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Lauren Boebert’s switch-up throws massive political wrench into Colorado’s two largest congressional districts

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Lauren Boebert’s switch-up throws massive political wrench into Colorado’s two largest congressional districts


Lauren Boebert’s current congressional district shares a border with the one she wants to represent next year. But she’d have to drive nearly 300 miles from her home to reach it.

That distance underscores the surprised reactions prompted by her decision last week to abandon the 3rd Congressional District, where she narrowly avoided a reelection defeat in 2022. The controversial right-wing Western Slope firebrand’s announcement of a switch for the November election to the 4th Congressional District, on the state’s Eastern Plains — seeking to represent an even more politically conservative district than the one she sits in today — is not getting the kind of welcome she might have hoped for.

“It looks like she’s so in love with the D.C. swamp that she will do whatever it takes to stay there,” her old friend Greg Brophy, a farmer and former Republican state lawmaker from Wray in northeastern Colorado, told The Denver Post. “Sometimes your friends do things that disappoint you.”

In just minutes, the second-term congresswoman’s Dec. 27 announcement upended the dynamics in two of the state’s eight congressional races. It also prompted speculation about her own fate, given the 4th District’s deeper red hue: Can Boebert increase her chances of returning to Congress in 2025 by throwing her hat into that already crowded race?

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U.S. Rep. Ken Buck, a fellow Republican who’s held the seat for five terms, has announced he won’t run for reelection this year. Candidacy rules don’t require hopefuls for congressional seats to live in the district they want to represent, though they must reside in the same state. Boebert has said she plans to move to the 4th District this year.

So far, views on Boebert’s chances — and her bombshell decision — are mixed, even among Republicans.

Colorado GOP chair Dave Williams last week chastised her for “jeopardizing our ability to retain Congressional District 3 as well as our slim majority in the U.S. House of Representatives.” RINO Watch Colorado, an organization that targets GOP candidates that it says have betrayed their conservative bona fides, followed up with a scathing denunciation of Boebert’s move, characterizing it as a surrender to “the enemy” and an egregious example of carpetbagging.

“Her self-serving bid to hold on to power guarantees CD3 will now go to a Democrat or a uni-party Republican In Name Only,” the group posted on its website.

The 3rd District includes most of western Colorado and many southern counties. The 4th District covers the state’s rural eastern third, along with a chunk of Douglas County, a Republican stronghold for decades in south metro Denver. The two districts are Colorado’s most expansive.

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They border each other in southeastern Colorado along the Pueblo, Crowley and Las Animas county lines — far away from Boebert’s longtime home in Garfield County. Her statement last week noted that she “spent years living on the Front Range” and played up the two districts’ common rural interests.

For her part, Boebert argued her switch would make it more likely that Republicans, who now have a seven-seat edge, could “protect our House majority” by holding onto both Colorado’s 3rd and 4th districts. She said in her statement that the 4th District “is hungry for an unapologetic defender of freedom with a proven track record of standing strong for conservative principles.”

Sandra Hagen Solin, a Loveland-based Republican political and policy strategist, called Boebert’s decision “both savvy and desperate.”

“Her desire to maintain some semblance of power and enjoyment of a prominent media profile motivated her to seek an alternative path in the face of a very likely defeat in CD3,” Solin said. “CD4, with its significant Republican advantage and Congressman Buck’s departure, presented the perfect opportunity for her.”

An analysis produced for Colorado’s redistricting commission of the results of eight elections between 2016 and 2020 found an average 9.3-percentage-point advantage for Republican candidates over Democrats in the 3rd District. The Republican advantage in the 4th District averaged 26.6 percentage points.

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Boebert will bring her positives and considerable negatives to the new district, said Colorado State University political science professor Kyle Saunders. But she remains a force to be reckoned with.

“There are other (Republican) candidates she must defeat for the nomination, but with her cash on hand and her name recognition, she has to be the favorite as of today,” Saunders said.

Democratic candidate for congress Adam Frisch, right, running against U.S. Rep. Lauren Boebert, R-Silt, in Colorado’s Third Congressional District in 2022, holds a town hall meeting in Montrose Monday evening Oct. 11, 2022. (Photo by William Woody/The Denver Post)

“Downsides” for Democrat Adam Frisch in CD3

The candidate with the most to lose in Boebert’s district shuffle, political watchers say, is Democrat Adam Frisch.

The former Aspen city councilman’s campaign to represent the 3rd Congressional District has largely cast him as an alternative to the chaotic “angertainment” he claims Boebert has stirred up.

Frisch came within a half percentage point of unseating the congresswoman in the 2022 election and has raised more than three times the money Boebert has in this cycle. There are two other Democrats in the race.

