS is not logged for FCS teams, but we have utilized their formula to make our own SRS for teams at the FCS level. The calculation is straightforward, using the average margin of victory and strength of schedule.

Massey Power Rating

Advertisement

Sagarin Rating

SRS

2024 Montana State

53.5

76.6

Advertisement

26.2

2024 North Dakota State

55.8

76.3

25.7

Advertisement

2023 South Dakota State

62.8

83.3

24.3

2023 Montana

Advertisement

49.9

69.1

15.9

2022 South Dakota State

58.8

Advertisement

76.0

25.9

2022 North Dakota State

55.3

69.7

Advertisement

18.9

2021 North Dakota State

63.3

76.3

23.3

Advertisement

2021 Montana State

52.3

65.1

18.4

2019 North Dakota State

Advertisement

61.4

78.6

24.4

2019 James Madison

57.2

Advertisement

72.8

22.3

Both teams this season compare favorably with the past four FCS national champions. Montana State has the second-highest adjusted margin of victory, winning by an average of 19.1 points per game. It only trails the 2019 North Dakota State team, which defeated opponents by an average of 19.3 points per game.

The most interesting takeaway is that this is the first matchup in the FCS National Championship in the past five full seasons in which both teams appear to be playing at a championship standard. Analytically, this is the closest gap between the teams playing in the national championship in the past five seasons.

This should be no surprise to fans, who have seen dominant performances over the past few seasons in Frisco. The average margin of victory in the past five national championships has been 16.4 points, with the closest game being Sam Houston State’s two-point win over South Dakota State in the spring of 2021.

Advertisement

If you were to average these three metrics together, they would rank as follows:

1. 2023 South Dakota State (56.8)
2. 2019 North Dakota State (54.8)
3. 2021 North Dakota State (54.3)
4. 2022 South Dakota State (53.6)
5. 2024 North Dakota State (52.6)
6. 2024 Montana State (52.1)
7. 2019 James Madison (50.8)
8. 2022 North Dakota State (47.9)
9. 2021 Montana State (45.3)
10. 2023 Montana (44.9)

Every metric we analyzed indicates that Monday’s game could be an instant classic. Both teams rank much closer to recent FCS national champions, compared to the runner-ups over the past five seasons.

No. 1 Montana State will face No. 2 North Dakota State in the 2025 FCS National Championship game in Frisco, Texas. Kickoff is scheduled for Jan. 6 at 6 p.m. CT on ESPN.

Behind The Numbers: FCS National Championship Preview
FCS National Championship: Offensive Spotlight
FCS National Championship: Defensive Spotlight
History Of The FCS National Championship Game
2024 FCS Playoffs: Official Bracket, Schedule, Scores

Follow FCS Football Central on social media for ongoing coverage of FCS football, including on XFacebook, and YouTube.

Advertisement



Source link

Continue Reading

Trending