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“Rep. Boebert’s exit from the 3rd District likely provides more downsides to Adam Frisch than upsides,” said Justin Gollob, a political science professor at Colorado Mesa University. “It is important to remember that the 3rd is a Republican district that became competitive in no small part because of Lauren Boebert.”

The congresswoman’s controversial conduct, including public statements that have generated headlines, culminated last fall in her humiliating removal from a performance of the musical “Beetlejuice” in Denver after fellow patrons complained she was acting inappropriately. Her antics inside the Buell Theatre, which included surveillance video footage of her groping her date and vaping, prompted several Republicans — both inside and outside her district — to abandon her reelection effort and back GOP challenger Jeff Hurd.

Frisch, Gollob said, has “spent a lot of time messaging (and fundraising) that he is the candidate who can beat Lauren Boebert, and it will be interesting to see how the Frisch campaign adjusts to this new reality.”

Hagen Solin predicts his fundraising will slow significantly — while Hurd’s goes in the other direction.

Hurd, a Grand Junction attorney who raised more than $400,000 during his first six weeks in the race and now leads the GOP field in the money game, didn’t mention Boebert in reacting to her district switch.

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“We have the support of elected and previously elected Republicans all over the state and district, and I will fight every day to ensure this seat stays in Republican hands,” he said.

Four other Republicans are in the race, including former state Rep. Ron Hanks, a Donald Trump devotee who announced his candidacy last week. Russ Andrews, a financial adviser who is second in fundraising among Republican candidates, wished Boebert well and immediately turned his focus on Hurd.

“Now more than ever it is important to unite behind a candidate who will represent our district’s priorities and values, not someone who will turn his back because his endorsers have guided him to do so,” Andrews said in a news release.

Frisch’s campaign said its focus “will remain the same” — namely “defending rural Colorado’s way of life and offering common sense solutions to the problems facing the families” of the district.

Congressional candidate Trent Leisy, left, speaks during a rally in front of U.S. Rep. Ken Buck's office
Republican congressional candidate Trent Leisy, left, speaks during a rally in front of U.S. Rep. Ken Buck’s office on Oct. 20, 2023, in Windsor, Colorado. He entered the race before Buck announced he wouldn’t seek reelection — and before Rep. Lauren Boebert decided to run in the district. (Photo by Andy Cross/The Denver Post)

“A bigger gunfight on the Eastern Plains”

Boebert’s path in the 4th Congressional District has plenty of potential hurdles and obstructions.

With no fewer than nine Republican candidates now in the mix for the June primary, Democratic political strategist Andrew Boian predicted the district would be “enormously tough” for Boebert to win. The latest entrant is House Minority Leader Mike Lynch, a Wellington Republican who planned to announce his candidacy Wednesday.

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“This is viewed by many as a desperate move and one that most likely proves ultimately fatal for her political career,” Boian said. “With the Iowa caucuses (in the presidential race) just a few weeks away, the time to have made this jump passed months ago.”

But Steven Peck, the Douglas County GOP chair, called Boebert’s move “undeniably intriguing.”

The large field will offer “competing ideas and visions for both our community and the future of America,” he said. “I am looking forward to hearing a robust policy debate around the best ways to solve these problems and move beyond the headlines.”

Brophy, the former state lawmaker from Wray, said Boebert may be able to rely on her famous name to win a plurality in the GOP primary — “unless the people who want a more serious conservative leader decide to rally around one of the others and bring real resources.”

Candidate Richard Holtorf, a Republican who represents seven plains counties in the state House, looked down on Boebert’s chances. A third-generation cattle rancher who lives about 20 miles north of Akron, he said Boebert is kidding herself if she thinks she can lay claim to eastern Colorado simply by laying down stakes.

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“She doesn’t even know all the counties in the district,” he said. “She doesn’t know the district. She’s just trying to keep that job in D.C.”

The Eastern Plains is a wholly different beast from the Western Slope, Holtorf said, almost entirely agricultural and ranching-based, and devoid of the ritzy ski resorts and outdoor tourism that characterize the 3rd District.

“She’s running from a fight on the Western Slope,” he said, “and she’s running into a bigger gunfight on the Eastern Plains.”

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Deen: Avalanche Solve Roster Needs. What’s Next? | Colorado Hockey Now

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Deen: Avalanche Solve Roster Needs. What’s Next? | Colorado Hockey Now


The trade deadline is less than 24 hours away and the Avalanche have already made the three moves that had been clear-cuts needs for the team.

They needed to improve their third pair. They did that by swapping Samuel Girard for Brett Kulak.

They needed to replace the recently departed Ilya Solovyov with a more capable No. 7 option on the blueline. That was accomplished with Wednesday’s trade for Nick Blankenburg.

Most importantly, the Avs needed a third-line center. On Thursday, they paid a hefty price to acquire Nicolas Roy from the Toronto Maple Leafs.

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These are all things that had to be done. Now? They have nearly $7 million in available cap space (with Logan O’Connor on LTIR), with an opportunity to improve on the roster they have. This is the part of the trade deadline where general manager Chris MacFarland can bolster the team, find those luxury additions, and maximize his team’s chances and winning a Stanley Cup.

So what could that look like?

Most of the season has seen Ross Colton, Victor Olofsson, and even Gavin Brindley occupy the wings on the third line. With Roy expected to settle into that 3C role, there’s an opportunity to build on the wing. Elliotte Friedman mentioned last week that the Avs could move on from Colton. If so, that would give them a lot more cap space and a valuable asset they can use on the trade market to bring in a solid middle-six winger. Perhaps someone like Blake Coleman.

Olofsson has chemistry with Roy dating back to last season with Vegas, but you have to wonder if they’d be looking to upgrade on his position, too.

That leaves Jack Drury on the fourth line, centering Parker Kelly and Joel Kiviranta. Brindley slots down to the No. 13 forward (when everyone is healthy), while Zakhar Bardakov is the 14th option.

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If O’Connor returns before the postseason, he instantly rejoins the fourth line. That would push Kiviranta out, and he’d be the 13th forward just like he was last year. Even in that scenario, I do wonder if the Avs decide to improve on Bardakov. He’s a young centerman who has impressed in limited minutes but has struggled to gain the full trust of the coaching staff.

There’s also the option to add another depth defenseman. Right now, an injury to Kulak or Devon Toews would again force Colorado to have five right-shot defensemen in the lineup. Blankenburg, who also shoots right, would be an ideal fill-in if an injury were to strike on the right side.

But what about another depth option? Colorado won the Cup in 2022 with both Ryan Murray and Jack Johnson on the outside looking in. After Girard’s injury, Johnson stepped in. But it didnd’t hurt to have multiple depth options just in case.

Could the Avs target another depth blueliner? If so, will they go for a bigger body? I’ve seen the name Urho Vaakanainen floated around. He would be the type of left-shot defenseman who could fill that role as an extra. Albeit his $1.55 million cap hit might be too large to take on without retention for such a limited role.

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Colorado Parks and Wildlife advances controversial fur ban petition during packed meeting

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Colorado Parks and Wildlife advances controversial fur ban petition during packed meeting


A contentious fight over fur stole the show at day one of the Colorado Parks and Wildlife Commission March meeting. The drama centered around a citizen petition to prohibit the sale of some wild animals furs.

The public meeting was packed with hunting advocates and animal rights groups. A total of 120 people signed up to speak during public comment at the hours-long meeting, not including those who submitted written or virtual comments.

An image from the heavily-attended meeting at the DoubleTree Denver-Westminster on Wednesday

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The turnout was so big that Colorado Parks and Wildlife increased security. The meeting was held at the DoubleTree Denver-Westminster. CPW said they conducted security checks at the entrance at the hotel’s request to enforce the venue’s ban on weapons.

Ultimately, the commission voted 6-4 to move a proposed fur ban into the rulemaking phase.

It’s a win for the animal rights groups that submitted the petition.

While the commission did not all-out adopt the petition as it was submitted. They chose to initiate a rulemaking process for a potential ban to be approved down the line.

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When the motion was advanced, it was met by jeers and some cheers from an audience full of hunters, trappers and advocates.

“We were hoping that there would be an opposition to moving the petition forward for the variety of reasons,” said Dan Gates, executive director of Coloradans for Responsible Wildlife Management. “It’s kind of frustrating that you sit there that long and you go through that much back and forth. On so many different levels. So it’s kind of disappointing.”

“This is a win. So it’s a good day,” said Samantha Miller, the senior carnivore campaigner for the Center for Biological Diversity.

Miller submitted the petition, which sought to ban the for-profit sale of fur from Colorado wildlife known as furbearers.

Those are 17 species including fox, bobcat, beaver, raccoon and coyote.

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fox.jpg

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“Right now, furbearers are hunted and trapped in unlimited numbers in the state of Colorado, they also don’t enjoy the same protections against commercial markets that other big game species do enjoy, and in a time of biodiversity crisis and climate change, it’s critical that we up our management levels, modernize them, to reflect the crises we’re facing at the time, and ally for align for rare management with other species,” Miller said.

Colorado law already bans the commercial sale of big game.

As submitted, the petition would not limit the trapping or hunting of furbearers, just the sale of their furs and other parts, including hides, pelts, skins, claws and similar items. The sale of furs from farmed animals or wild animals killed outside Colorado would not be impacted.

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The petition proposes exceptions, including fishing flies, western hats and scientific or educational materials.

The petition argues that commercial wildlife markets historically contributed to severe wildlife declines in North America and that modern conservation under the North American Model of Wildlife Conservation calls for eliminating markets for wildlife products.

“So what we’re saying is, let’s at least take this commercial piece off the table. We don’t allow this for any other wild animals, and let’s move forward with this petition,” Miller said.

Public comment speakers who supported the petition urged CPW to put compassion for animals ahead of commercial profits.
While the majority of speakers spoke against the proposed ban, saying the existing science-based wildlife management is working, and pointing out the Coloradans who rely on this industry for their livelihood.

Many pointed out that Denver voters rejected a similar fur ban in 2024.

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“As a personal furbearer harvester over the course of the last 50 years, and a wildlife control operator and the president for the Colorado Trappers and Predator Hunters Association as well. We can adamantly say that we are for science-based wildlife management, and there’s been no indication whatsoever from the science-based wildlife managers that there’s a problem with any one of the 17 furbearers in the state of Colorado,” Gates said.

CPW staff recommended denial of the petition, saying the division does not have solid evidence that commercial fur sales are leading to unsustainable harvest levels of these animals.

Staff also worried about potential enforcement issues with proposed exemptions, and that the petition contradicts a state law allowing landowners to hunt, trap, and sell furs from furbearers causing damage to property.

“Colorado Parks and Wildlife laid a very good synopsis down when they were putting that recommendation for denial together, and some of these things will play out, and we’ll just have to see how it does,” Gates said.

The commission’s vote to initiate rulemaking leaves the door open for those concerns to be addressed.

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“Rulemaking will clear up all of those misalignments that they have found or identified and make sure that it goes forward to the letter of the law and honoring the intent of the visit of the petition,” Miller said. “It’s a good day, I think, for wildlife to bring our regulations consistent and to start modernizing our furbearer management.”

“It seemed today that the vote was more social minded, more personal preference or ideological minded, as opposed to looking at the science and the data that was given by the agency,” Gates said.

See the petition below:



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Colorado breweries warn new tax hike bills could lead to more small business closures, job losses

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Colorado breweries warn new tax hike bills could lead to more small business closures, job losses


A bartender pours a beer at a bar in Summit County on Thursday, Feb. 29, 2024. A new bill intended to provide funds for alcohol-related addiction prevention, treatment and recovery programs could cost small breweries and wineries up to 160% in taxes and fees.
Andrew Maciejewski/Summit Daily News

Colorado brewers are raising red flags over new bills that could increase taxes and fees on small alcohol businesses, many of which are already struggling to keep their doors open.

House Bill 1271, known as the Alcohol Impact & Recovery Enterprises bill, creates three government-run enterprises designed to fund programs for alcohol-related addiction prevention, treatment and recovery programs — all funded through fees imposed on alcoholic beverages. The bill is sponsored by four Democratic lawmakers.

Colorado per capita alcohol consumption is higher than the national average. The state also has one of the higher alcohol-related death rates in the country, with around 24 deaths per 100,000 residents as of 2023, according to data from Trust for America’s Health. 



Data from the Colorado Health Institute shows not everyone who could benefit from treatment for alcohol use disorders currently receives it, largely due to factors like cost, accessibility and stigma.

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Were the bill to pass, manufacturers and wholesale distributors would have to pay five cents in fees per gallon of beer, cider and apple wine, seven cents per liter of wine and 35 cents per liter of spirits to be used toward alcohol-related treatment and recovery programs. As state lawmakers plan cuts to balance a $850 million budget deficit, advocates for these programs argue the funding from the bill could help offset any potential losses.



For local breweries and wineries in the mountains, however, this would be a significant financial blow to an already struggling industry.

“This is not the time for us to be implementing new taxes on an industry that is hurting right now,” said Carlin Walsh, owner of Elevation Beer Company and chair of the Colorado Brewers Guild. “As a brewer, I feel like the state is looking a gift horse in the mouth.”

Beer, wine, cider and spirits generate around $22 billion in economic activity for Colorado, according to the Colorado Beverage Coalition. The state is home to nearly 420 breweries, 145 wineries, nearly 20 cideries and 100 distilleries. 

Faced with rising costs and waning appetites, however, over 100 Colorado breweries have shuttered their doors since 2024, marking the first time since 2005 that more breweries closed than opened. Meanwhile, national surveys confirmed alcohol consumption in the U.S. is at a 90-year low.

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Walsh said breweries already pay eight cents per gallon in taxes, which for a company like Elevation translates to roughly $30,000 in taxes annually. Fees from the new bill would add another $12,000 to its yearly expenses.

“The alcohol industry at large is one of the most regulated industries in the United States, period. We already pay a very heavy tax,” Walsh said, adding that breweries provide tens of millions of dollars to Colorado’s general fund. “Our position is that there’s already money available. Those dollars go to the general fund, and it’s really up to the state to manage what we already provide and to decide what is their priority. We don’t feel like it should be on our shoulders to increase the amount that we pay to the state just because the state wants to endeavour on new programs.”

The Colorado Beverage Coalition said the imposed fees would be a 60% cost increase on alcohol businesses. Paired with an estimated 100% increase in taxes from a referred ballot measure proposed last week — House Bill 1301 — the impacts would be disastrous for the industry, Walsh said.

House Bill 1301 would refer a measure to the November ballot that would increase excise taxes on alcohol and increase sales and excise taxes on marijuana in order to fund a mental health hospital in Aurora.

“Our brewery and so many other breweries, we just don’t have capacity for that. We’re already a low margin business to begin with,” Walsh said. “If this happens, this is going to drive further consolidation amongst our members. It’s going to drive further closures.”

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Larger alcohol companies may be in a better position to absorb some of the costs from increased fees, said Shawnee Adelson, executive director for the Colorado Brewers Guild. Small businesses in rural resort markets, on the other hand, are not in that position.

“At a certain point when costs just keep going up and up and up, there’s no more place to cut,” Adelson said.

Colorado jobs, tourism could see ripple effects

The Colorado Beverage Coalition estimates House Bill 1271 could impact several of the 131,000 brewery, winery and distillery jobs in the state.

The Colorado Beverage Coalition estimates House Bill 1271 would jeopardize 131,000 brewery, winery and distillery jobs in the state, in addition to “greatly increasing cost on consumers.” Walsh said an average brewery would “no doubt” have to cut jobs if either, or both, bills were to pass.

“Depending on the size of a brewery, it could be the cost of a full-time staff or multiple full-time staff to cover the cost of these (fees), so there is a real concern about job losses due to increased costs,” Adelson added.

The Colorado Distillers Guild also argues the bill would be a blow to the tourism industry, as visitors could be deterred by increased consumer costs and a dwindling beer culture.

“A lot of (breweries) will either have to absorb that cost or pass it on to the consumer. And right now, in the current state of the economy, we understand that a lot of consumers are price conscious right now, which is also contributing to lower consumption,” Adelson said. “Passing on that price is going to be really hard for consumers to swallow as well.”

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The bill is not entirely new, as similar legislation by the same name was proposed in 2024. The original bill, which died in committee, received significant pushback from Gov. Jared Polis due to concerns that it would end up raising prices for consumers. Polis also requested that sponsors exempt beer companies from the fees.

Aside from a stakeholder meeting ahead of the bill’s introduction, Adelson said the Colorado Brewers Guild had not been contacted by lawmakers about the plan for an excise fee increase.

“We’ve had two years to sit down and have discussions with lawmakers about this. Nobody has reached out. Nobody has sat down with us to say, ‘Hey, this is our goal. We wanna get this done. How can you guys meet us halfway?’” Walsh said.

Being an enterprise fee rather than a tax, House Bill 1271 would not go to voters for approval. Instead, the change would be implemented through legislation only and automatically go live in July 2027. Because the bill would create three separate enterprise fees for beer, wine and spirits — each capped at $20 million annually per state law — the state could collect up to $60 million from all three.

The bill would also create a new 11-member board appointed by the governor to oversee the three enterprises, which would be made up of alcohol industry representatives, behavioral health professionals, public health experts and individuals in recovery.

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On top of feeling that a financial change of that magnitude should be left up to voters, Walsh said he’s heard from businesses that are concerned about the potential for the board to increase fees in the future.

“There are very few guard rails around how this enterprise can operate, including the ability for them to raise the tax price that we’re currently paying. There’s very few restrictions within this bill that control how much they can increase that tax,” Walsh said. “In two years they could come back and say, ‘Oh we’re going to increase it another five cents or 10 cents.’”

For Adelson, the fees would impact more than just manufacturing facilities and business  operations.

“They’re community gathering spaces and they’re third places,” Adelson said. “They give back a lot and so I think I just want to make sure that the consumer realizes that we’re not just talking about production facilities, but your local neighborhood brewery that’s down the street and that your neighbours own or your friends work at.”

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